KMfWlSlf     I! 

lliiii^ 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


EX  LIBRIS 
CLARENCE  ADDISON  DYKSTRA 


MODERN 
ENGLANDAND  WALE 


A  SHORTER 
HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND 


AND 


GREATER  BRITAIN 


BY 

ARTHUR   LYON    CROSS,    PH.D. 

RICHARD   HUDSON   PROFESSOR   OF   ENGLISH    HISTORY   IN 

THE  UNIVERSITY   OF   MICHIGAN 
AUTHOR   OF   "A   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER    BRITAIN' 


Nefo  |90rfc 
THE    MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

1923 

All  rights  reserved 


COPYRIGHT,  1920, 
BY  THE  MACM1LLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  October,  1920. 


Nortooofc 

J.  S.  Cushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


College 
Library 


32. 


PREFACE 


THE  present  work  is  a  shortened  form  of  the  author's  History  of 
England  and  Greater  Britain,  brought  up  to  the  beginning  of  1919. 
Four  chapters  have  been  added,  two  of  which  aim  to  re-survey 
the  relations  between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Self-governing 
Dominions  beyond  the  seas  and  British  foreign  relations  from  1870 
to  1914,  and  two  of  which  seek  to  describe  the  activities  of  Britain 
and  Greater  Britain  in  the  World  War,  as  well  as  the  problems  of 
government  and  administration  which  the  War  involved. 

In  treating  of  the  causes  which  drew  the  British  into  the  War  it 
has  been  necessary,  for  the  sake  of  completeness,  to  repeat  much  that 
has  of  late  been  frequently  well  described  and  is  now  oppressively  fa- 
miliar.   Unfortunately  the  Kautsky  documents  and  the  latest  Austrian 
Red  Book  which  would  have  caused  the  writer  to  modify  his  statements 
"\)y  concerning  the  Kaiser's  alleged  conference  and  the  respective  respon- 
^  sibility  of  the  German  and  Austro-Hungarian  Governments  in  the 
negotiations  following  Serajevo,  were  not  at  hand  when  his  chapter 
_  went  to  press.     However,  the  first  part  of  the  story  has  been  admirably 
^v    told,  in  the  light  of  the  new  evidence,  by  Professor  S.  B.  Fay  in  the 
American  Historical  Review  for  July,  1920,  and  the  second  part  is 
promised  in  October. 

N.    In  revising  and  condensing  the  earlier  parts  of  the  book  the  writer 
has  confined  his  abbreviating  largely  to  the  political  narrative,  retain- 
ing the  surveys  of  social,  industrial,  intellectual  and  religious  condi- 
tions with  comparatively  little  curtailment.    He  wishes  to  repeat 
his  thanks  to  those  who  have  so  kindly  assisted  him  in  his  first  under- 
V~)  taking,  and  further  to  express  his  obligations  to  his  colleagues  Pro- 
fessors Campbell  Bonner,  A.  E.  R.  Boak  and  W.  R.  Frayer  for  very 
s  helpful  suggestions. 

ARTHUR  LYON  CROSS. 

NIVERSITY   OF  MICHIGAN, 

August,  1920. 


\ 

GGGG77 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    THE  BRITISH  ISLES:  THEIR  PHYSICAL  FEATURES  AND  RESOURCES        i 
II.    THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  BRITAIN 8 

III.  THE  COMING  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS.    THE  "HEPTARCHY"  AND 

STRUGGLE  FOR  SUPREMACY 18 

IV.  THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  THE  WEST  SAXONS.    THE  GROWTH  AND  DE- 

CLINE AND  FALL  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXON  MONARCHY        .        .      29 

V.    THE  STATE  OF  SOCIETY  AT   THE   CLOSE  OF   THE  ANGLO-SAXON 

PERIOD .        .        .42 

VI.  THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  (1066-1154).  THE  STRENGTHENING 
OF  THE  CENTRAL  POWER  OF  WILLIAM  AND  His  SONS.  THE 
INTERVAL  OF  ANARCHY  IN  THE  REIGN  OF  STEPHEN  .  .53 

VII.     HENRY    II    (1154-1189).     THE    RESTORATION    OF    THE    ROYAL 

POWER   AND   THE   RISE   OF   THE   ENGLISH  COMMON   LAW   .  .         71 

VIII.  RICHARD  I  (1189-1199)  AND  THE  TRANSITION  FROM  ABSOLUTE 
TOWARD  LIMITED  MONARCHY.  CONDITIONS  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF 
THE  TWELFTH  CENTURY 80 

IX.  THE  REIGN  OF  JOHN  (1199-1216).  THE  Loss  OF  NORMANDY, 
THE  QUARREL  WITH  THE  CHURCH,  THE  BARONIAL  REVOLT, 
AND  MAGNA  CARTA 89 

X.  HENRY  III.  THE  STRUGGLE  OF  THE  BARONS  TO  MAINTAIN  THE 
CHARTER,  TO  EXPEL  FOREIGN  INFLUENCE,  AND  TO  CONTROL 
THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  KINGDOM.  CONDITIONS  AT  THE 
CLOSE  OF  THE  REIGN 98 

XI.    EDWARD  I  AND  EDWARD  II   (1272-1327).    THE  COMPLETION  OF 

THE  FOUNDATIONS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  CONSTITUTIONAL  SYSTEM    in 

XII.  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  III  (1327-1377).  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE 
HUNDRED  YEARS'  WAR.  CHIVALRY  AT  ITS  HEIGHT.  THE 
GROWING  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  COMMONS.  THE  INCREASE  OF 
NATIONAL  SENTIMENT.  FIRST  ATTACKS  ON  THE  POWER  OF 

ROME 125 

vii 


viii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XIII.  LIFE  IN  ENGLAND  UNDER  THE  FIRST  THREE  EDWARDS  (1272- 

1377) i37 

XIV.  RICHARD  II   (1377-1399).    THE  END  OF  THE  PLANT AGENET 

DYNASTY    .-       .        . 153 

XV.  THE  HOUSE  OF  LANCASTER  IN  THE  ASCENDANT.  HENRY  IV 
(1399-1413),  HENRY  V  (1413-1422),  AND  "THE  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL EXPERIMENT"  IN  GOVERNMENT  .  .  .  .161 

XVI.     THE  FALL  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  LANCASTER.    HENRY  VI  (1422-1461)     168 

XVII.  THE  YORKIST  KINGS  AND  THE  END  OF  THE  WARS  OF  THE  ROSES. 
EDWARD  IV  (1461-1483),  EDWARD  V  (1483),  RICHARD  III 
(1483-1485)  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  -175 

XVIII.    THE   BEGINNING  OF  THE  TUDOR  ABSOLUTISM.     HENRY  VII 

i 

(1485-1509) 183 

XIX.    THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  VIII  (1509-1529).    THE  EVE 

OF  THE  SEPARATION  FROM  ROME 194 

XX.    HENRY  VIII  AND  THE  SEPARATION  FROM  ROME  (1529-1547)     206 
XXI.     THE  HENRICIAN  REGIME  (1509-1547) 222 

XXII.    THE  PROTESTANT  EXTREMISTS  IN  POWER.     EDWARD  VI  (1547- 

1553) .        .        .     230' 

XXIII.  THE    ENGLISH    COUNTER-REFORMATION.     MARY    (1553-1558)     236 

XXIV.  THE  ELIZABETHAN  RELIGIOUS  SETTLEMENT  AND  THE  EARLY 

YEARS  OF  ELIZABETH'S  REIGN  (1558-1572)       .        .        .     243 

XXV.     ELIZABETH'S  ASCENDANCY  AND  DECLINE  (1572-1603)      .        .     253 
XXVI.    ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  (1558-1603) 264 

XXVII.    JAMES  I  AND  THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  PURITAN  REVOLUTION 

(1603-1625)         .        .        .        ...,-..        .'       .        .285 

XXVIII.     CHARLES  I  AND  THE  PRECIPITATION  OF  THE  CONFLICT  BETWEEN 

KING  AND  PEOPLE  (1625-1640)         .        .        .        .        .    301 

XXIX.     FROM  THE  OPENING  OF  THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT  TO  THE  OUT- 
BREAK OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR  (1640-1642)    ....    319 

XXX.    FROM  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR  TO  THE  EXECUTION 

OF  CHARLES  I  (1642-1649) 327 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  IX 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XXXI.    THE    KINGLESS   DECADE  :    THE    COMMONWEALTH   AND   THE 

PROTECTORATE  (1649-1660) 348 

XXXII.    FROM  THE  RESTORATION  TO  THE  FALL  OF  CLARENDON  (1660- 

1667) 359 

XXXIII.  FROM  THE  FALL  OF  CLARENDON  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  II 

(1667-1685)          .,:     *•       ...     ;. ...  •: ';    .•..-*     .    4     (    .         .372 

XXXIV.  JAMES  II  AND  THE  "GLORIOUS  REVOLUTION"  (1685-1688)     .    385 
XXXV.    PURITAN  AND  CAVALIER  ENGLAND 400 

XXXVL    THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE  NEW  DYNASTY  AND  THE  OPENING 

OF  THE  GREAT  WAR.     WILLIAM  AND  MARY  (1689-1694)     423 

.  XXXVII.    THE   COMPLETION   OF  THE   REVOLUTION  OF   1688.    WILLIAM 

ALONE  (1694-1702)     .  434 

XXXVIII.     THE  END  OF  THE  STUART  DYNASTY.     ANNE  (1702-1714)        .    445 
XXXIX.     THE  FIRST  HANOVERIAN,  GEORGE  I  (1714-1727)    .         .        .     463 

'XL.  THE  ASCENDANCY  AND  FALL  OF  WALPOLE  AND  THE  OPENING 
OF  A  NEW  ERA  OF  WAR.  THE  FIRST  PART  OF  THE  REIGN 
OF  GEORGE  II  (1727-1748) 475 

XLI.    THE  DUEL  FOR  EMPIRE.    THE  CLOSING  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  IPs 

REIGN  (1748-1760) 491 

XLII.    THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASCENDANCY.    THE  FIRST  YEARS 

OF  GEORGE  III  (1760-1770) 506 

XLIII.    THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  END  OF  THE  PERSON  AT 

ASCENDANCY  OF  GEORGE  III  (1770-1783)         .        .        .    525 

XLIV.     EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY   ENGLAND   TO  THE    EVE    OF   THE   IN- 
DUSTRIAL REVOLUTION        .......     543 

XLV.    THE  YOUNGER  PITT  :    THE  NEW  TORYISM  AND  ADMINISTRA- 
TIVE REFORM  (1784-1793) 570 

XL VI.    THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  FRANCE  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  AMLENS 

(1793-1802) 587 

XL VII.    THE    STRUGGLE    AGAINST    NAPOLEON:     FROM    AMIENS    TO 

WATERLOO  (1802-1815) 600 


X  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XLVIII.  FROM  THE  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  THE  EVE  OF  THE 
GREAT  REFORM  BILL.  THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  III 
AND  THE  REIGN  OF  GEORGE  IV  (1815-1830)  .  .  .  615 

XLIX.    ENGLAND  AT  THE  EVE  OF  THE  REFORM  BILL.        .        .        .    633 
L.    THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM.    WILLIAM  IV  (1830-1837)       .        .    645 

LI.    THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  VICTORIA'S  REIGN  AND  THE  TRIUMPH 

OF  FREE  TRADE  (1837-1846) 661 

LII.  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  AND  THE  BE- 
GINNING OF  A  NEW  PERIOD  OF  WAR  (1846-1856).  THE 
PALMERSTONIAN  REGIME  AND  THE  END  OF  AN  EPOCH 
(1857-1865)  .  676 

LIII.    A  NEW  ERA  IN  DEMOCRACY.    THE  POLITICAL  RIVALRY  OF 

GLADSTONE  AND  DISRAELI  (1765-1880)     ....     697 

LIV.    THE  Two  LAST  DECADES  OF  VICTORIA'S  REIGN  (1880-1901)     712 
LV.    VICTORIAN  AND  POST- VICTORIAN  ENGLAND       .        .        .        .727 

LVI.    SKETCH  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  VII  (1901-1910)  AND  OF 

THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  V  (1910-1914)          .        .     752 

LVII.     A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN      .     761 

LVTIL  BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  PARTICULAR  REFERENCE 
TO  GERMANY  AND  THE  CAUSES  OF  THE  WORLD  WAR  (1870- 
1914) 799 

LIX.    BRITAIN  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR  (1914- 

1918),  PART  I 832 

LX.    BRITAIN  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR  (1914- 

1918),  PART  II 865 


MAPS 

Modern  England  and  Wales Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE 

Roman  Britain 12 

England  to  Illustrate  the  Germanic  Settlements 22 

Possessions  of  the  House  of  Anjou 72 

Scotland  in  the  Reign  of  Edward  I 112 

England  to  Illustrate  the  Wars  of  the  Roses 172 

Ireland  after  1603 324 

England  to  Illustrate  the  Civil  Wars 330 

Scotland  after  1603 334 

Spain  to  Illustrate  the  Peninsular  War 604 

Africa  in  1910 778 

India  in  1857 786 

The  British  Empire  in  1914    ..........  794 

The  War  Area  of  Western  Europe,  1914-1918 836-837 

INSETS 

Gallipoli,  1915 842 

The  British  Advance  in  Asiatic  Turkey,  1918 899 


GENEALOGICAL   TABLES 

RULERS   OF   ENGLAND    AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 
INTRODUCTION 


TABLE 
I. 

II. 
III. 

IV. 
V. 
VI. 
VII. 

Rulers  of  Anglo-Saxon  England,  802-1066         .... 
The  Anglo-Norman  Kings,  1066-1154        
The  Earlier  Angevin  Kings,  1154-1272      ..... 
The  Later  Angevins  or  Plantagenets,  1272-1399 
The  Houses  of  York  and  Lancaster  
The  House  of  Tudor          
The  Stuarts       

PAGE 
.       XV 

.       XV 

.     xvi 
.     xvi 
xvii 
xvii 
xviii 

VIII. 

The  House  of  Hanover      

.     xviii 

RELATED   FAMILIES   AND   CLAIMANTS 

IX.     The  Beauforts  and  the  Tudors xix 

X.     The  Greys  and  the  Seymours xix 

XL     The  Howards xx 

XII.     The  Exiled  Stuarts '  .         .         .  xx 

XIII.  The  Kings  of  Scotland,  1066-1603 xxi 

XIV.  Kings  of  France xxii 

LIST  OF  PRIME  MINISTERS  FROM  WALPOLE  TO  LLOYD  GEORGE  xxv 


GENEALOGICAL   TABLES 


RULERS  OF  ANGLO-SAXON  ENGLAND,  802-1066 

EGBERT,  802-839 
ETHELWULF,  830-838 


ETHELBALD, 
858-860 

1 
ETHELBERT, 
860-866 

ETHELRED  I 
866-871, 

ALFRED, 
871-901 

Ethelwald 


EDWARD  THE  ELDER,  901-925 


ATHELSTAN,  925-940 


I 
EDMUND  I,  940-946 

I 


EDRED,  946-955 


EDWY,  955-959 


EDGAR,  959-975 


EDWARD 

THE  MARTYR, 

975-979 


ETHELRED  THE  UNREADY=(I)  Elgiva;  (2)  Emma=CANUTE,  1016-1035 


979-1016 


of  Normandy 


HAROLD  I         HARDICANUTE 
1035-1040         (Emma's  son), 
1040-1042 

Godwine,  Earl  of  Wessex, 
d.  1053 


(i)  EDMUND  IRONSIDE,         (2)  EDWARD  THE  CONTESSOR= Edith,        HAROLD  II, 
1016  1042-1066.  d.  1075  d.  1066 


Edmund,  d.  1050 


Edward,  d.  1057 


Edgar  Atheling,  d.  1120 


I 
Margaret,  d.  io93=Malcolm  Canmore,  d.  1096 


Matilda,  d. 


HENRY  I,  d. 


II 

THE  ANGLO-NORMAN   KINGS,  1066-1154 

WILLIAM  THE  CONQUEROR  =  Matilda  of  Flanders 
1066-1087 


Robert,  Duke 
of  Normandy, 
d.  1125 

William, 
d.  1134 

WILLIAM  RUFUS,                  HENRY  =  Matilda                   Adela  =  Stephen 
1087-1100                     1100-1135     d.  1118                                      Blois 

i 

William,               Matilda  = 
d.  1120                d.  1167 

=  (i)  Emperor               Robert  of 
Henry  V               Gloucester 
(2)  Geoffrey 
of  Anjou 

STEPHEN,                                        Henry, 
1135-1154                                        Bishop  of 
Winchester 

(2)  HENRY  H. 
1154-1189 
1  Illegitimate. 

XV 

XVI 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


in 

THE  EARLIER  ANGEVIN  KINGS,  1154-1272 


HENRY 
1154-11 

11  = 

So 

=  Eleanor  of 
divorced 

Guienne,  d.   1204, 
wife  of  Louis  VII 

Henry, 
d.  1183 

1          i            1 
Richard  I,          Geoff  rey  = 
1189-1199           d.  1186 

1 
»  Constance         John= 
of  Brit-           1199- 
tany                 1216 

=  Isabella 
of  An- 
gouleme 

1 
•  Eleanor 

Arthur, 
d.  1203 

HENRY  111= 

1216-1272 

=  Eleanor  of 
Provence        m 

Joan, 
Alexander  II 
of  Scotland 

1 
Eleanor, 
m.  Simon  de 
Montfort 

Richard, 
Kine;  of  the 
Romans, 
d.  1271 

EDWARD  I, 

1272-1307 


Edmund  Crouchback- 
d.  1295 


Margaret, 
m.  Alexander  III 
of  Scotland 


IV 

THE  LATER  ANGEVINS,  OR  THE  PLANTAGENETS,  1272-1399 
Henry  III,  1216-1272 


EDWARD  I=(i)  Eleanor  of 
1272-1307   |.          Castile; 
(2)  Margaret 
of  France 


Margaret, 

m.  Alexander  IH 

of  Scotland 


Edmund  (Crouchback) 
Earl  of  Lancaster 


(i)  EDWARI 
1307-13 

>  II=Isabella  of              (2)  Edmund,               Thomas,                 Henry. 
27         France                Earl  of  Kent,                Earl  of                  Earl  of 
executed  1330            Lancaster,            Lancaster, 
d.  1322                  d.  1345 

EDWARD  111=  I 
1327-1377 

hilippa  of 
Kainault 

Joan,  m.                                               Henry, 
(  i)  Sir  T.  Holland  ;                                       Duke  of 
(2)  The  Black  Prince                                Lancaster, 
d.  1362 

Blanche=John  of  Gaunt 

Ed  ward  =  Joan  of 
Black        Kent 
Prince, 
d.  1376 

RICHARD  II, 
1377-1300 

Lionel, 
Duke  of 
Clarence 

Philippa= 

John  of  =  Blanche,                 Edmund, 
Gaunt,      heiress  of                  Duke  of 
d.  1399     Lancaster                  York 

Thomas, 
Duke  of 
Gloucester. 
d-1397 

=  Edmund  Mortimer,                   Henry  IV, 
d.  1380                              1300-1413 

Roger,  Earl  of  March,  declared 
heir  of  Richard  II,  in  1385 ; 
killed  in  Ireland,  1398 


1  Second  surviving  son. 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


XVll 


THE  HOUSES  OF  YORK  AND  LANCASTER 
Edward  III,  1327-1377 


Lionel,                            Edmund, 
Duke  of  Clarence               Duke  of  York 
(2d  son),  d.  1368             (4th  son),  d.  1401 

John  of  Gaunt  =  Blanche  of  Lancaster 
(3d  son), 
d.  1399 

HENRY  IV, 
1399-1413 

Philippa=  Edmund  Mortimer, 
d.  1381           Earl  of  March 
(great-grand- 
son of  Roger 
Mortimer,  who 
was  executed 
1330) 

HENRY  V, 
1413-1422 

HENRY  VI, 
1422-1461 

Thomas,             John,             Humphrey, 
Duke  of           Duke  of              Duke  of 
Clarence,         Bedford,          Gloucester, 
killed  1421          d.  1435                d.  1446 

Elizabeth,               Roger, 
m.  Henry        Earl  of  March, 
Hotspur              killed  1398 

1                                    1 
Edmund,                      Anne= 
Earl  of  March, 
d.  1424 

Richard, 
Earl  of  Cambridge, 
executed  1415 

Edward, 
Duke  of  York 
(elder  son), 
killed  at  Agincourt,  1415 

Richard,  Duke  of  York, 
killed  at  Wakefield,  1460 


EDWARD  IV, 

1461-1483 


George,  Duke  of  Clarence, 
executed  1478 


RICHARD  HI, 

1483-1485 


EDWARD  V,1 
1483 


Richard,  Duke  of  York 


Elizabeth = Henry  VII 


VI 


THE  HOUSE  OF  TUDOR 


HENRY  VTI,  1485-1509  = 
great-great-grandson 
of  John  of  Gaunt,  by 
his  mother,  Margaret 
Beaufort 

=  Elizab 
dau 
Edw 

Arthur, 
d.  1502 

HENRY  VIII,               Margaret, 
1509-1547                m.  James  IV 
of  Scotland 

Ma 

MARY, 
ISS3-I5S8 

ELIZABETH,              EDWARD  VI, 
1558-1603                 1547-1553 

Mary  =  (i)  Louis  XII  of  France, 

d.  1515 

(2)  Charles  Brandon, 
Duke  of  Suffolk 


1  Believed  to  have  been  murdered  in  the  Tower,  1483. 


XV111 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


VII 

THE  STUARTS 

JAMES  Il«»  Anne  of  Denmark, 
1603-1625  |  d.  1619 


Henry,         CHARLES  I,                                                                 Elizabeth  = 
d.  1612          1625-1649                                                                     d.  1662 

>  Frederick 
of  the 
Palatinate 

CHARLES  n,                     JAMES  II,                     Mary  —  William 
1660-1685                      1685-1688,                   d.  1660           of 
d.  1701                                          Orange, 
|                                             d.  1650 

JAMES                     ANNE,                     MARY=WILLIAM  III, 
(the  old                 1702-1714               1688-1694    1688-1702 
Pretender), 
b.  1688, 
d.  1765 

Prince  Rupert,                     Prince  Maurice,                      Sophia  =  Elector  of  Hanover 
d.  1682                                 d.  1658                            d.  1714 

George  I, 
1714-1727 

George  II 

VIII 

THE  HOUSE  OF  HANOVER 
GEORGE  1, 1714-1727 


GEORGE  II, 
1727-1760 

Sophia  =  Frederick  William  I, 
King  of  Prussia, 
1713-1740 

Frederick  the  Great, 
1740-1786 

Frederick 
Prince  of  Wales, 
d.  1751 

=  Augusta  of 
Saxe-Gotha 

William,  Duke 
of  Cumberland, 
d.  1765 

George  111= Sophia  Charlotte  of 
1760-1820     Mecklenburg-Strelitz 


GEORGE  IV, 
1820-1830 

Princess  Charlotte, 
d.  1817 

WILLIAM  IV, 
1830-1837 

1 
Frederick, 
Duke  of  York, 
d.  1827 

Edward, 
Duke  of  Kent, 
d.  1820 

Victoria  =  Albert  of  Saxe-Coburg, 
1837-1901                   d.  1861 

VICTORIA  =  Frederick  , 
d.  1901       German  Emperor, 
March-June,  1888 

WILLIAM  II, 
German  Emperor, 
iflfi 

Albert  Edward,                Alfred, 
EDWARD  VII,               Duke  of 
1901-1910                 Edinburgh, 
d.  1900 

George  V=  Princess  Mary  of 
1910                   Teck 

Arthur,               Leopold, 
Duke  of               Duke  of 
Connaught              Albany, 
d.  1884 

Edward  Albert  Christian  George  Andrew  Patrick  David 
«  See  Table  XIII. 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


RELATED  FAMILIES  AND  CLAIMANTS 


IX 


THE  BEAUFORTS  AND  THE  TUDORS 

John  of  Gaunt l  =  Katharine  Swynford 
I 


John,  Earl  of  Somerset,  d.  1410 


Katharine  of  France=Owen  Tudor 


Edmund  Tudor 
Earl  of  Richmond 


Henry,  Cardinal  Beaufort,  d.  1447 


John,  Duke  of 
Somerset,  d.  1444 

Margaret 


HENRY  VII, 
1483-1509 


X 


THE  GREYS  AND  THE  SEYMOURS 
HENRY  VII,  1485-1509 


HENRY  VIII, 
1509-1547 


Margaret = James  IV 
of  Scotland 


==  (2)  Charles  Brandon. 
Duke  of 

Suffolk 


Frances—  Henry  Grey, 

Marquis  of  Dorset 

and  Duke  of 

Suffolk 


Jane  Grey  =  Guil£ord  Dudley 

Catherine  Grey  =  Edward  Seymour, 
|          Earl  of 
Hertford 
1 
Edward  Seymour, 
Lord  Beauchamp, 
d.  1612 
1 

Edward,                         William, 
d.  1618                           afterward 
zd  Duke  of 
Somerset 
(1588-1660), 
m.  Arabella 
Stuart 

i  For  first  wife,  see  Table  V 


XX 


XI 


THE  HOWARDS 

John  Howard,  created  Duke  of  Norfolk, 
killed  at  Bosworth,  1485 

Thomas,  Earl  of  Surrey, 
victor  at  Flodden,  1513,  Duke  of  Norfolk,  1514,  d.  1524 


Tho 
Dul 

Nor 
d.  i 

Henr 

! 
mas,                        Edmund                          William, 
:e  of                               |                             created  Lord 
folk,                      Katherine.                      Howard  of 
554                   m.  Henry  VIII,                   Effingham 
executed,  1542 
Charles, 
f,  Earl                                                          commander 

Elizabeth=Thomas 
1    Boleyn 

Anne  Boleyn, 
m.  Henry  VIII, 
executed,  1536 

i 

of  Surrey, 

against  the 

Queen  Elizabeth, 

beheac 

ed,  1547 

Armada,  1588, 

1558-1603 

created  Earl 

Thomas,  Duke 

of  Nottingham, 

of  N< 

>rfolk, 

1590,  d.  1624 

beheaded,  1572 

XII 


THE  EXILED   STUARTS 


CHARLES  I 

1 

f                                             1 
CHARLES  II                            JAMES  II 

Henrietta  =  Philip  of  Orleans, 
brother  of 

James  Francis 

Louis  XIV 

Edward, 

James  III 
the  Old  Pretender, 

Anne  = 

=  Victor  Amadeus, 
Duke  of  Savoy, 

d.  1765, 

ist  King  of 

1 

Sardinia 

r~              ~~i 

Charles  Edward,                       Henry, 
Charles  III.                       Cardinal  of 

Charles  En 
King  of 

imanuel  III, 
Sardinia, 

The  Young  Pretender,                    York, 

d.  1773 

d.  1788                                d.  1807 

Victor  Amadeus  III, 

d.  1796 

Victor  Emmanuel  III, 

d.  1824 

Mary  =        Francis  IV, 
d.  1840  1    Duke  of  Modena 

Ferdinand  =  Archduchess  Elizabeth  of  Austria 

Mary  Theresa  *  =  Ludwig,  King  of  Bavaria,  1913 
Rupert 

Luitpold 
1  Mary  IV,  the  present  head  of  the  House  of  Stuart. 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


XXI 


XIII 


THE  KINGS  OF  SCOTLAND,  1066-1603 
DUNCAN  I 


1 

MALCOLM  III  = 
1058-1093 

=  Margaret, 
d.  1093 

1 
DONALD  BANE,  1094-1097 

DUNCAN  I, 
1093 

1                                      I 
EDGAR,                     ALEXANDER  I. 
1097-1107                      1107-1124 

Matilda, 
d.  1118, 
m.  Henry  I, 
d.  1135 

DAVID  I, 
1124-1153 

Henry,  Earl 

of  Huntingdon, 

d.  1152 

gdon 

MALCOLM, 
1153-1165 

WILLIAM  THE  I 
ALEXANDER 
ALEXANDER  . 

Margaret  =  En 

Margaret,  M 
Norway,  1286 

DAVID  BR 
sister  of 
132 

,ION,  1165-1214 
I,  1214-1249 
II,  1249-1286 

c,  King  of 
Norway 

lid  of 
-1290 

David,  Earl  of  Huntin 

1 

Margaret                                                 Isabella 

Devorguilla  =  John  Balliol             Robert  Bruce,1 
1                                          d.  1295 

Margaret            JOHN  BALLIOL,1 
1292-1296 

John  Comyn,         Edward  Balliol 
murdered 

Robert, 
d.  1305 

Robert  I, 
1306-1329 

UCE,  m.  Joan, 
Edward  II, 
9-1370 

Margaret  = 
ROBE 

=  Walter  the  Steward 
or  Stuart,  ancestor 
of  the  Stuart  line 

IT  II,  1370-1390 

ROBERT  III,  1390-1406 

JAMES  I  =  Jane  Beaufort 
1406-1437 


JAMES  II,  1437-1460 

I 
JAMES  III,  1460-1488 

(i )  JAMES  IV  =  Margaret  Tudor  =  Earl  of  Angus 
1488-1513  ' 


Robert,  Duke  of  Albany, 
d.  1420 


JAMES  V, 
1513-1542 


Margaret  =  Earl  of  Lenox 


MARY,  QUEEN  OF  SCOTS  =  Lord  Darnley, 
1542-1567  I  murdered  1567 

JAMES  VI  of  Scotland 

and  I  of  England, 

1567-1625 


Charles, 
Earl  of  Lenox 

Arabella  Stuart 


1  Claimants  in  1292. 


XX11 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


XIV 

KINGS  OF  FRANCE 
HUGH  CAPET,  987-996 

ROBERT  I,  996-1031 

I 
HENRY  I,  1031-1060 

PHILIP  I,  1060-1108 

Louis  VI,  1108-1137 

Louis  VII,  1137-1180 

PHILIP  II  (Augustus),  1180-1223 

Louis  VIII,  1223-1226  (invader  of  England,  1216) 

(Saint)  Louis  IX,  1226-1270 

I 

PHILIP  III,  1270-1285 
I 


PHILIP 

1 
IV  (the  Fair),  1285-1314 

Charles  of  Valois 

Louis  X. 
1314-1316 

PHILIP  V,                 CHARLES  IV, 
1316-1322                    1322-1328 

ISABELLA,                     PHILIP  VI, 
m.  Edward  II                   1328-1350 

Edward  III                      JOHN  II, 
1350-1364 

JOHN  I,  d.  1316 

Joan,  Queen  of  Navarre 
Charles  the  Bad 

I             i 
CHARLES  V,  1364-1380 

1 

1 
Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
d.  1404 

John,  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
murdered,  1419, 
at  Montereau 

Philip,  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
d.  1467 

Charles  (the  Bold), 
Duke  of  Burgundy, 
d.  1477, 
m.  Margaret, 
sister  of  Edward  IV 

CHARLES  VI, 
1380-1422 

CHARLES  VII, 

1422-1461    t 

Louis  XI, 
1461-1483 

CHARLES  VIII, 
1483-1498 

Louis  o 
murder 

Charles,  Da 
captured  e 
grand  f 
Loui 
1498 

1 
Orleans, 
ed,  1407 

ce  of  Orleans, 
t  Agincourt, 
ither  of 
s  XII, 
-ISIS 

Claude  =  Francis  I,  1513-1547.  a  great-grandson  of  Louis  of  Orleans 

HENRY  II  =  Catharine  de'  M6dicis 
1547-1549  ! 


1 

| 

I 

| 

I 

FRANCIS  II, 

CHARLES  IX, 

HENRY  III, 

Francis, 

Margaret  =         HENRY  IV          =  Marie 

1559-1560, 
m.  Mary 

1560-1574 

1574-1589 
suitor  of 

Duke  of 
Alencon, 

(Henry  of  Navarre), 
1589-1610,  a  de- 

de 
Medicis 

Queen  of 

Queen 

suitor  of 

scendant  of  Robert, 

Scots 

Elizabeth 

Queen 

son  of  St.  Louis, 

Elizabeth 

(1226-1270) 

GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


xxni 


Louis  XIII, 
1610-1643 

lip. 
Orleans, 
710 

Regent), 
723- 
at-grand- 
:r  of 

HILIPPE, 
1848 

Louis  XIV, 
1643-1715 

Louis  (dauphin), 
d.  1711 

Ph: 
Duke  of 
d.  : 

Philip  ( 
d.  i 
Great-gre 
fath 

Louis  P 
1830- 

Louis,                        Philip,  King  of  Spain, 
Duke  of  Burgundy,                         d.  1746 
d.  1712                                          1 

Louis  XV,                 Ferdinand 
1715-1774                   of  Spain 

Louis  (dauphin), 
d.  1765 

1 

1 
Charles, 
King  of  Naples 

Louis  XVI,               Louis  XVIII, 
1774-1793                    1815-1824 

Louis  XVII. 
never  reigned, 
d-  1795 

1 
CHARLES  X, 
1824-1830, 
abdicated. 
Grandfather 
of  the  Count 
de  Chambord, 
who  died 
without   issue, 
1884 

Duke  of                      Duke 
Orleans,                  d'Aumale 
d.  1842 

Count  de 
Paris, 
d.  1894 

Philip, 
Duke  of  Orleans 

LIST  OF  PRIME  MINISTERS   FROM   WALPOLE 
TO   LLOYD    GEORGE 

1721-1742       Sir  Robert  Walpole. 

1742-1743       Lord  Wilmington. 

1743-1754       Henry  Pelham. 

1754-1756       I.  Duke  of  Newcastle. 

1756-1757       Duke  of  Devonshire. 

Real  head,  William  Pitt 
Secretary  of  State. 

1757-1762 II.  Duke  of  Newcastle. 

Pitt  Secretary  of  State  till  1761. 

1762-1763       Earl  of  Bute. 

1763-1765 George  Grenville. 

1765-1766 I.  Marquis  of  Rockingham. 

1766-1770       Duke  of  Graf  ton. 

1770-1782       Lord  North. 

March- July,  1782 II.  Marquis  of  Rockingham. 

1782-1783       Earl  of  Shelburne. 

April-December,  1783 Coalition  Ministry. 

Duke  of  Portland  nominal  Prime  Minister. 
Real  heads  Fox  and  North. 

1783-1801       I.  William  Pitt,  the  younger. 

1801-1804 Henry  Addington  (Viscount  Sidmouth). 

1804-1806       II.  William  Pitt. 

1806-1807       "All  the  Talents." 

Lord  Grenville  and  Fox,  d.  September,  1806. 

1807-1809 II.  Duke  of  Portland. 

1809-1812 Spencer  Perceval. 

1812-1827       Lord  Liverpool. 

April-August,  1827 George  Canning. 

1827-1828       Lord  Goderich. 

1828-1830 Duke  of  Wellington. 

1830-1834 Lord  Grey. 

July-November,  1834 I.  Lord  Melbourne. 

1834-1835       I.  Sir  Robert  Peel. 

1835-1841       II.  Lord  Melbourne. 

1841-1846       II.  Sir  Robert  Peel. 

1846-1852       I.  Lord  John  Russell. 

February-December,  1852 I.  Lord  Derby. 

1852-1855       Lord  Aberdeen. 

1855-1858       I.  Lord  Palmerston. 

1858-1859 II.  Lord  Derby. 

1859-1865       II.  Lord  Palmerston. 

1865-1866       II.  Lord  John  Russell. 

1866-1868       III.  Lord  Derby. 

February-December,  1868    ...       I.  Benjamin  Disraeli  (Earl  of  Beaconsfield) . 

1868-1874       I.  William  E.  Gladstone.. 

1874-1880 ...  II.  Disraeli. 


xxvi      LIST  OF  PRIME  MINISTERS,  WALPOLE  TO  LLOYD   GEORGE 

1880-1885 II.  Gladstone. 

1885-1886 I.  Marquis  of  Salisbury. 

February-July,  i885 III.  Gladstone. 

1886-1892     .     .     , II.  Salisbury. 

1892-1894 IV.  Gladstone. 

1894-1895 Lord  Rosebery  (Earl  of  Midlothian). 

1895-1902 III.  Salisbury. 

1902-1905 Mr.  Arthur  Balfour. 

1905-1908 .Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman. 

1908-1916 Mr.  Herbert  Henry  Asquith. 

1916-  Mr.  David  Lloyd  George. 


A  SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND 
AND  GREATER  BRITAIN 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  BRITISH  ISLES:    THEIR  PHYSICAL  FEATURES  AND 
RESOURCES 

England  and  the  British  Empire.  —  England  is  the  cradle  and  present 
center  of  the  British  Empire,  an  empire  which  covers  a  quarter  of 
the  land  surface  of  the  earth  and  includes  a  population  of  more  than 
four  hundred  million  souls.1  This  little  country  of  England,  with  an 
area  of  about  50,000  square  miles,  barely  larger  than  the  state  of 
New  York,  forms,  together  with  Scotland  and  Wales,  the  island 
known  as  Great  Britain.  Ireland,  lying  to  the  west,  is  the  only  other 
important  division  of  the  United  Kingdom,  although  the  British 
Isles  which  compose  it  number  no  less  than  five  thousand,  with  a 
total  area  of  120,000  square  miles  and  a  population  of  about  45,000,000. 
It  will  be  the  purpose  of  this  history  to  trace  the  course  of  events 
by  which  England  and  the  adjacent  countries  became  the  United 
Kingdom,  and  by  which  the  United  Kingdom  has  become  the  greatest 
sea  power  ever  known,  and  has  fashioned  an  empire  with  an  extent 
of  territory  nearly  a  hundred  and  a  population  fully  ten  times  its  own. 

Climate  and  Distribution  of  Rainfall.  —  In  this  remarkable  de- 
velopment climate  has  been  especially  important.  Extreme  cold  is 
a  serious  obstacle  to  the  production  of  those  things  on  which  man 
is  dependent  for  his  existence ;  extreme  heat,  on  the  other  hand, 
checks  active  exertion  by  which  character  is  developed  and  by  which 
man  is  able  to  make  the  most  of  his  surroundings.  With  respect  to 
climate  Great  Britain  has  been  especially  fortunate.  The  summers 
are  long  enough  to  ripen  the  crops,  while  the  winters  are  not  too 
long  or  too  severe  seriously  to  interfere  with  outdoor  occupations, 
agricultural  pursuits  can  be  carried  on  in  many  parts  of  the  country 

1  At  the  last  census  before  the  Great  War. 

B  I 


2      SHORTER  mSTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

throughout  the  year,  and  there  is  rarely  snow  or  ice  enough  to  inter- 
rupt communications. 

The  moisture-laden  winds  from  the  southwest,  which  temper  the 
climate,  bring  an  abundance  of  rain  which  makes  Ireland,  Wales, 
and  Scotland,  and  western  England  little  suited  for  agriculture, 
though,  in  the  case  of  England,  the  mountains,  grouped  and  ranged 
along  the  western  coast,  modify  and  distribute  the  rainfall  so  that 
the  greater  part  of  the  soil  is  well  adapted  for  farming.1 

Northern  and  Western  England.  —  England  proper  is  separated 
from  Scotland  by  the  indentation  of  the  sea  known  as  the  Solway 
Firth,  by  the  Cheviot  Hills,  and  the  Tweed  River.  There  are  two 
distinct  divisions  within  the  country  itself,  which  might  be  marked 
by  a  line  from  the  mouth  of  the  Humber  to  the  mouth  of  the  Severn 
and  thence  down  to  the  shores  of  the  English  Channel.  North  and 
west  the  country  consists  of  mountains  and  moorlands.  For  cen- 
turies, this  western  country,  given  over  mostly  to  sheep  pasture, 
lay  remote  and  backward,  compared  to  the  more  favored  districts 
south  and  east.  Yet,  even  in  early  times,  the  mountains  were  serv- 
ing their  country  well :  the  Pennines,  running  south  from  the  Scotch 
border  to  the  heart  of  the  Midland  country,  formed  a  protecting 
wedge  which  served  to  split  the  waves  of  barbarian  invasion  and  to 
prevent  them  from  inundating  the  English  plain.  Furthermore, 
aside  from  regulating  the  distribution  of  moisture,  the  western  moun- 
tains have  determined  the  course  and  the  nature  of  the  important 
rivers  —  by  giving  them  long,  gentle  slopes  they  have  admirably 
adapted  them  for  commerce  and  irrigation,  in  striking  contrast  to 
the  short,  precipitous  torrents  of  Greece  or  of  Wales  and  northern 
Scotland.  Nor  does  the  Pennine  system  isolate  one  part  of  the 
country  from  the  other,  for  three  canals  run  through  it  east  and  west. 
With  the  discovery  of  the  use  of  steam  in  manufacturing,  the  Pen- 
nine range  was  found  to  contain  vast  stores  of  mineral  wealth;  in 
consequence  the  neighboring  region  has  become  the  center  of  indus- 
trial England,  and  the  once  solitary  mountain  sides  and  vast  stretches 
of  moorland  are  now  studded  with  smoking,  busy  cities  and  swarm 
with  life.  Little  places,  once  mere  villages,  grew  to  be  teeming 
centers  of  population.  Manchester,  for  instance,  which  now  has 
over  a  million  inhabitants,  and  is  the  chief  seat  of  the  cotton  manu- 
facture, numbered,  as  late  as  1776,  only  27,000.  Leeds  is  the  head- 
quarters for  the  production  of  wool,  and  Birmingham  and  Sheffield 

1  Even  the  extremely  wet  regions  of  the  western  midlands  are  not  without  their 
advantages,  since  a  dryer  climate  which  makes  the  threads  brittle  would  be  a  great 
obstacle  to  cotton  manufacture. 


THE  BRITISH  ISLES:    PHYSICAL  FEATURES  AND  RESOURCES       3 

for  iron  and  steel,  while  along  the  banks  of  the  Clyde,  the  Tyne, 
the  Wear,  and  the  Tees  are  shipyards  which  supply  not  only  Great 
Britain,  but  many  other  parts  of  the  world.  The  Cumbrian  group 
of  mountains,  unlike  the  Pennine  range,  is  of  little  industrial  impor- 
tance. The  native  population  is  scanty,  and  sheep  raising  is  the  chief 
occupation,  though,  owing  to  the  beauty  of  the  scenery,  the  district 
is  a  center  for  tourists  as  well  as  for  summer  homes,  and  the  lakes 
furnish  a  water  supply  for  many  of  the  cities  farther  south.  The 
mountains  of  Cornwall,  on  the  other  hand,  contain  rich  deposits 
of  lead  and  tin,  especially  the  latter,  which  have  been  worked  for 
centuries. 

Southeastern  England.  —  The  structure  of  southeast  England  is 
markedly  different  from  that  of  the  north  and  the  west.  It  is  pre- 
vailingly a  plain  varied  with  hills  or  uplands  of  limestone  and  chalk. 
In  earlier  times  this  southeastern  country  was  the  most  prosperous 
and  progressive  section  of  England  —  it  was  the  district  earliest 
settled,  and  its  soil  was  the  most  fruitful  in  the  land,  enabling  people 
to  live  closer  together  than  in  the  more  barren  north.  Thus  they 
were  better  able  to  exchange  ideas  and  had  more  means  and  leisure 
for  education ;  more  important  still,  they  were  in  closest  communi- 
cation with  the  Continent  whither  the  medieval  Englishman  looked 
for  trade,  knowledge,  fashions,  and  ideas.  The  Industrial  Revolu- 
tion of  the  late  eighteenth  century  changed  all  this  and,  with  the 
exception  of  London,  the  center  of  progress  and  ideas  has  shifted 
to  the  Midland  country. 

Internal  Communication.  —  Before  the  Romans  introduced  their 
excellent  road  system,  a  system  to  which  many  of  the  European 
highways  of  the  present  day  owe  their  origin,  Britain  was  largely  a 
land  of  tangled  forests  and  impassable  marshes,  with  the  ridgeways 
and  the  rivers  forming  almost  the  sole  means  of  communication. 
But,  even  with  the  advent  of  roads  and  railways,  the  rivers  are  still 
of  great  importance;  they  furnish  irrigation  for  the  soil,  they  are 
utilized  to  provide  power  for  mills  and  factories,  and,  together  with 
the  canals  which  they  supply,  they  continue  to  serve  as  a  cheap  and 
convenient  means  of  transportation. 

English  River  Systems.  —  There  are  three  great  systems :  the 
Eastern,  flowing  mainly  into  the  North  Sea ;  the  Southern,  emptying 
into  the  English  Channel ;  and  the  Western,  which  finds  its  chief  out- 
let in  the  Bristol  Channel  and  the  Irish  Sea.  Taken  as  a  whole  the 
eastern  system  is  the  most  important.  Proceeding  from  north  to 
south  the  first  is  the  Tweed,  famous  for  the  cloth  manufacture  along 
its  banks ;  the  Tyne  has  for  its  chief  port  Newcastle,  a  great  center 


4      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN 

for  the  distribution  of  mining  products ;  while  the  Humber  is  fed  by 
the  Ouse  and  the  Trent,  which  with  their  tributaries  bring  the  prod- 
ucts of  a  large  and  wealthy  district  to  Hull,  the  leading  port  of  north- 
eastern England.  The  Thames  is  the  largest  river  of  England  and  the 
chief  waterway  across  the  south  country ;  the  harbor  at  its  mouth  is 
the  finest  in  the  whole  kingdom ;  hence,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
center  of  industry  has  shifted  to  the  North,  London  is  still  the  leader 
in  imports  and  second  only  to  Liverpool  in  exports.  The  rivers  of 
the  southern  group  are  relatively  short  and  unimportant.  On  the 
west  two  rivers  call  for  special  notice.  The  Severn,  rising  in  the 
Welsh  mountains,  sweeps  round  to  the  east  and  south  in  the  form  of  a 
bow  widening  at  the  end  of  its  course  into  the  Bristol  Channel.  Bris- 
tol, its  chief  port,  rose  to  consequence  as  a  result  of  the  discovery  of 
America.  Yet,  save  for  a  small  amount  of  wool  manufacturing,  the 
districts  lying  behind  are  mainly  agricultural ;  therefore,  Bristol  had 
long  ago  to  yield  its  preeminence  as  a  port  to  Liverpool  on  the  Mersey, 
situated  in  the  center  of  a  district  rich  in  manufacturing,  mining 
products,  and  pasture  lands. 

Importance  of  British  Insularity.  —  There  was  a  time  when  the 
British  Isles  formed  a  part  of  the  neighboring  continent  of  Europe. 
The  watery  barrier,  which  has  existed  since  England  began  to  have  a 
history,  has  been  a  significant  element  in  shaping  her  destiny.  It 
has  kept  her  out  of  reach  of  her  greedy  and  powerful  neighbors,  thus 
enabling  her  to  maintain  her  independence,  to  preserve  her  energies 
free  for  commercial  and  colonial  expansion,  and  to  develop  her  ways 
of  thinking,  manners,  customs,  and  system  of  government  in  her 
own  way.  In  early  times  when  the  population  was  scanty  and  means 
of  resistance  unorganized,  peoples  from  the  Continent  forced  their 
way  in ;  but  never  since  the  eleventh  century  has  there  been  any  serious 
danger  from  this  source.  At  the  same  time,  the  country  has  not 
been  too  remote  to  feel  the  influence  of  the  great  Continental  move- 
ments such  as  the  Crusades,  the  Revival  of  Learning,  the  Reformation, 
and  the  French  Revolution,  though  most  of  them  had  spent  their 
force  when  they  reached  her  shores,  and  hence  took  a  very  individual 
form. 

World  Position  and  World  Trade.  —  A  glance  at  a  map  of  the  globe 
will  show  how  centrally  the  British  are  situated  with  respect  to  the  two 
great  continents  of  Europe  and  America  and  will  help  to  explain 
British  leadership  in  commerce.  Indeed,  one  fifth  of  their  present 
exports  consists  of  things  produced  by  other  countries  and  distributed 
by  British  ships ;  wool  from  Australia  is  carried  to  Germany,  France, 
and  the  United  States  and,  in  the  same  way,  French  silks  are  con- 


THE  BRITISH  ISLES:  PHYSICAL  FEATURES  AND   RESOURCES      $ 

veyed  to  Australia.  Likewise,  the  raw  cotton  from  America,  India, 
and  Egypt  passes  through  British  ports  on  its  way  to  the  Continent 
of  Europe,  while  most  of  the  Oriental  goods  destined  for  the  United 
States  are  handled  in  the  same  manner.  With  the  further  advantage 
of  excellent  harbors  and  a  most  accessible  coast,  her  seaports  naturally 
grew  to  be  important  commercial  centers  —  Newcastle,  Hull,  and 
London  on  the  east,  —  Bristol,  Liverpool,  and,  more  recently,  Glasgow 
on  the  west. 

England  as  a  Producing  Power.  —  But  England  is  not  only  a  dis- 
tributing power,  she  is  a  producing,  a  manufacturing  power  as  well. 
Here,  too,  physical  conditions  have  been  most  favorable.  Her  soil 
is  well  adapted  for  sheep  raising,  and  sheep  furnished  not  only  food, 
but  the  material  for  clothes ;  then  with  the  introduction  of  machinery 
her  vast  stores  of  iron  and  coal  were  extensively  developed  for  manu- 
facturing. The  great  productiveness  of  the  country  led  to  an  over- 
flow of  population,  this  led  to  colonization,  and  the  colonies  in  their 
turn  created  new  markets. 

Wales.  —  The  rocky  coast,  the  rugged  mountainous  surface,  and 
the  excessive  moisture  of  the  climate  make  Wales  of  little  value  for 
agriculture,  while  the  barriers  to  communication  and  the  prevailing 
wildness  produced  a  people  fierce,  independent,  and  disunited,  who 
fought  not  only  against  England,  but  among  themselves.  At  the 
same  time,  the  beauty  of  the  scenery  tended  to  foster  a  romantic 
imagination  and  a  school  of  bards  who  sang  with  rare  beauty  and 
exaltation  of  sentiment.  The  country  was  transformed  by  the  In- 
dustrial Revolution  of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries  and 
now  derives  its  chief  wealth  from  its  mineral  products,  coal,  iron, 
copper,  lead,  zinc,  slate,  limestone.  Cardiff  is  a  busy  town  noted 
for  its  export  of  coal  and  iron  and  for  its  docks.  The  coal  of  the 
Black  Mountains  is  famous  for  its  smelting  and  Swansea  is,  perhaps, 
the  chief  center  in  the  world  for  this  industry,  while  the  Cambrian 
range l  is  rich  in  slate  quarries.  But  the  industrial  area  is  limited  and 
the  stretches  of  mountain  districts,  though  they  charm  the  tourist,  re- 
duce the  average  of  population  and  wealth.  Scarcely  more  than  half 
the  country  is  under  cultivation  and  its  total  population  is  less  than 
2,000,000,  not  greatly  exceeding  that  of  Manchester  and  its  adjoining 
towns. 

Scotland.  —  Taken  as  a  whole,  Scotland  is  still  less  adapted  for 
agriculture  than  Wales,  only  a  fourth  of  its  soil  being  devoted  to  that 
purpose.  In  the  olden  tune,  when  men  depended  largely  upon  that 
form  of  livelihood,  the  country  was  indeed  badly  off.  The  northern 

1  Not  to  be  confused  with  the  Cumbrian. 


6      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Highlands,  bounded  by  a  rugged  coast  and  stormy  seas,  a  country  of 
rugged  mountains  and  remote  inaccessible  glens,  sheltered  a  race  fiery 
and  turbulent  who  eked  out  a  scanty  support  from  hunting,  fishing, 
and  sheep  raising,  by  cattle  forays  in  which  they  plundered  their 
neighbors,  Scot  and  Englishman  alike.  At  the  present  time  this 
district  lives  largely  off  the  hordes  of  tourists  and  sportsmen  attracted 
by  the  wild  beauty  of  the  scenery  and  its  preserves  of  fish  and  game. 
The  country  to  the  south,  known  as  the  Lowlands,  is  inhabited  by 
people  of  quite  another  type  —  thrifty,  industrious,  and  austere, 
touched,  nevertheless,  by  strains  of  wild  enthusiasm  and  poetic  im- 
pulse. The  southern  Lowlands,  or  "  Border,"  consists  mainly  of  hill 
and  moorland  adapted  for  little  but  sheep  raising,  though  it  is  as 
rich  in  historical  association  and  romantic  legend  as  it  is  poor  in  re- 
sources. In  course  of  time,  manufactures  developed  along  the  Tweed ; 
but  Scotland's  greatest  industrial  gifts  are  centered  farther  north  in 
the  Lowland  plain  between  the  Border  and  the  Highlands.  The 
Firth  of  Forth  on  the  east,  and  the  Firth  of  Clyde  on  the  west,  furnish 
excellent  harbors ;  a  line  of  communication  has  been  carried  straight 
across  the  country  by  a  canal  joining  the  two  bodies  of  water,  and  the 
neighboring  districts  are  rich  in  mineral  deposits.  This  combination 
of  industrial  resources  and  commercial  facilities  has  led  to  a  great 
development  in  manufacturing.  The  Clyde  is  the  center  of  the  world's 
shipbuilding  and  Glasgow,  on  its  banks,  is  the  second  city  in  the 
United  Kingdom. 

Ireland.  —  England's  early  treatment  of  Ireland  has  done  much 
to  make  her  people  miserable  and  unquiet ;  but  much  has  been  due 
to  natural  disadvantages.  Her  hills  and  mountains,  though  they 
encircle  the  coast,  are  too  low  to  modify  perceptibly  the  abundant 
rains  brought  by  the  ocean  winds,  and  contribute  rather  to  drain  water 
into  the  central  plain.  With  an  average  of  over  two  hundred  rainy 
days  in  the  year  much  of  the  soil  is  too  wet  for  agriculture  and  there 
are  places  which  are  mere  bog  and  marsh.  Ireland's  mineral  resources 
also  are  scanty ;  the  coal  is  of  poor  quality,  and,  mainly  in  the  southern 
county  of  Kilkenny,  is  separated  from  the  chief  deposits  of  iron  which 
are  in  Antrim  in  the  extreme  northeast.  Commercially,  too,  the  coun- 
try has  been  unfortunate ;  England  lies  in  a  position  to  intercept  its 
Continental  trade,  many  of  its  best  harbors  are  to  the  west  and  north, 
where,  at  least  in  early  times,  they  did  little  good,  and  there  is  only  one 
navigable  river.  Dublin,  the  capital,  and  Belfast,  noted  for  its  linen 
manufactures  and  its  shipbuilding,  are  the  only  towns  of  any  consid- 
erable size.  Conditions,  however,  are  favorable  to  pastoral  pursuits, 
and,  relative  to  its  population,  Ireland  raises  more  live  stock  than  any 


THE   BRITISH   ISLES:   PHYSICAL   FEATURES  AND    RESOURCES       7 

other  country  of  Europe.  Ireland's  cattle  trade,  however,  has  been 
seriously  affected  by  improved  methods  of  transportation  which  has 
made  American  and  Australian  competition  possible ;  but,  since  the 
end  of  the  last  century,  a  growing  industry  has  been  developed  in  sup- 
plying England  with  poultry  and  dairy  produce.  What  with  the  new 
activities,  cooperative  banks,  and  cooperative  farming  the  country 
has  been  more  prosperous  in  the  last  decade  than  ever  before,  though 
the  political  situation  is  still  very  troubled. 

General  Summary.  —  While  Ireland  has  been  to  some  degree  an 
unfortunate  exception,  Great  Britain,  in  general,  has  been  greatly 
favored  by  nature  in  attaining  the  preeminent  position  she  now 
occupies.  She  enjoys  the  advantage  of  a  mild  and  even  climate,  of  a 
central  geographical  position,  a  coast  line  safe  and  accessible,  of 
mountains  stored  with  minerals  and  situated  so  as  to  regulate  the 
rainfall  and  to  form  rivers  adapted  to  internal  communications. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING1 

J.  R.  Green,  A  Short  Geography  of  the  British  Isles  (1903) ;  the  best  de- 
scription for  historical  purposes,  but  the  tables  of  population  are  out  of 
date.  G.  G.  Chisholm,  Handbook  of  Commercial  Geography  (8th  ed.  1915). 
A.  C.  Ramsay,  Physical  Geology  and  Geography  of  Great  Britain  (1894). 
H.  C.  Mackinder,  Britain  and  the  British  Seas  (1892)  ;  the  most  recent  work 
on  the  physical  characteristics  of  the  British  Isles.  A.  Geikie,  Landscape 
in  History  (1905).  H.  B.  George,  The  Relations  of  Geography  and  History 
(1901). 

1  The  editions  are  those  accessible  to  the  writer,  preferably  the  most  recent. 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  BRITAIN 

Means  of  Studying  Primitive  Peoples.  —  Far  away  in  the  dim  past 
Britain  was  inhabited  by  men  now  extinct ;  since  no  written  records 
tell  what  they  did  and  how  they  lived,  their  times  are  known  as  the 
pre-historic.  It  is  beyond  our  power  to  reconstruct  any  account  of 
this  period;  but  certain  sciences  throw  some  light  on  the  physical 
characteristics  of  these  ancient  men,  their  conditions  and  customs, 
and  the  successive  stages  of  their  development.  Archaeology  teaches 
much  from  a  study  and  classification  of  the  relics  of  tools,  weapons, 
and  places  of  habitation ;  from  human  remains,  anthropology  attempts 
to  determine  what  manner  of  men  they  were  and  their  race  relation- 
ships; the  strata  in  which  such  remains  have  been  found  enables 
geology  to  suggest  information  as  to  the  relative  age  in  which  they 
lived;  while,  from  such  vestiges  of  their  language  as  have  survived, 
philology  helps  to  determine  their  degree  of  culture  and  the  other 
groups  of  people  with  whom  they  may  have  associated. 

Paleolithic  Men  of  the  River  Drift.  —  Ages  ago,  when  Britain  was 
still  a  part  of  the  Continent,  the  earliest  men  appeared.  Few,  if  any, 
remains  of  them  in  this  period  have  been  discovered,  and  none  in 
Britain ;  but  rude,  unground  weapons  of  chipped  flint,  unprovided 
with  handles,  found  in  the  deposits  of  ancient  rivers  prove  that  they 
ranged  over  a  wide  territory  from  India  on  the  east,  northern  Africa 
on  the  south,  to  Britain  on  the  west.  From  the  form  and  size  of  their 
implements  and  the  places  where  they  have  been  discovered,  scholars 
conclude  that  they  were  a  small  race  of  nomad  hunters,  too  rude  to 
polish  their  weapons  or  to  build  themselves  habitations,  dwelling 
chiefly  along  the  banks  of  rivers.  They  belonged  to  the  most  primi- 
tive type,  the  earliest  stage  of  civilization,  the  old  stone  or  paleolithic 
age. 

Paleolithic  Men  of  the  Caves.  —  In  course  of  time  they  gave  way 
to  a  new  race,  still  in  the  old  stone  age ;  for  their  weapons,  though  they 
had  handles,  were  still  of  unpolished  stone.  While  they  had  no  do- 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  BRITAIN  9 

mestic  animals  and  knew  nothing  of  agriculture,  they  represented  a 
distinctly  higher  type  than  their  predecessors.  Their  arrowheads 
were  of  flint ;  but  they  formed  harpoon  heads  of  antlers,  they  made 
needles  of  bone  and  fashioned  themselves  clothes  of  skins  sewed  with 
reindeer  sinews.  They  constructed  bird  snares,  and  speared  fish  with 
their  barbed  harpoons;  they  knew  how  to  strike  fire  from  flint, and 
boiled  water  by  means  of  hot  stones ;  moreover,  they  possessed  a  rare 
artistic  faculty,  carving  pictures  of  animals  and  hunting  scenes  with 
great  accuracy  and  spirit. 

The  Neolithic  Men.  —  After  another  long  interval  the  men  of  the 
old  stone  age  gave  place  to  the  men  of  the  new.  Their  weapons,  still 
of  stone,  were  more  skillfully  fashioned  and  were  ground  and  polished 
to  give  them  a  smoother  surface  and  a  keener  cutting  edge.  The  new 
race,  understanding  the  rudiments  of  navigation,  crossed  the  watery 
barrier  in  canoes,  some  at  least  forty  feet  in  length,  bringing  with 
them  domestic  animals,  horses,  short-horned  cattle,  sheep,  dogs, 
goats,  and  pigs.  They  did  not  dwell  in  caves,  but  constructed  dwellings 
by  hollowing  out  circular  pits  under  ground  with  an  opening  at  the 
surface  to  admit  light  and  air.  They  buried  their  dead  in  long  ellip- 
tical barrows  or  mounds,  numbers  of  which  still  exist,  that  they  con- 
structed by  planting  stones  upright  in  the  ground,  by  laying  others 
across  their  tops,  and  covering  the  chamber  thus  formed  with  earth. 
The  builders  indicated  their  belief  in  a  future  life  by  burying  tools 
and  weapons  with  the  departed,  that  they  might  have  them  for  use 
in  the  other  world.  Their  remains  show  these  neolithic  people  to 
have  been  of  small  stature  with  so-called  dolichocephalic  skulls  — 
long  in  proportion  to  their  breadth.1 

The  "  Celtic  "  Invaders.  —  The  men  of  the  new  stone  age  were, 
in  course  of  time,  overcome  by  a  fair-haired  people  who  were  much 
larger  and  stronger  of  body  and  were  round  headed  or  brachycephalic. 
The  race  of  these  invaders  and  the  place  of  their  origin  has  never  been 
determined  with  any  certainty.2  Starting,  it  would  seem,  from  the 
eastern  part  of  the  plain  of  Central  Europe  the  new  peoples,  whom  it 
has  been  customary  to  group  together  as  Celts,  poured  westward  in 
successive  waves,  the  first  of  which  must  have  reached  Britain  fully 

1  Folk  of  this  physical  type  more  diluted,  fragments  of  their  speech,  and  some  of 
their  superstitions  still  survive  in  western  England,  and  in  Wales,  parts  of  Scotland, 
and  Ireland. 

*  It  was  formerly  the  practice  to  call  them  the  Celts  and  to  assert  that  they 
formed  a  branch  of  a  great  family  composed  of  the  Greeks,  Romans,  Teutons,  and 
Slavs  in  Europe  and  the  Medes,  Persians,  and  Hindus  in  Asia  —  a  family  to  which 
the  name  Aryan  or  Indo-European  was  applied,  but  the  view  that  there  was  such 
a  family  of  peoples  united  by  blood  is  no  longer  held. 


10      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

a  thousand  years  before  the  Christian  era.  Under  the  common  name 
Celts  are  included  no  less  than  three  groups  of  peoples  who  followed 
one  another  from  the  Continent.  The  first  comers  were  the  Goidels  or 
Gaels,  who  were  later  pushed  north  and  west,  where  their  descendants 
still  survive  in  Ireland,  the  Isle  of  Man,  and  the  west  highlands  of  Scot- 
land. The  Brythons,  for  whom  they  made  way,  are  the  ancestors  of 
the  modern  Welshmen  and  of  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  west 
coast  of  England.  The  rear  guard  of  the  Celtic  bands  was  formed  by 
a  group  of  tribes  known  as  the  Belgae,  who  occupied  the  eastern  and 
southern  parts  of  the  country  till  the  Germans  finally  absorbed  or 
destroyed  some  of  them  and  drove  the  remainder  to  join  their  kins- 
men in  the  west. 

Sources  of  Information. — The  Celts  understood  how  to  mix  copper 
and  tin  to  produce  bronze — so  superior  to  stone  that  its  users  have  been 
placed  a  stage  higher  in  the  social  scale  than  the  stone  men,  and  be- 
fore they  were  conquered  by  later  comers  they  had  reached  a  third 
stage  in  civilization  by  learning  to  employ  iron  in  their  industries. 
We  are  able  to  form  some  opinion  about  them  and  their  manner  of 
life  from  the  abundant  remains  they  have  left,  skeletons,  burial 
places,  habitations,  tools,  weapons,  and  ornaments ;  moreover, 
since  they  survived  into  the  time  of  written  records,  we  learn 
further  about  them  from  inscriptions  and  accounts  of  old  Greek 
and  Roman  writers.1 

Religion.  Druidism.  — They  worshiped  the  forces  of  nature  as  gods ; 
they  created  lesser  divinities  for  particular  localities,  identifying  each 
grove,  stream,  or  spring  with  its  appropriate  guardian  spirit,  and 
peopled  the  land  with  fairies,  dwarfs,  and  elves.  Living  in  wild  and 
unfriendly  surroundings,  in  the  midst  of  dense  gloomy  forests  and 
treacherous,  inaccessible  fens,  exposed  to  storm,  thunder  and  lightning, 
their  attitude  was  naturally  one  of  wonder  mingled  with  fear.  Much 
of  their  worship,  which  included  human  sacrifices,  was  designed  to 
placate  the  ferocious  or  malicious  powers  to  which  they  were  exposed. 
They  believed  in  wishing  wells  and  cursing  stones,  and  the  mistletoe, 
which  still  figures  in  our  Christmas  celebrations,  they  venerated  for 
its  miraculous  properties.  Very  probably  they  borrowed  from  the 
stone  men  their  priestly  system  and  ceremonialism  known  as  Druid- 
ism.  The  Druids  were  a  highly  privileged  body  who  ranked  with  the 

1  The  first  certain  historical  notice  of  the  island  of  Britain  comes  from  Pytheas, 
a  Greek  mathematician  and  explorer  sent  out  by  the  merchants  of  Marseilles  about 
330  B.C.  in  the  interests  of  trade  development,  and  the  fullest  account  is  furnished 
by  Caesar  in  his  Gallic  Wars,  though  these  early  writings  are  fragmentary  at  best 
and  have  to  be  pieced  out  by  what  we  know  of  the  Gauls. 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  BRITAIN  1 1 

nobles  and  were  exempt  from  all  public  burdens,  who  conducted  the 
sacrifices,  practiced  magic,  foretold  the  future,  acted  as  judges,  and 
were  the  custodians  of  learning,  human  and  divine. 

Dwellings  and  Stone  Circles. — The  Celts  lived  in  huts  of  wood, 
roughly  or  altogether  unhewn,  or  of  reeds  woven  together  and  plas- 
tered with  mud  or  clay.  These  were  often  placed  in  marshes  or  lakes 
on  piles  or  artificial  platforms  for  purposes  of  defense.  They  burned 
their  dead  and  deposited  their  remains  in  round  instead  of  long 
barrows.  But  the  most  striking  monuments  that  they  have  left  are 
the  great  stone  circles  which  they  may  have  used  as  sepulchers,  or 
possibly,  as  was  formerly  believed,  for  temples.  Stonehenge  at  Old 
Sarum  —  near  the  present  Salisbury  —  the  most  celebrated,  now  con- 
sists of  a  confused  mass  of  huge  bowlders,  but  in  its  original  form  it 
must  have  been  a  wonderful  evidence  of  the  skill  and  devotion  of  the 
builders. 

Characteristics.  Social  and  Political  Organization.  —  These  old 
Celts  were  a  rude,  hardy  folk,  but  hospitable  and  kind  in  their  crude, 
boisterous  way.  Their  serious  occupation  was  war  and  their  diversion 
rough  games  and  immoderate  eating  and  drinking.  In  the  earliest 
times  we  find  them  tattooing  or  painting  their  bodies,  a  practice  which 
long  survived  among  the  northern  peoples,  the  Scots  and  the  Cale- 
donians or  Picts.1  At  first  their  only  form  of  social  and  political  or- 
ganization was  the  family,  who  chose  their  ablest  male  to  lead  them  in 
war  and  to  represent  them  in  peace.  As  time  went  on,  these  families 
were  united  into  tribes  from  which  the  most  capable  male  member  was 
selected  as  king.  Their  legal  system  was  very  primitive.  They  had 
no  courts,  as  we  understand  the  term,  and  their  judges  were  merely 
umpires  or  arbitrators,  who  had  no  power  to  compel  the  acceptance  of 
their  decrees. 

Trade  and  Industry.  —  In  their  earliest  intercourse  the  Celts  used 
cattle  and  bars  of  iron  and  tin  for  standards  of  value ;  but  as  early  as 
200  B.C.  they  seem,  in  the  southeast,  to  have  had  gold  coins  fashioned 
on  Greek  models.  In  the  absence  of  roads  they  made  use  of  rivers 
and  the  tops  of  ridges  as  trade  routes.  The  Thames  and  the  Severn 
were  especially  important.  Their  greatest  trade  was  in  tin  which  they 
carried  from  Cornwall  overland  to  the  southeast  coast,  thence  in  ships 
to  the  shores  of  Gaul.  Besides  tin  they  came  to  export  cattle,  hides, 
grain,  and  also  slaves  and  huge  dogs,  the  latter  used  by  the  Gauls  in 
war  and  by  the  Romans  for  hunting. '  Their  imports  were  chiefly 
manufactured  articles  of  iron  and  bronze,  cloth,  and  salt.  But  this 
does  not  mean  that  they  did  not  manufacture,  to  some  extent  them- 
1  Probably  from  the  Latin  pictus,  painted. 


12      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

selves.  They  were  fond  of  bright  colors,  and  we  are  told  that  they 
wore  clothes  of  various  hues,  getting  the  dyestuff  from  the  bark  of 
trees.  They  excelled  in  enamel  work  and  made  many  of  the  gold  orna- 
ments which  they  wore,  as  well  as  the  weapons  and  chariots  which 
they  used  in  war. 

Caesar  in  Britain  55  and  54  B.C.  —  During  the  course  of  his  famous 
conquest  of  the  Gauls,  Julius  Caesar  determined  to  invade  Britain. 
Late  in  August,  55  B.C.,  he  set  sail ;  but,  owing  to  the  lateness  of  the 
season  and  the  fear  of  the  autumn  gales,  returned  to  Gaul,  after  a  brief 
survey  of  the  neighboring  country  and  some  skirmishes  with  the 
tribes  round  about,  who  made  a  vain  effort  to  resist  his  landing.  The 
ensuing  winter  was  devoted  to  building  ships  and  collecting  men  and 
supplies  for  another  campaign.  By  July  he  was  ready .  This  time  he 
marched  inland  and  forced  a  passage  of  the  Thames  by  a  ford  above 
London  which  the  British  had  sought  to  obstruct  by  driving  sharpened 
stakes  under  the  water  and  along  the  opposite  bank.  After  im- 
pressing the  native  chieftains  with  his  military  prowess  he  again  with- 
drew without  attempting  a  permanent  occupation. 

The  Romans  Secure  a  Foothold  in  Britain,  43  A.D.  —  Nearly  a 
century  elapsed  before  the  Romans  again  took  up  the  conquest  of 
Britain.  Caesar  was  henceforth  fully  occupied  in  other  parts  of  the 
Empire,  and  so  were  his  successors,  or  else  they  had  no  inclination  to 
extend  the  Roman  boundaries  in  the  direction  of  Britain.  A  change 
came  with  the  Emperor  Claudius  to  whom  a  pretender  fled  for  assist- 
ance, though  he  was  ready  to  seize  any  pretext  for  an  intervention  in 
British  affairs.  He  was  a  Gaul  by  birth,  and  so,  interested  in  the  con- 
cerns of  that  part  of  the  country,  while  furthermore  he  was  anxious 
to  celebrate  the  triumph  which  always  followed  a  Roman  conquest,  so 
he  sent  his  general,  Aulus  Plautius,  to  Britain  in  the  year  43  A.D.,  and 
even  came  over  in  person  at  the  final  stage  of  the  campaign.  Britain 
was  made  a  province  and  Claudius  got  his  triumph.  Thus  began  an 
occupation  which  lasted  nearly  four  hundred  years. 

The  Suppression  of  the  Druids  and  the  Insurrection  of  Boudicca.  — 
The  Druids  were  particularly  active  in  opposing  the  extension  of 
Roman  influence.  Solely  from  reasons  of  political  necessity,  for  the 
Romans  were  usually  fairly  tolerant  of  other  religions,  the  governor, 
Suetonius  Paullinus,  undertook  the  suppression  of  their  order  in  the 
year  61  A.D.  On  his  approach  they  took  refuge  in  the  little  island  of 
Mona  (now  Anglesey)  off  the  Welsh  coast.  But  there  was  no  escape 
for  them.  The  Roman  soldiers  "  bore  down  upon  them,  smote  all 
that  opposed  them  to  the  earth,"  and  destroyed  their  sacred  grove. 
Meantime,  events  were  happening  in  the  east  which  forced  Suetonius 


6         Wot          6  4     Longitude     8         from          3      Greenwich    1  0          Cut         1 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  BRITAIN  13 

to  hurry  back  toward  London.  The  Roman  government  had  become 
unbearable.  Excessive  levies  and  financial  extortion  on  the  part  of 
capitalists  and  tax-gatherers  stirred  the  righteous  wrath  of  the  Britons. 
The  climax  came  when  Boadicea  or  Boudicca,  widow  of  a  native  chief, 
stung  by  injustice  and  injury,  raised  a  revolt  of  her  people  and  those 
round  about,  who  were  already  chafing  under  grievances.  Camulo- 
dunum  (Colchester),  a  colony  of  Roman  veterans,  was  overcome  and 
reduced  to  ashes,  and  Lundinium  (London)  and  Verulamium  (St. 
Albans)  met  a  similar  fate.  Fully  70,000  Romans  and  their  supporters 
are  said  to  have  been  massacred.  As  the  victorious  Britons  were  re- 
turning from  the  destruction  of  Verulamium,  Suetonius  at  length  felt 
strong  enough  to  strike.  In  a  battle  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood 
of  London  he  crushed  the  enemy  and  slaughtered  numbers  of  a  host 
of  80,000,  including  women  and  children  who  followed  the  army. 
Boudicca  escaped  her  captors  by  taking  poison.  The  vengeance  of 
Suetonius  was  ruthless.  "  He  made  a  desert,  and  called  it  a  peace." 
Yet,  in  the  long  run,  the  uprising  had  the  effect  of  softening  the  rigors 
of  the  Roman  administration. 

Agricola.  —  Under  the  governors  who  followed,  inaction  alternated 
with  military  suppression  till  the  advent  of  Agricola  (78-84),  whose  rule 
marks  the  highest  point  of  the  Roman  supremacy.  He  replaced 
uncertain  and  heavy  burdens  by  just  and  equal  assessments ;  did 
away  with  monopolies ;  removed  incompetent  officials ;  fostered  ed- 
ucation and  the  use  of  the  Latin  language  ;  and  encouraged  building. 
Furthermore  he  extended  the  imperial  sway  far  to  the  north,  and  se- 
cured the  lines  of  the  Tyne  and  Solway  and  Forth  and  Clyde  by  a 
series  of  forts.  He  even  penetrated  beyond  the  Tay  and  defeated  the 
wild  Caledonians  on  the  threshold  of  the  Highlands.  His  last  achieve- 
ment, before  his  recall,  was  to  send  a  fleet  to  circumnavigate  the  Island, 
thus  for  the  first  time  determining  its  true  geographical  character. 

The  Last  Two  Centuries  of  the  Roman  Occupation.  —  Under  his 
successors  little  attempt  was  made  to  hold  the  line  north  of  the  Tyne 
and  the  Solway,1  while  during  the  last  two  centuries  of  the  Roman 
occupation,  Britain  itself  was  in  a  very  unsettled  state  and  often  proved 
a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  the  Empire.  Under  weak  rulers  there  was 
disorder  and  confusion ;  strong,  ambitious  governors,  on  the  other 
hand,  sought  independence,  or  aimed  to  use  the  country  as  a  basis 
of  operations  for  seizing  the  imperial  crown.  Saxon  and  Prankish 

1  By  the  orders  of  the  Emperor  Hadrian  this  southern  line  of  forts  was  reen- 
forced  by  a  wall  of  turf.  The  remarkable  stone  wall  usually  known  as  "Hadrian's 
Wall"  —  parts  of  which  still  remain  —  was  probably  not  built  until  the  time  of 
Septimius  Severus,  who  came  over  in  208  A.D. 


14      SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

pirates  began  to  infest  the  eastern  shore  as  early  as  the  beginning  of 
the  third  century,  and,  in  the  fourth,  the  northern  Highlanders,  now 
called  Picts,  reenforced  by  Scots  coming  originally  from  Ireland, 
became  a  constant  menace  to  the  border.  To  meet  the  pirates  a  new 
officer,  the  Count  of  the  Saxon  Shore,  was  created ;  but  the  first  two 
Counts  used  their  position  to  set  up  an  independent  rule  instead  of 
protecting  the  coast.  The  Roman  power  was  finally  restored  in  296 
by  Constantius,  father  of  the  famous  Emperor  Constantine,  founder 
of  Constantinople.  Meantime  the  Empire  had  been  entirely  reor- 
ganized under  Diocletian  (284-305).  It  was  divided  into  four  pre- 
fectures ;  these  again  were  subdivided  into  dioceses,  Britain  forming 
one  diocese  of  the  prefecture  of  Gaul. 

End  of  the  Roman  Occupation.  —  Even  thus  effectually  reorganized 
the  Empire  was  unable  long  to  withstand  the  double  strain  of  revolt 
from  within  and  pressure  from  without.  In  407  a  pretender,  who  set 
himself  up  as  Emperor,  led  the  British  legions  into  Gaul  and,  though 
he  was  overthrown,  his  troops  were  never  marched  back.  The 
German  barbarians  had  overrun  the  Empire.  In  4io,Alaric  captured 
and  sacked  Rome.  The  Emperor  Honorius  bade  the  Britains  hence- 
forth defend  themselves  ;  they  proved  unequal  to  the  task,  and  before 
the  close  of  the  century  had  to  yield  the  greater  part  of  their  territory 
to  the  German  tribes  who  swarmed  across  the  Channel  in  constantly 
increasing  numbers. 

General  Nature  and  Advantages  of  the  Roman  Rule. — The  Roman 
occupation  left  few  enduring  traces  on  the  history  and  life  of  Britain. 
While  the  thoroughness  of  the  later  Teutonic  conquest  was  largely 
responsible  for  this,  it  was,  to  some  degree,  due  to  the  fact  that  few  of 
the  Latin  stock  came  to  found  homes.  The  remoteness,  the  severe 
climate,  the  gloomy  skies,  and  the  turbulence  of  the  people  repelled 
colonists.  Settlement  was  confined  to  soldiers,  government  officials, 
merchants  and  traders.  The  few  who  took  up  large  estates  worked 
them  mainly  by  natives.  However,  the  period  of  Roman  rule  was  not 
without  its  advantages.  For  some  time  it  furnished  a  fairly  effective 
protection  against  external  foes  and  held  in  check  the  warring  tribes 
within.  The  concerns  of  the  subject  peoples  were  regulated  by  the 
Roman  law,  a  fusion  of  principle  and  practice  superior  to  anything  the 
world  had  yet  seen.  The  application  of  a  uniform  legal  system  made 
for  unity.  A  decree  of  Caracala,  in  212,  conferring  the  privilege  of 
Roman  citizenship  on  all  free-born  provincials  contributed  powerfully 
to  break  down  provincial  differences  in  Britain  as  well  as  elsewhere. 
While  the  general  administration  was  kept  in  Roman  hands,  the  Brit- 
ons were  given  some  training  in  local  self-government  by  allowing  them 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  BRITAIN  15 

membership  in  the  district  councils  which  were  intrusted  with  the 
building  of  temples,  erecting  fortifications,  and  laying  out  streets. 
Theaters  were  constructed,  which  in  spite  of  their  corrupting  influence 
made  for  education  and  culture.  Remains  of  museums,  baths,  public 
buildings,  and  private  dwellings  show  how  far  they  had  progressed  in 
the  art  of  living  and  in  the  comforts  of  civilized  life.  Aqueducts 
provided  many  communities  with  an  abundant  water  supply,  and  the 
Romans  had  a  superior  system  of  heating  by  means  of  hypocausts,  or 
hollow  pipes,  heated  from  an  arched  fire  chamber  below.  Commerce 
and  industry  throve,  protected  by  peace  and  wise  laws  and  fostered  by 
the  building  of  roads  and  the  growth  of  cities.  A  network  of  roads,  so 
skillfully  constructed  that  they  have  survived  to  excite  our  wonder 
even  in  the  present  day,  provided  alike  for  communication,  the  trans- 
portation of  troops,  and  for  transaction  of  all  kinds  of  government 
business,  as  well  as  for  the  distribution  of  wares.  Most  of  these  roads 
ran  through  London,  whose  importance  as  a  commercial  center  was 
foreshadowed  thus  early. 

British  Christianity.  —  One  most  significant  result  of  the  Roman 
occupation  was  the  introduction  of  Christianity.  Legends  tell  that 
the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul  visited  the  land.  A  most  beautiful  story 
is  that  concerning  Joseph  of  Arimathea  who  provided  the  sepulcher 
for  Christ's  burial ;  it  was  believed  that  he  fled  to  far-off  Britain 
bringing  the  holy  grail  or  the  cup  used  at  the  Last  Supper,  that  he 
founded  the  famous  abbey  of  Glastonbury,  marking  the  site  by  plant- 
ing his  staff  of  thorn  which  grew  into  a  tree  and  blossomed  every 
Christmas  morning  in  honor  of  the  sacred  day.  But,  much  as  these 
lovely  and  inspiring  tales  enrich  our  literature,  it  must  be  admitted 
that  they  rest  on  no  historical  foundation.  Christianity  was  no  doubt 
slowly  introduced  by  Roman  soldiers,  merchants,  and  officials,  and 
from  the  mission  station  in  Gaul.  The  first  evidence  of  any  organized 
church  is  marked  by  the  presence  of  three  British  bishops  at  a  synod 
held  at  Aries  in  Gaul  in  314  A.D.  Within  a  century  and  a  half  the 
Teutons  came  and  thrust  a  "  wedge  of  heathendom  "  between  the 
Christians  of  Britain  and  the  Continent.  During  the  long  years  when 
they  were  cut  off  from  the  mother  Church  at  Rome  they  developed 
forms  of  worship  and  government  distinctly  peculiar  to  themselves 
in  many  respects.  When  they  are  next  heard  of,  there  was  a  British 
and  a  Scotch-Irish  Church,  both  independent  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome,  and  both  different  from  the  Roman  usage  in  their  method  of 
computing  the  date  on  which  Easter  fell. 

Evils  and  Disadvantages  of  Roman  Rule.  —  While  the  Roman  rule 
brought  many  advantages  to  Britain  —  peace,  prosperity,  increased 


l6      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

unity,  improved  communications,  civilized  arts,  and  Christianity — it 
brought  burdens  and  evils  as  well.  For  one  thing,  it  introduced  taxes 
and  exactions  always  burdensome  and  often  destructive  and  crushing. 
Worst  of  all,  these  revenues  were  not  collected  by  responsible  officials 
but  were  let  out  to  tax  farmers  who  paid  a  fixed  sum  and  squeezed 
what  they  could  from  the  unfortunate  payers.  Money  was  lent  at 
exorbitant  rates.  Perhaps  worse  than  the  financial  burdens  was  the 
system  of  conscription  which  took  men  from  their  homes,  usually  for 
life,  to  form  a  part  of  the  great  military  machine.  "  We  pay  a  yearly 
tribute  of  our  bodies,"  wrote  one  Briton  in  a  pathetic  narrative.  Then 
the  strange  vices  which  came  in  with  the  conquerors  had  a  disastrous 
effect  on  those  who  came  in  closest  contact  with  them,  while  those 
more  remote  were  excluded  from  any  participation  in  affairs.  Both 
causes  operated  to  kill  independence  and  patriotism.  With  the  with- 
drawal of  the  legions,  Roman  political  institutions,  laws,  language,  and 
manners  soon  passed  away,  and  it  was  too  late  for  the  natives  to  com- 
plete their  own  national  edifice  from  the  point  where  they  had  so  long 
ago  been  stopped  in  their  work.  In  Britain,  as  elsewhere,  the  tend- 
encies preparing  the  way  for  a  successful  barbarian  invasion  had  been 
long  at  work ;  heavy  taxation,  conscription,  and  exhausted  revenues 
had  bred  discontent ;  private  ambition  and  local  feeling  were  stronger 
than  Imperial  loyalty;  and  the  barbarians,  enlisted  in  increasing 
numbers,  were  favorable  to  those  outside  who  were  knocking  at  the 
gates.  At  last  the  barriers  gave  way,  and  the  enemy  passed  in. 


FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

B.  C.  A.  Windle,  Life  in  Early  Britain  (1897) ;  a  good  popular  account. 
W.  B.  Dawkins,  Early  Man  in  Britain  (1880) ;  some  of  the  author's  views 
have  been  superseded.  John  Beddoe,  Races  in  Britain  (1885).  C.  I.  Elton, 
Origins  of  English  History  (1890) ;  a  valuable  work.  J.  Rhys,  Celtic  Britain 
(1904) ;  contains  valuable  information  mingled  with  details  chiefly  useful 
for  the  special  student.  E.  Conybeare,  Roman  Britain  (1903) ;  brief  and 
readable.  W.  Z.  Ripley,  Races  of  Europe  (1899) ;  excellent.  H.  D.  Traill, 
Social  England  (new  illus.  ed.  6  vols.,  1901) ;  a  cooperative  work  contain- 
ing a  mass  of  information  on  the  non-political  aspects  of  the  subject,  with 
bibliographies  at  the  ends  of  chapters.  Sir  James  Ramsay,  The  Founda- 
tions of  England  (vol.  I,  1898) ;  a  detailed  narrative  with  copious  references 
to  the  sources.  Charles  Oman,  England  before  the  Norman  Conquest  (1910) ; 
this  is  the  first  of  a  series  of  seven  volumes  by  different  hands  covering  the 
history  of  England  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present.  The  volume  is 
especially  valuable  as  presenting  the  results  of  recent  work  on  the  Roman 
occupation.  Thomas  Hodgkin,  A  Political  History  of  England  (1906) ; 


THE  EARLIEST  INHABITANTS  OF  BRITAIN  17 

the  first  of  another  series,  devoting  twelve  volumes  to  the  political  history 
of  England  with  useful  annotated  lists  of  authorities.  C.  Gross,  Sources 
and  Literature  of  English  History  (ad  ed.,  1915)  is  a  work  of  unique  value, 
containing  the  only  complete  bibliography  covering  the  whole  period  from 
the  earliest  times  to  1485. 


CHAPTER   III 

THE   COMING    OF   THE   ANGLO-SAXONS.     THE    "HEPTARCHY" 
AND  STRUGGLE  FOR  SUPREMACY 

The  Britons  after  the  Withdrawal  of  the  Romans.  —  After  the 
withdrawal  of  the  Romans,  the  Britons  seem  to  have  resumed  their 
old  tribal  organization,  although  for  purposes  of  defense  they  chose  a 
common  leader  or  Gwledig.  For  years  they  fought  a  losing  fight ; 
but  for  good  or  ill,  the  Roman  connection  with  Britain  had  been  for- 
ever broken.  Before  a  century  had  gone  by,  the  Island  had  so  far 
passed  beyond  the  Imperial  ken  that  the  strangest  stories  were  cir- 
culated about  it.  According  to  one  current  legend,  Britain  was  a 
home  for  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  and  certain  boatmen  were  exempt 
from  tribute  to  the  King  of  the  Franks  for  rowing  them  across  the 
Channel. 

The  Coming  of  the  Jutes,  Angles,  and  Saxons.  —  In  449,  if  the 
usual  date  can  be  accepted,  a  body  of  Jutes  under  their  mythical 
leaders,  Hengist  and  Horsa,  effected  a  landing  on  the  little  island  of 
Thanet  off  the  coast  of  Kent.  At  any  rate,  some  time  about  the 
middle  of  the  fifth  century  the  Jutes  established  themselves  in  Kent 
and  their  arrival  marks  the  beginning  of  a  continuous  series  of  inva- 
sions culminating  in  the  conquest  of  the  Island  by  a  body  of  German 
peoples  whose  racial  traits,  laws,  and  customs  form  the  basis  of  those 
which  prevail  to-day,  not  only  in  Great  Britain,  but  in  every  land 
where  the  English  language  is  spoken.1  Two  other  tribes  joined  the 
Jutes  in  the  westward  movement  —  the  Angles  and  the  Saxons. 
Their  original  home  was  in  the  coast  country  stretching  from  the 
eastern  shore  of  the  present  Denmark  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rhine. 

Earliest  Accounts  of  the  Germans  at  Home.  —  From  Roman  his- 
torians, notably  from  Julius  Cassar,  and  from  Tacitus,  who  wrote 
about  100  A.D.,  we  learn  something  in  general  about  the  Germans  or 
Teutons,  to  which  stock  the  three  invading  tribes  belonged,  while 

1  Though,  in  their  native  land,  their  basic  ideas  of  individual  freedom  and  local  self- 
government  were,  in  modern  times,  largely  lepudiated  by  Prussianized  Germany. 

18 


THE   COMING  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS  19 

among  the  Scandinavians,  the  most  northern  of  the  German  peoples, 
a  rich  mythology  has  been  preserved  in  their  eddas  or  legends.  They 
were  pagans,  worshiping  the  forces  of  nature,  personified  in  great 
gods  whose  names  have  been  preserved  in  the  days  of  the  week.  Su- 
preme over  all  was  Woden  (Wednesday)  from  whom  ancient  kings 
derived  their  descent;  Thor  (Thursday)  was  the  god  of  storm  and 
agriculture,  whose  chariot  rumbling  over  the  clouds  caused  the  thunder 
and  who  produced  the  thunder-bolts  by  the  blows  of  his  mighty  ham- 
mer; Tiu  (Tuesday)  was  the  god  of  war.  Besides  these  great  gods, 
their  imaginations  created  all  sorts  of  strange  beings:  giants;  fire- 
breathing  dragons ;  kobalds,  mischievous  demons  of  mines ;  nixies  or 
water-sprites;  tiny  prankish  elves  and  other  spirits  good  and  bad. 
Many  of  the  modern  fairy  stories  are  drawn  from  the  actual  beliefs 
of  our  forefathers.  They  rarely  had  temples  made  with  hands,  but 
worshiped  in  sacred  groves,  or  sometimes  they  reverenced  a  particu- 
lar tree  or  set  up  a  wooden  column.  After  death,  the  valiant  warrior 
was  supposed  to  go  to  Valhalla  and  live  forever  amidst  the  highest 
joys  they  could  picture,  of  constant  feasting  and  fighting ;  the  cowardly 
and  selfish  went  to  the  cold  and  joyless  underworld  presided  over  by 
the  goddess  Hel.  While  we  hear  of  priests,  they  had  nothing  like  the 
organization  or  influence  of  the  Druids.  Worship  was  very  rudi- 
mentary, and  human  sacrifices,  usually  of  prisoners,  not  unheard  of. 
The  Germans  who  came  to  Britain  soon  left  their  paganism  for  Chris- 
tianity, but  many  of  their  practices  have  survived.  The  feast  of  the 
Resurrection  takes  its  name  from  Eastre,  the  goddess  of  dawn  and 
the  returning  year,  and  children  still  follow  the  pleasant  custom  of 
hunting  colored  eggs  on  that  day.  Christmas  falls  within  their  Yule- 
tide  when  they  celebrated  the  winter  solstice,  or  the  time  when  our 
northern  lands  are  turned  farthest  from  the  sun ;  the  burning  of  the 
Yule-log  is  supposed  to  have  originated  in  their  old  bonfire  in  honor 
of  Thor,  once  a  sun  god ;  and  from  them  we  learned  to  decorate  our 
Christmas  trees. 

Political  Organization.  —  In  the  tune  of  Tacitus  the  Germans  had 
advanced  to  a  settled  form  of  agriculture,  and,  although  the  bulk  of 
the  land  was  owned  by  the  tribes  and  families,  there  are  traces  at 
least  of  individual  ownership.  Tacitus  tells  us  of  a  well-defined 
political  organization.  First  there  was  the  tribe  or  state.  Some 
were  governed  by  kings,  but  those  in  the  far-off  north  were  governed, 
in  times  of  peace,  by  a  council  of  chiefs,  who  prepared  measures  for  the 
assembly  consisting  of  all  the  free  men  of  the  tribe.  They  usually 
came  armed  to  their  meetings,  which  were  mainly  to  decide  questions 
of  war  and  peace.  The  tribes  were  divided  into  districts  presided 


20      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

over  by  chiefs  elected  in  the  tribal  assembly.  These  districts  were 
settlements  made  by  groups  of  families  which  had  originally  sent  a 
hundred  warriors  to  the  army  and  an  equal  number  to  the  judicial 
assembly.  All  except  the  more  important  cases  were  decided  in  these 
district  assemblies  by  the  people  themselves,  for  the  chief  was  in  no 
sense  a  judge,  but  merely  a  chairman  to  voice  the  opinion  of  the 
majority. 

Every  district  included  several  groups  of  kindred,  each  forming  a 
free  village  community.  Each  household  had  its  own  dwelling, 
surrounded  by  a  plot  of  ground,  which  was  the  property  of  the  father 
of  the  family,  while  the  arable  land,  owned  by  the  kindred  group,  was 
reallotted  every  year  at  the  meeting  of  the  community.  Some  of 
these  villages  may  have  been  under  the  control  of  a  chief,  but  it  is 
generally  supposed  that  most  of  them  managed  their  own  affairs  — 
a  primitive  example  of  the  modern  town  meeting.  They  cultivated 
in  common  and  used  only  a  portion  of  the  soil  each  season,  allowing 
the  remainder  to  rest  or  lie  fallow.  Meadows  and  woods  were  common 
to  all. 

Ranks  among  the  Early  Germans.  —  Society  was  graded  into  ranks 
or  classes.  In  many  states  there  was  an  hereditary  nobility  who 
claimed  descent  from  the  gods,  and  enjoyed  personal  distinction,  but 
no  political  privilege  by  virtue  of  their  descent.  The  bulk  of  the 
inhabitants  were  freemen  distinguished  from  the  lower  orders  by  their 
long  flowing  hair,  their  right  to  bear  arms,  their  right  to  attend  the 
assemblies  of  the  tribe  and  the  district,  and  their  right  to  share  in  the 
annual  allotment  of  their  village  lands.  Below  them  were  a  class  of 
half-freed  slaves  or  freedmen.  Lowest  of  all  were  the  bondmen, 
whose  lives  were  absolutely  at  the  disposal  of  their  masters,  to  whom 
any  one  else  who  injured  them  was  answerable.  Each  chief  had  a 
body  of  select  companions,  or  comites,  whom  he  supplied  with  horses 
and  weapons  and  who  fed  and  drank  at  his  rude  but  plentiful  table. 
In  return,  they  fought  by  his  side  in  time  of  war  and  helped  him  to 
while  away  the  idle  hours  of  peace.  Such  were  the  characteristics 
which  the  Angles,  Jutes  and  Saxons  transmitted  to  their  new  island 
home. 

The  Jutes  and  the  Saxons.  —  The  impelling  cause  for  their  migra- 
tion seems  to  have  been  desire  for  more  land  due  to  their  hunting  and 
pastoral  pursuits,  to  their  wasteful  system  of  agriculture  and  their 
general  roving  instincts;  moreover,  they  were  hard  pressed  by  the 
tribes  constantly  sweeping  upon  them  from  the  east.  The  Jutes,  who 
occupied  Kent,  never  expanded  very  far.  The  bulk  of  the  lands  south 
of  the  Thames  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  Saxons.  In  477  a  band  of  South 


THE  COMING  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS  21 

Saxons  landed  on  the  coast  at  Selsey  and  appropriated  to  themselves 
the  modern  county  of  Sussex.  In  495  Cerdic  and  his  son  Cynric  — 
again  the  names  of  the  leaders  are  only  traditional  —  landed  on  the 
shores  of  Southampton  Water,  and  their  followers,  known  as  the  West 
Saxons,  reenforced  by  some  Jutes  soon  overran  what  is  now  the  county 
of  Hampshire.  After  a  time  they  worked  their  way  up  to  the  Thames, 
but  were  stopped  in  their  advance  down  the  valley  by  the  tribes  who 
had  pushed  in  from  the  eastern  coast.  The  strip  of  coast  between 
the  Thames  and  the  river  Stour  fell  to  a  band  who  came  to  be  known 
as  the  East  Saxons,  a  name  which  survives  in  the  modern  Essex  The 
Middle  Saxons,  stretching  farther  inland  along  the  northern  bank  of 
the  Thames,  stood  between  them  and  their  West  Saxon  kin.  The 
latter,  turning  west  after  their  failure  to  secure  possession  of  the  lower 
Thames  valley,  gained  a  decisive  victory,  in  577,  at  Deorham  over 
three  British  kings,  a  victory  which  gave  them  control  of  the  Severn 
River  and  enabled  them  to  cut  off  the  Welsh  massed  in  Devon  and 
Cornwall  from  those  lying  north  of  the  Bristol  Channel.  Ceawlin, 
their  leader  at  this  time,  pressed  north,  but  a  decided  defeat  some 
miles  south  of  Chester,  coupled  with  a  revolt  of  the  mixed  population 
of  Saxons  and  British  settled  in  the  Severn  valley,  stopped  the 
growth  of  the  West  Saxon  power  for  over  two  hundred  years. 

The  Angles.  —  By  far  the  greater  part  of  present  England  was 
occupied  in  the  sixth  century  by  the  Angles,  who  gave  their  itame 
to  the  country  —  Angle-land  or  England.  Lying  between  the  River 
Stour  and  the  Wash  were  the  East  Angles,  made  up  of  the  North  Folk 
and  the  South  Folk.  North  of  the  Humber  and  stretching  beyond 
the  borders  of  present  Scotland  were  the  Northumbrians,  consisting 
of  two  peoples,  the  Deirans  and  the  Bernicians.  Along  the  Trent, 
running  into  the  heart  of  the  midlands,  were  the  Middle  English,  and 
still  farther  west,  on  the  British  border,  were  the  men  of  the  Mark  or 
Mercians. 

Tribal  Grouping  at  the  Close  of  the  Teutonic  Invasions.  —  Leaving 
the  minor  tribes  out  of  account,  we  have  now  noted  the  settlements  of 
the  various  peoples  who  came  to  compose  what  was  formerly  called 
the  "  Heptarchy,"  or  Seven  Kingdoms,  though  the  number  varies 
and  the  nam'e  has  little  significance :  three  kingdoms  of  Angles  — 
Northumbrians,  East  Angles,  and  Mercians;  three  kingdoms  of 
Saxons  —  East,  South,  and  West  —  and  Kent,  the  kingdom  of  the 
Jutes.  To  the  north  and  west  were  the  Celts,  mingled  with  remnants 
of  earlier  peoples. 

Slightness  of  Roman  or  Celtic  Influences  on  Anglo-Saxon  Britain.  — 
The  Romans  left  very  slight  permanent  influences  on  the  country-, 


22      SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

while  the  Teuton  invaders  had  gone  from  their  homes  comparatively 
untouched  by  the  brilliant  if  decaying  civilization  of  the  gr&t  Latin 
race.  So  the  manners  and  customs  and  forms  of  government  of  the 
English  are,  to  a  large  degree,  Teutonic,  not  Roman  or  even  Celtic. 
The  invaders  found  a  British  people  enjoying  some  degree  of  culture, 
advanced  in  trade,  living  in  cities  and  cultivating  large  estates.  But 
they  either  exterminated  them  or  drove  them  into  the  inaccessible 
west,  sparing  chiefly  women  and  slaves.  The  English  medieval 
towns  are  to  be  traced  from  the  rural  settlements  of  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
not  from  the  vills  and  cities  of  the  partly  Romanized  Celts.  Many  of 
these  latter  communities  were  utterly  destroyed  and  have  only  been 
excavated  in  recent  times,  while  the  original  sites  of  others  were  only 
centuries  later  repeopled. 

Union  into  Larger  Kingdoms  and  Introduction  of  Christianity.  — 
Two  main  features  mark  the  period  following  the  invasions.  One  is 
the  union  of  the  various  incoming  tribes  into  larger  kingdoms,1  and 
the  attempts  of  the  larger  and  stronger  of  these  kingdoms  —  North- 
umbria  in  the  seventh,  Mercia  in  the  eighth,  and  Wessex  in  the  ninth 
centuries  —  to  obtain  control  over  the  whole  Island.  The  progress 
toward  unity  was  helped  and  hindered  in  many  ways ;  but  the  early 
combinations  were  due  mainly  to  two  causes  —  the  subjugation  of 
the  weaker  by  the  stronger,  and  the  union  of  neighboring  tribes  for 
defense  and  conquest.  The  other  notable  feature  of  the  period  is 
the  conversion  of  the  invaders  to  Christianity,  which  proved  to  be  a 
great  unifying  force.  The  form  which  was  to  prevail,  that  of  Rome, 
was  introduced  in  the  southeast,  while  Scotch  and  Irish  missionaries 
worked  their  way  in  from  the  north  and  west. 

Augustine  Converts  ^Ethelbert  of  Kent.  —  The  first  of  the  new 
rulers  to  adopt  thejChristian  faith  was  yEthelbert,  King  of  Kent 
(560-616),  who  married  Bert^ia,  a  Frankish  princess  and  a  Christian, 
though  the  conversion  of  the  King  and  his  people  was  actually  brought 
about  by  a  mission  from  Rome.  The  Pope  at  this  time  was  Gregory 
the  Great  (590-604).  Already,  as  a  young  man,  he  had  seen  young 
English  captives  in  the  slave  market  at  Rome,  and  much  attracted 
by  their  fair  faces,  blue  eyes,  and  silky  golden  hair,  he  asked  whence 
they  came.  He  was  informed  that  they  came  from  the  country  of 
the  Angles.  "  Right,"  said  he,  "  for  they  have  angelic  faces."  On 
asking  further  the  name  of  the  province  to  which  they  belonged  he 
was  told  that  it  was  Deira.  "  Truly,"  he  exclaimed,  "  they  shall  be 

1  The  West  Saxons,  for  instance,  were  originally  composed  of  many  smaller 
groups,  the  Dorsaetas,  Somersaetas,  and  Wiltsaetas,  to  mention  only  a  few,  and 
the  same  may  be  said  of  the  other  kingdoms. 


GERMANIC 
SETTLEMENTS 


4       Longitude     3          from          »      Greenwich    1 


0          E.at  1 


r  k  CO.,t«iH'«,H  .  ». 


THE  COMING  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS  23 

withdrawn  from  the  wrath  of  God  1  and  called  to  the  mercy  of  Christ." 
From  that  time,  according  to  this  legend,  so  beautiful  that  one  hopes 
it  may  be  true,  he  seems  to  have  been  determined  to  convert  the  land 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  the  Christian  faith.  So,  in  the  year  596,  he 
selected  a  monk,  Augustine,  and  a  band  of  followers  to  perform  this 
work.  It  is  easy  to  see  why  he  chose  the  country  of  ^Ethelbert,  the 
leading  man  in  southern  Britain,  the  best  known  on  the  Continent 
and  the  husband  of  a  Christian.  In  597  Gregory's  emissaries  landed 
in  Thanet,  whence  Augustine  sent  word  to  the  King  that  they  brought 
him  a  joyful  message.  ^Ethelbert  arranged  to  receive  them  sitting  in 
the  open  air,  fearing  if  he  entered  a  house  they  might  overcome  him 
by  magic  spells.  The  monks  approached  him  in  a  procession,  bear- 
ing a  silver  cross  and  a  picture  of  Christ  painted  on  wood  and  singing 
the  litany,  and  told  him  of  the  Gospel.  After  some  hesitation  he 
allowed  the  holy  strangers  to  come  and  dwell  in  his  royal  city  of 
Canterbury,  and  on  Whitsunday,  597,  he  consented  to  be  baptized. 
It  is  said  that  10,000  of  his  people  followed  his  example,  possibly  from 
conviction,  possibly  from  loyalty  or  by  royal  command.  From  that 
time  to  the  present  day,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  has  been  at  the 
head  of  the  Church  of  England. 

End  of  the  Kentish  Supremacy  and  the  Decline  of  Christianity.  — 
Pope  Gregory  had  also  instructed  Augustine  to  enter  into  relations 
with  the  British  Christians ;  but  their  Bishops,  although  they  met  him 
in  two  conferences,  sullenly  refused  to  join  hands  with  one  associated 
with  their  hated  conquerors.  Augustine  died  in  604,  having  done 
little  more  than  spread  his  faith  into  the  neighboring  East  Saxon  land. 
After  the  death  of  yEthelbert,  in  616,  his  sons  and  the  East.  Saxon 
chiefs  relapsed  into  heathendom.  ^Ethelbert  was  the  leading  ruler  in 
the  country  and  the  Kentish  supremacy  perished  with  him.  His 
reign  is  nota'ble  not  only  for  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  but  for 
the  first  bock  of  laws  issued  by  an  English  King.  They  are  merely 
a  record  of  existing  customs,  somewhat  amended  by  Christianity,  and 
relate  chiefly  to  offenses  and  penalties  to  be  imposed. 

The  Rise  of  Northumbria.  —  Meantime,  the  Northumbrians  had 
come  to  the  front  and  developed  a  power  that  was  destined  to  be  su- 
preme for  over  a  century.  In  593  ^thelfrith  of  the  house  of  Bernicia, 
whose  father  had  gained  control  of  the  rival  kingdom  of  Deira,  became 
King.  Known  as  "  the  devastator  "  from  the  extent  and  ruthlessness 
of  his  conquests,  he  first  secured  his  northern  border  by  a  victory  over 
a  combined  force  of  the  Picts  and  Scots  and  then  advanced  west 
against  the  Welsh  whom  he  overcame  at  a  battle  near  Chester  at  a 

1  Latin,  de  ira. 


24     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

date  variously  given  as  607  and  613.  Legend  tells  that  two  thousand 
monks  from  Bangor  appeared  to  pray  for  their  countrymen,  where- 
upon the  Northumbrian  King  ordered  an  attack  upon  them,  declar- 
ing :  "  if  they  cry  to  their  God  against  us,  they,  too,  are  our  adver- 
saries, though  they  bear  no  weapons,  since  they  oppose  us  by  their 
imprecations."  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  battle  of  Chester  ranks  with 
that  of  Deorham  (Dyrham)  in  importance,  for  it  had  the  result  of 
cutting  off  the  Strathclyde  Welsh  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  country 
we  now  know  as  Wales.  Thus  the  solid  Celtic  western  wall  had  been 
broken  into  three  parts.  ^Ethelf rith  did  not  long  survive  his  triumph 
for  he  was  defeated  and  slain  in  617. 

Supremacy  of  Edwin  (617-633).  His  Conversion. — Edwin,  an 
exiled  Deiran  prince,  thereby  became  supreme  over  the  united  North- 
umbrian Kingdoms.  He  extended  his  rule  to  the  north,  and  estab- 
lished a  fortification  from  which  Edinburgh  (Edwin's  burh)  takes  its 
name.  He  also  made  himself  the  leading  power  in  mid-Britain  and 
allied  himself,  in  marriage  with  a  Kentish  princess,  whose  chaplain 
strove  to  convert  him  to  the  Christian  faith.  Edwin,  after  a  narrow 
escape  from  death,  promised  to  adopt  it,  if  he  should  succeed  in  gain- 
ing a  victory  over  the  West  Saxons  with  whom  he  was  at  war.  When 
his  arms  prevailed  he  held  a  meeting  of  his  Witan,  or  Council,  to 
discuss  the  question.  History  has  preserved  for  us  the  lofty,  simple 
words  of  one  of  his  councilors.  "  So  seems  the  life  of  man,  Oh  King," 
he  said,  "  as  a  sparrow's  flight  through  the  hall  when  a  man  is  sitting 
at  meat  in  winter  tide  with  the  warm  fire  lighted  at  the  hearth ;  but 
the  chill  rain-storm  without.  The  sparrow  flies  in  at  one  door  and 
tarries  for  a  moment  in  the  light  and  heat  of  the  hearth  fire,  and  then 
flying  forth  from  the  other,  vanishes  into  the  wintry  darkness  whence 
it  came.  So  tarries  for  a  moment  the  life  of  man  in  our  sight;  but 
what  is  before  it  we  know  not.  What  after  it  we  know  not.  If  this 
new  teaching  tell  us  aught  certainly  of  these,  let  us  follow  it."  This 
was  in  627.  Edwin  not  only  extended  his  sway  over  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  Island,  but  he  maintained  such  peace  and  order  that  a 
woman  might  walk  from  sea  to  sea  and  no  one  would  do  her  harm. 
But  his  enemies  in  the  end  proved  too  strong  for  him  and  Christianity 
contributed  to  his  undoing.  A  King  of  North  Wales  formed  a  com- 
bination with  Penda  of  Mercia,  a  stout  old  pagan,  and  the  two  over- 
threw him  in  633. 

Oswald,  King  of  Northumbria.  The  Scotch-Irish  Mission.  — 
After  an  interval  Edwin  was  succeeded  by  Oswald,  a  son  of  the  Berni- 
cian,  jEthelfrith.  During  the  time  of  Edwin  he  had  been  in  exile 
chiefly  at  lona,  a  little  island  off  the  west  coast  of  Scotland  where 


THE   COMING  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS  25 

there  was  a  famous  monastery  founded  in  the  sixth  century  by  the 
Irish  Saint  Columba.  Oswald  —  noted  for  his  humbleness,  piety,  and 
charity  —  labored  to  convert  his  kingdom  to  the  Scotch-Irish  faith, 
which  he  had  adopted  at  lona,  and  was  ably  assisted  by  Aidan,  a 
gentle  and  holy  man,  who  established  a  monastery  at  Lindisfarne, 
or  Holy  Isle,  on  the  Northumbrian  coast  not  far  from  the  royal  resi- 
dence. Although  Oswald  was  a  strong  and  valiant  warrior  as  well 
as  a  man  of  piety,  he  was  not  long  able  to  maintain  headway  against 
Penda,  who  led  an  army  against  him  and  defeated  him  in  642.  Oswald 
was  slain,  and  miracles  were  performed  by  earth  soaked  with  his  blood. 
Oswy,  a  younger  brother,  was  able  at  last  to  overcome  old  Penda,  in 
655,  a  triumph  which  accelerated  the  work  that  the  Scotch-Irish 
Church  was  doing.  Meantime,  the  Roman  Church  had  secured  a 
foothold  in  East  Anglia  and  in  Wessex,  and  a  clash  between  the  rivals 
was  bound  soon  to  come. 

Triumph  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Organization  and  Extension 
under  Theodore.  —  Finally,  in  664,  a  synod  was  arranged  in  the 
presence  of  King  Oswy  at  Whitby,  where  Wilfrid,  a  young  Northum- 
brian noble,  who  had  just  returned  from  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Eternal 
City,  presented  the  Roman  claims.  The  main  controversy  was  over 
the  date  of  Easter.  In  the  course  of  the  debate  Wilfrid  asserted  that 
the  Roman  custom  was  that  of  Peter  to  whom  Christ  had  intrusted 
the  keys  of  heaven.  This  decided  Oswy,  who  declared  that  he  would 
take  the  side  of  Peter,  lest  "  when  I  come  before  the  gates  of  heaven, 
he  who  holds  the  keys  should  not  open  unto  me."  The  results  of  the 
Roman  victory  at  Whitby  were  momentous  and  far-reaching.  It 
brought  England  into  contact  with  the  civilization  of  continental 
Europe  and  led  to  the  formation  of  what  had  been  a  mere  group  of 
mission  stations  into  an  organized  Church.  The  man  to  whom  this 
work  is  chiefly  due  was  Theodore  of  Tarsus,  whom  the  Pope  sent  out  as 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  who  worked  unceasingly  from  669  till 
his  death  in  690.  He  found  seven  bishoprics  and  only  three  bishops 
to  fill  them ;  he  left  fifteen  in  effective  working  order.  To  bring  the 
Church  into  closer  touch  with  the  people  he  greatly  extended  the 
parochial  system,1  and  established  a  school  at  Canterbury  where 
boys  were  taught  arithmetic,  astronomy,  Latin,  Greek,  and  the  Scrip- 
tures. 

1  The  center  of  church  life  in  primitive  times  was  the  bishop.  To  each  was 
allotted  a  single  church,  and  he  had  in  his  household  a  body  of  young  men  whom 
he  taught  and  sent  out  to  preach  and  teach  in  their  turn.  But,  corresponding  to  a 
need  for  more  regular  ministrations,  as  time  went  on,  the  lords  of  large  estates 
began  to  settle  priests  on  their  lands,  and  the  little  townships  or  hamlets  did  like- 
wise ;  thus  parishes  originated. 


26      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Monks  and  Their  Work.  —  The  religious  and  educational 
work  of  the  Church  in  early  England  was  largely  done  by  the  monks. 
In  the  Anglo-Saxon  period  these  monastic  orders  were  mostly  Bene- 
dictine, following  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  (480-543),  a  holy  man  who 
founded  a  monastery  at  Monte  Cassino  in  southern  Italy.  His  fol- 
lowers were  pledged  never  to  marry,  to  obey  their  superiors  without 
question,  and  to  accumulate  no  wealth  for  themselves ;  in  other  words, 
they  were  bound  by  the  three  vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience. 
While  the  individuals  remained  poor,  the  monastic  communities 
became  immensely  rich.  Enjoined  to  labor  as  well  as  to  pray,  they 
entered  into  waste  places,  cut  down  the  forests,  drained  the  swamps, 
built  dwellings,  and  cultivated  the  soil.  Aside  from  their  manual 
labor  they  studied  and  copied  manuscripts  and  taught  the  youth. 
Unhappily  these  monks,  as  their  wealth  increased  and  their  pioneer 
work  was  accomplished,  became  weak,  idle,  and  corrupt ;  nevertheless, 
after  all  is  said,  they  were  a  great  power  for  good.  Life  was  hard, 
brutal,  and  vicious,  and  the  gentle,  pious  men  and  women  who  de- 
voted themselves  to  study,  work,  and  prayer  were  shining  examples 
in  an  age  when  greed,  ignorance,  and  blood thirstiness  were  all  too 
common.  The  literature  of  the  times  is  full  of  the  doings  of  monks  and 
nuns. 

The  Venerable  Bede  (673-735).  —  By  far  the  most  renowned  and 
attractive  figure  among  these  early  monks  is  the  venerable  Bede 
(673-735),  the  "  father  of  English  history."  His  Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory of  the  English  Nation,  extending  from  55  B.C.  to  731  A.D.,  is 
notable  not  only  for  being  the  first  truly  historical  work  produced  by 
an  Englishman,  but  also  for  a  grace  of  style  and  temper  that  is  all  but 
unique.  Although  primarily  a  church  history,  it  deals  incidentally 
with  temporal  affairs,  and  indeed  is  almost  our  only  authentic  source 
for  the  period  of  the  seventh  and  early  eighth  centuries.  As  a  boy 
Bede  was  sent  to  the  monastery  of  Jarrow  on  Tyne  and  passed  his  life 
there.  He  says  "  he  gave  his  whole  energy  to  meditating  on  the 
Scriptures,  and,  amid  the  observance  of  the  monastic  rule  and  the 
daily  ministry  of  singing  in  the  Church,  ever  held  it  sweet  either  to 
learn  or  to  teach  or  to  write."  Humble  and  devout,  he  became  the 
most  learned  man  of  his  day. 

Influence  of  the  Church.  —  The  influence  of  the  Church  in  those 
days  was  manifold.  Its  organization  furnished  a  model  of  unity  in 
the  midst  of  separation  and  disorder.  Its  synods  brought  men 
together  and  broke  down  provincialism  and  prejudice.  It  contributed 
at  least  somewhat  to  raise  the  standard  of  morality,  and  to  preserve 
and  spread  learning.  It  fostered  industry,  agriculture,  and  the  arts ; 


THE  COMING  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXONS  27 

while  the  monks  builded  and  studied  and  dug,  the  nuns  spun,  wove, 
and  embroidered.  Moreover,  many  Englishmen  became  famous  and 
heroic  apostles  to  their  kinsmen  on  the  Continent. 

End  of  the  Northumbrian  Supremacy.  —  Oswy  of  Northumbria 
died  in  670,  and  Northumbria  soon  ceased  to  be  a  leading  power. 
Internal  strife,  hostilities  on  the  northern  border,  and  the  enmity  of 
Mercia  proved  too  much  for  it  to  withstand.  The  kingdom  lingered 
on  till  it  was  destroyed  in  the  ninth  century  by  a  new  enemy,  the 
Northmen ;  but  it  would  be  useless  to  try  to  make  headway  through 
its  confused  and  tumultuous  annals.  Suffice  to  say  that  during  the 
eighth  century  there  were  fourteen  kings,  of  whom  many  were  de- 
posed and  none  died  peacefully. 

Supremacy  of  Mercia.  Off  a  (757-796).  — During  the  eighth  cen- 
tury the  leading  position  in  England  was  taken  by  Mercia.  Mercian 
power  reached  its  height  under  Offa  (757-796),  who  after  more  than 
twenty  years  of  hard  fighting  succeeded  in  securing  his  supremacy 
south  of  the  Humber  and  in  subduing  and  absorbing  the  Welsh  on 
the  western  border.  He  was  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  Charlemagne 
and  more  than  one  sign  indicates  his  influence  with  the  Papacy: 
Pope  Hadrian  described  him  as  the  King  of  the  English  nation ;  and 
he  made  the  Pope  a  grant,  in  787,  which  is  regarded  as  the  origin  of 
Peter's  pence.  Offa  also  made  laws  for  his  people,  which,  while  they 
are  no  longer  extant,  were  drawn  on  by  Alfred  the  Great  for  his  later 
and  more  famous  compilation. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Caesar  in  his  Gallic  Wars  and  Tacitus  in  his  Germania  describe  the  con- 
ditions of  the  early  Germans  on  the  Continent  in  about  50  B.C.  and  100  A.D. 
respectively. 

Among  the  descriptions  in  later  works  are :  Pasquali  Villari,  The  Bar- 
barian Invasions  (1902) ;  F.  B.  Gummere,  Germanic  Origins  (1892) ;  Hannis 
Taylor,  The  Origin  and  Growth  of  the  English  Constitution  (vol.  I,  1892) ; 
Wm.  Stubbs,  English  Constitutional  History  (5th  ed.,  1891)  I,  chs.  II,  III. 
Taylor's  work  is  a  compilation  which  is  very  clearly  written,  but  exaggerates 
the  Germanic  origin  of  English  institutions.  Stubbs,  although  super- 
seded in  places,  is  still  the  authoritative  comprehensive  work  on  English 
constitutional  history  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Among  the  best  of  the  briefer 
manuals  are:  A.  B.  White,  The  Making  of  the  English  Constitution  (1908) ; 
F.  W.  Maitland,  The  Constitutional  History  of  England  (1908) ;  and  T.  P. 
Taswell-Langmead,  English  Constitutional  History  (yth  ed.,  1911).  A 
very  suggestive  sketch  is  G.  B.  Adams,  An  Outline  Sketch  of  English  Con- 
stitutional History  (1918).  D.  J.  Medley,  Manual  of  English  Constitutional 
History  (4th  ed.,  1907)  is  a  most  useful  work  of  reference. 


28      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

For  invasions  and  the  early  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  the  most  valuable 
general  sources  are  Bede,  Historia  Ecclesiastica  Gentis  Anglorum,  to  731, 
and  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  which  in  one  version  goes  to  1154.  Each 
work  has  been  translated  many  times.  Inexpensive  editions  are  those  of 
J.  A.  Giles  in  Bohn's  Standard  Library,  (1843)  and  (1847)  respectively. 
The  best  modern  narratives  are  J.  R.  Green,  The  Making  of  England  (1881) ; 
Ramsay,  Foundations  of  England,  I ;  Oman,  England  before  the  Norman 
Conquest,  and  Hodgkin,  Political  History  of  England. 

For  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  see  H.  O.  Wakeman,  History  of  the 
Church  of  England  (8th  ed.,  1914),  and  William  Hunt,  History  of  the  English 
Church  (1901).  Wakeman's  is  the  best  one- volume  work.  Hunt's  is  the 
first  of  a  series  of  nine  volumes  by  different  authors.  Each  chapter  is  pro- 
vided with  a  fairly  full  bibliography.  F.  Makower,  Constitutional  History 
of  the  Church  of  England  (Eng.  tr.,  1895)  is  very  good  on  the  organization 
of  the  Church. 

An  invaluable  work  of  reference  for  the  whole  period  is  the  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography,  63  vols.,  1885-1900,  with  6  supplementary  volumes 
bringing  the  work  up  to  1912.  The  ample  biographies  are  accompanied  by 
good  bibliographies.  In  1908-1909  a  cheaper  edition  in  22  volumes  was 
issued. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  THE  WEST  SAXONS.     THE  GROWTH  AND 
DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE  ANGLO-SAXON  MONARCHY 

Rise  of  the  West  Saxons.  Ine  (688-725) .  —  Not  long  after  the  death 
of  Offa,  the  Mercians  were  forced  to  yield  their  supreme  position  to 
the  West  Saxons,  who  had  started  on  a  career  of  conquest  with  the 
brightest  of  prospects  generations  before,  but  had  been  held  back 
largely  by  internal  dissensions.  The  greatest  of  their  early  Kings  after 
the  warrior  Ceawlin  (593)  wag  Tnp  (<s^R-<p^  celebrated  for  his  com- 
manding  position  in^The  south  and  for  his  rode  qf  laws  —  largely 
amenTmients  of  existing  custom  and  an  enumeration  of  crimes  and  their 
penalties.  After  reigning  nearly  forty  years  Ine  abdicated  and  went  on 
a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  where  he  died.  Nearly  a  century  was  to  pass 
before  the  West  Saxon  power  again  took  the  lead.  Then  its  supremacy 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons  was  destined  to  be  lasting.  Many  reasons 
explain  this :  there  began  in  the  ninth  century  a  series  of  Kings  who 
were,  almost  without  exception,  effective  rulers  and  indomitable 
warriors ;  they  were  supported  by  the  Church,  which  saw  the  best 
prospect  of  carrying  on  its  work  under  a  strong  united  monarchy ; 
and  finally,  the  invasions  of  the  Northmen  destroyed  the  rival  king- 
doms which  had  impeded  the  West  Saxon  advance. and  drew  the 
divided  peoples  together  against  a  common  enemy. 

Egbert  (802-839)  Establishes  the  West  Saxon  Supremacy.  —  The 
beginning  of  the  West  Saxon  supremacy  dates  from  the  accession  of 
Egbert,  who,  during  some  years  of  exile,  dwelt  in  the  domain  of  Charle- 
magne, from  whose  vast  Empire  he  gained  his  first  ideas  of  a  great 
united  rule.  On  the  death  of  the  King  who  had  driven  him  out  he 
returned,  in  802,  and  was  accepted  as  ruler  by  the  West  Saxons.  He 
reduced  the  Mercians  to  submission ;  the  people  of  East  Anglia  sought 
his  "  peace  and  protection  " ;  he  recovered  the  Kentish  kingdom  of 
his  father ;  and  he  forced  the  Northumbrians  and  Welsh  to  take  him 
for  their  lord.  During  his  last  years  he  had  to  fight  off  attacks  of  the 
Northmen  who  had  first  appeared  in  the  reign  of  his  predecessor, 

29 


30     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

and  who  were  to  occupy  practically  the  whole  energies  of  Egbert's 
son  and  of  his  four  grandsons. 

The  Northmen.  —  The  Northmen,  or  Danes,  as  the  Anglo-Saxons 
called  them,  —  often  known  as  the  "  vikings  "  or  rovers  —  inhabited 
the  peninsulas  of  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden.  They  were  heath- 
ens, sea  rovers,  and  pirates  who  passed  their  time  mainly  in  plundering 
and  fighting.  Organized  in  small  bands,  they  had  their  headquarters 
in  the  innumerable  fiords,  inlets,  and  creeks  which  indented  the  Scan- 
dinavian coast.  Their  boats  were  small  open  affairs,  high  at  the  prow 
and  stern,  propelled  by  oars,  though  often  they  bore  a  single  mast 
and  sail  which  could  be  set  up  to  help  the  oarsmen  when  the  wind 
was  right.  While  they  founded  powerful  states  in  northwest  France 
(Normandy)  and  in  southern  Italy,  we  are  concerned  primarily  with 
the  Northmen  in  England.  At  first  they  conducted  merely  discon- 
nected plundering  expeditions,  then  they  made  settlements,  and 
finally  established  kingdoms. 

The  Danes  in  England.  —  In  793  they  landed  at  Lindisfarne,  where 
they  "  lamentably  destroyed  God's  church  .  .  .  through  rapine  and 
slaughter."  During  the  course  of  the  next  century  the  invaders 
secured  territorial  settlements  in  northern  and  eastern  England, 
overrunning  Northumbria,  East  Anglia,  and  Mercia.  In  795  they 
landed  in  Ireland,  where  they  later  established  a  kingdom.  As  has 
been  seen,  they  proved,  from  the  time  of  Egbert,  a  serious  menace  to 
the  West  Saxons.  They  not  only  infested  the  southern  and  south- 
eastern coasts,  but,  during  the  reign  of  his  son,  they  penetrated  in- 
land l  and  even  took  London  and  Canterbury.  While  ^Ethelred,  a 
grandson  of  Egbert,  was  ruling  the  West  Saxons  and  straining  every 
nerve  to  drive  the  Danes  out  of  his  territory,  he  was  mortally  wounded 
in  871. 

Alfred  the  Great  (871-901).  —  ^thelred  left  two  sons ;  but  they  were 
under  age,  and  Alfred,  who  had  so  ably  assisted  his  brother,  was  chosen 
to  succeed  him  as  King  of  Wessex  and  Kent.  That  the  kingdoms  of 
Wessex  and  Kent  were  defended  against  the  Danes  and  organized  to 
form  a  center  for  the  ultimate  recovery  of  the  whole  Island  was  due 
to  Alfred,  the  supreme  hero  of  the  English  race.  He  was  born  in  848, 
and  from  his  infancy  he  was  marked  as  a  child  of  special  attainments 

1  A  raid  into  East  Anglia  in  870  is  notable  for  the  gruesome  martyrdom  of  the 
King  of  that  land.  St.  Edmund,  as  he  came  to  be,  refused  to  divide  his  treasure 
with  the  Danish  chief,  to  renounce  his  religion,  or  to  become  a  vassal.  Forthwith  he 
was  tied  to  a  tree,  scourged,  then  shot  through  with  arrows  and  beheaded.  Long 
after,  a  shrine  was  built  to  commemorate  his  martyrdom  at  Bury,  now  known  as 
Bury  St.  Edmunds. 


THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  THE  WEST  SAXONS  31 

and  charm  ;  his  later  youth  was  spent  in  hard  and  stern  duties,  and  he 
was  only  twenty-two  when  the  whole  burden  of  defending  the  kingdom 
fell  on  him.  The  darkest  time  in  the  annals  of  England  came  in  876, 
when,  after  a  brief  truce,  Guthrum,  who  had  made  himself  King  of 
East  Anglia,  landed  on  the  south  coast,  overran  Dorsetshire  and  seized 
Exeter.  Alfred  retreated  to  the  fen  country  of  Somerset,1  and  estab- 
lished a  fortress  on  an  inaccessible  island  in  the  marshes.  After  he 
had  brought  together  the  men  of  Hampshire,  Wiltshire,  and  Somerset 
he  sallied  forth  and  defeated  the  Danes  in  878  at  Ethandun  (now 
Hedington).  By  the  so-called  Peace  of  Wedmore  (879)  Alfred  made 
them  consent  to  receive  baptism  and  to  evacuate  the  West  Saxon 
land.  It  was  not  till  886,  after  he  had  defeated  the  Danes  in  a  sea 
fight  north  of  the  Thames,  that  Alfred  got  a  treaty  dividing  his  land 
from  what  came  to  be  known  as  the  Danelagh.  By  the  terms  of  that 
treaty  the  Danes  were  to  keep  all  east  of  a  line  "  up  the  Thames  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Lea,  up  the  Lea  to  its  source,  thence  across  to  Bed- 
ford, thence  up  the  Ouse  to  Watling  Street."  Thereby  Alfred  got 
London,  which  he  fortified  and  rebuilt. 

Alfred's  Military  Reorganization.  —  Having  driven  out  the  enemy, 
he  set  himself  to  organize  a  permanent  defense,  to  give  his  people 
wise  laws,  to  improve  their  political  institutions,  to  educate  them  and 
furnish  them  with  a  literature.  The  chief  military  weakness  of  the 
English  had  been  the  fact  that,  as  soon  as  a  battle  was  won,  the  army 
would  disperse  and  leave  the  land  unprotected.  To  prevent  this, 
Alfred  divided  the  men  into  three  parts ;  one  was  kept  at  work  in  the 
fields,  another  was  held  constantly  under  arms,  and  still  a  third  was 
assigned  to  garrison  strongholds  or  fortresses. 

His  Laws  and  Political  Reorganization.  —  Having  prepared  for 
defense  he  proceeded  to  compile  a  body  of  laws.  Besides  a  few  new 
provisions  and  some  taken  directly  from  the  Scriptures  he  selected 
what  to  him  "  seemed  good  "  from  those  his  "  forefathers  held  " 
from  the  dooms  of  ^Ethelbert  of  Kent,  from  Ine  of  Wessex,  and  Offa 
of  Mercia,  besides  taking  some  provisions  directly  from  the  Scriptures. 
It  was  a  decided  step  in  unification  to  give  his  subjects  a  common  law 
where  each  people  had  had  its  own  particular  system,  moreover  his 
influence  on  the  political  institutions  of  his  time  is  not  without  signifi- 
cance. The  invention  of  shires 2  has  been  attributed  to  Alfred,  but 

1  The  story  is  that  he  was  a  fugitive  in  hiding  and  that  once  he  took  refuge  in  a 
cowherd's  hut  where  the  housewife  gave  him  some  cakes  to  tend.     He  allowed  them 
to  burn  and  was  sharply  berated  for  his  carelessness.     This  story  is  a  myth,  nor 
indeed,  did  Alfred  come  as  a  fugitive,  but  to  gather  new  strength  against  his  enemies. 

2  For  shires,  see  below  p.  45. 


32      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  arrangement  for  Wessex  is  at  least  as  old  as  Inc.  What  Alfred 
did  was  to  perfect  it  and  extend  it  to  the  old  tribal  kingdoms  of  Kent, 
Surrey,  Sussex,  and  Essex  which  had,  up  to  the  period  of  his  victories, 
been  ruled  by  one  or  more  under-kings  of  the  royal  family.  From  the 
time  of  Alfred  all  lands  south  of  the  Thames  formed  part  of  the  West 
Saxon  kingdom,  divided  into  judicial  and  administrative  districts 
each  under  regular  officials.  The  arrangement  offered  an  admirable 
combination  of  local  self-government  and  central  organization ;  for, 
while  the  forms  of  procedure  were  popular,  the  presiding  officers 
were  responsible  to  the  King.  Alfred  spent  much  time  in  deciding 
complaints.  He  always  favored  the  poor,  "  because,"  he  said,  "  the 
poor  had  no  friend  but  the  King." 

His  Work  in  Promoting  Literature  and  Education. — Another  phase 
of  Alfred's  varied  activity  is  his  work  as  a  promoter  of  education  and 
literature.  Often  lamenting  that  his  own  attainments  in  reading 
were  so  poor  and  that  learning  had  reached  such  a  low  ebb  in  these 
turbulent  times,  it  was  his  wish  that  "  all  the  youth  of  England  of 
free  men  ...  be  set  to  learn  .  .  .  until  that  they  are  well  able  to 
read  English  writing,"  and  "  that  those  whom  it  is  proposed  to  edu- 
cate further  and  promote  to  a  higher  office  should  be  taught  Latin." 
For  the  latter  purpose  he  caused  a  Court  school  to  be  founded  at 
Winchester.  Also  he  did  much  to  foster  the  writing  of  his  native 
tongue:  under  his  auspices  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  the  first  his- 
tory of  any  modern  country  in  the  vernacular,  was  greatly  expanded ; 
he  started  a  collection  of  ancient  epics  of  which  only  one,  Beowulf, 
has  survived,  and  caused  various  books  to  be  translated,  chief  among 
them  Bede's  History.  Probably  the  actual  translations  were  made 
by  the  learned  men  he  gathered  about  him,  yet  the  renderings  were 
Alfred's,  and  he  interspersed  them  with  little  comments,  bits  of  his- 
torical and  geographical  information  and  lofty  sentiments  which  he 
thought  would  inform  and  uplift  his  people. 

Final  Estimate  of  Alfred.  —  Such  was  the  work  of  Alfred,  defender, 
lawgiver,  and  educator  of  his  people.  He  was  a  man  of  many  in- 
terests but  one  aim  —  to  serve  those  over  whom  he  ruled.  Always 
active  and  methodical  in  his  activity,  he  was  so  careful  of  his  time 
that,  it  is  said,  since  there  were  no  clocks,  he  devised  a  candle  covered 
by  a  lantern  to  measure  the  hours  that  were  all  too  brief  for  what  he 
had  to  do.  He  did  not  invent  shires,  found  Oxford,  or  establish  trial 
by  jury  as  our  forefathers  believed.  The  burden  of  achievements  at- 
tributed to  him  is  greater  than  he  can  bear.  But  he  did  much  for  Eng- 
land, and,  if  we  can  see  him  aright  through  the  distorting  medium  of 
myth  and  fable,  he  was  just  as  great  for  what  he  was  and  what  he  did. 


THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  THE  WEST  SAXONS  33 

Edward  the  Elder  (900-924),  and  the  Beginning  of  Reconquest.  — 

Alfred  died  28  October,  900,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Edward, 
the  Elder,  who  undertook  to  conquer  all  England  from  the  Danes  and 
to  extend  his  overlordship  over  the  Scots  and  the  Welsh.  While 
Edward  himself  was  a  persistent  and  able  general  he  owed  much  to 
his  sister  Ethelfleda,  "  the  Lady  of  the  Mercians,"  whose  military 
achievements  surpassed  those  of  the  Amazons  of  old.  Edward  and 
Ethelfleda  developed  the  method  of  warfare  originated  by  Alfred ; 
avoiding  battles  whenever  possible,  they  seized  commanding  points, 
which  they  fortified  and  garrisoned  as  centers  of  defense  and  further 
conquest.-  •  Before  the  close  of  his  reign,  Edward,  and  his  valiant  sis- 
ter (f  918)  had  recovered  Essex  and  East  Anglia  and  a  large  portion 
of  the  Mercian  district  of  the  five  boroughs.  He  had  also  extended 
his  overlordship  over  the  Northumbrians  and  the  Welsh,  and  it  is 
asserted  that  the  King  of  the  Scots  also  took  Edward  "  to  father  and 
lord  "  ; 1  but  this  is  disputed,  although  later  English  Kings  based  a 
claim  on  Scotland  on  this  alleged  submission.  We  hear  of  subsequent 
revolts  even  in  the  districts  which  Edward  had  actually  conquered, 
but  he  had  good  ground  for  being  called  King  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 
His  work  was  finally  completed  by  his  sons,  three  of  whom  in  turn 
succeeded  him. 

Further  Extension  of  the  West  Saxon  Power.  —  The  first  of  these 
was  Athelstan  (925-940),  known  as  "  Glorious  Athelstan,"  from  his 
grace  and  beauty.  His  growing  power  and  reconquests  —  he  wrote 
himself  Monarch  of  all  Britain  —  caused  alarm  to  the  princes  on  his 
borders,  and,  in  937,  the  Scots,  Welsh,  and  Danes  combined  against 
him.  He  met  the  coalition  at  Brunnanburh,  an  undetermined  site 
somewhere  in  the  north  country,  where  a  desperate  hand  to  hand 
battle  was  fought  from  sunrise  to  sunset,  resulting  in  a  victory  for 
Athelstan  which  determined  that  the  West  Saxons  were  to  be  supreme 
in  Britain.  The  second  son  had  to  face  a  series  of  revolts,  and  only 
managed  by  hard  fighting  to  retain  what  his  father  and  brother  had 
won.  The  third,  Edred,  though  he  waged  persistent  war  against 
the  restless  Danes  in  Northumberland,  adopted,  in  954,  the  year 
before  his  death,  a  new  policy  ;  he  put  them  under  an  Ealdorman,  and 
allowed  them  their  own  customs  and  their  own  laws  —  a  policy  of 
wise  moderation  that  resulted  ultimately  in  incorporating  the  Danes 
as  peaceful  subjects. 

St.  Dunstan,  His  Reforms,  Political  Influence  and  Banishment.  — 
It  was  in  the  reign  of  Edred  that  Dunstan  came  to  take  a  leading  share 

1  The  Picts  had  already  in  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century  been  united  with  the 
Scots  under  one  King. 


34     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

in  the  government.  Born  about  924  of  a  noble  West  Saxon  family, 
Dunstan  was  educated  at  the  monastery  of  Glastonbury  and  early 
introduced  to  the  court  of  Athelstan  where  he  spent  much  of  his  time. 
He  was  a  dreamy,  imaginative  youth  who  cared  little  for  the  pastimes 
of  his  fellows.  After  he  had  been  banished  from  court  on  a  false  charge 
of  sorcery  and  after  a  serious  illness  he  decided  to  become  a  monk. 
At  Glastonbury  he  built  himself  a  tiny  cell,  where  he  spent  his  time 
studying  the  Scriptures,  copying  and  illuminating  manuscripts, 
skillfully  working  metals  and  playing  the  harp,  though,  in  spite  of 
his  manifold  occupations,  he  was  frequently  assailed  by  horrid  visions 
and  temptations  from  the  Evil  One.  Eventually  he  was  made  Abbot. 
In  his  new  position,  Dunstan  led  a  movement  in  England  to  meet  the 
decay  in  religion  and  learning  that  had  set  in  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Bede,  and  which  had  been  accentuated  by  the  disorders  resulting  from 
the  Danish  invasions.  Monks  and  nuns  had  departed  from  the  rules 
of  their  orders,  had  married,  had  assumed  the  dress  and  manners  and 
customs  of  the  laity,  had  lost  interest  in  study  and  entered  into  the 
pursuits  and  pastimes  of  those  in  the  world  about  them.  Dunstan 
set  himself  against  all  this.  He  introduced  monks  at  Glastonbury, 
pledged  to  live  the  single  life  and  to  devote  themselves  to  study  and 
the  services  of  the  Church,  and  worked  untiringly  as  a  teacher  him- 
self. But,  in  addition  to  his  work  as  Abbot,  he  accomplished  a  great 
political  work  as  well ;  for  Edred  made  him  chief  adviser,  and  it  was 
probably  due  to  Dunstan's  sage  counsel  that  the  device  was  adopted 
of  conciliating  the  Danes  by  granting  them  a  measure  of  local 
independence.  Under  Edred's  nephew  he  lost  influence  for  a  time. 
The  West  Saxons  hated  him  for  his  opposition  to  their  plan  of  estab- 
lishing their  ascendancy  by  force,  and  he  crossed  the  purposes  of  an 
ambitious  woman  who  was  bent  on  marrying  her  daughter  to  the  young 
and  weak-minded  King.  Consequently,  Dunstan  was  banished.  He 
remained  two  years  in  exile,  where  he  learned  much  at  first  hand  of  the 
revived  and  developed  Benedictine  rule,  known  as  the  "  Cluniac  "  re- 
form from  the  fact  that  it  began  at  Cluny  in  France.  Dunstan, 
however,  was  more  interested  in  education  and  religion  than  in  monas- 
tic discipline,  and  it  is  due  more  to  others  that  the  stricter  aspects 
of  the  reform  were  introduced  into  England. 

Recall  of  Dunstan.  Edgar,  the  Peaceful  (959-975). — Dunstan  was 
recalled  and  made  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  by  Edgar,  whose  reign 
marks  the  highest  point  in  the  power  of  kingship  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
period.  The  royal  policy  was  consolidation  on  the  basis  of  concilia- 
tion ;  the  Danes  were  to  have  their  laws  and  so  were  the  English : 
while  the  King  was  supreme  over  all,  the  local  government  was  in  the 


THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  THE  WEST  SAXONS  35 

hands  of  the  great  Ealdormen  of  Northumbria,  East  Anglia,  and 
Mercia.  This  was  an  extension  of  the  policy  which  had  been  initiated 
largely  by  Dunstan  in  the  reign  of  Edred,  and  it  worked  well  under 
Edgar's  vigorous  control,  but  there  was  danger,  realized  all  too  soon 
under  weak  rulers,  that  local  divisions  would  break  up  the  unity  of 
the  kingdom.  Edgar  was  crowned  in  973,  and  "  there  was  much  bliss 
on  that  blessed  day."  The  coronation  is  notable  as  the  first  which 
the  records  describe  in  detail.  The  King  entered  the  Church  wearing 
his  crown,  which  he  took  off  as  he  knelt  before  the  altar.  A  Te  Deum 
was  sung,  after  which  the  bishops  raised  the  King,  and  the  coronation 
oath  was  administered  by  Dunstan,  who  presided.  Edgar  swore 
"  that  the  Church  of  God  and  all  Christian  people  should  enjoy  true 
peace  forever,  that  he  would  forbid  all  wrong  and  robbery  to  all 
degrees,  and  that  he  would  command  justice  and  mercy  in  all  judg- 
ments." Then  prayers  were  said,  the  Archbishop  anointed  him, 
and  the  people  in  the  church  shouted  "  Let  the  King  live  forever." 
Next  Dunstan  girded  him  with  a  sword,  placed  a  ring  on  his  finger, 
the  crown  on  his  head,  a  scepter  in  his  hand,  and,  assisted  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  seated  him  on  the  throne.  Later,  the  time  when 
Edgar's  law  prevailed  was  looked  back  to  as  a  golden  age. 

^thelred  the  Redeless  (978-1016).  Beginning  of  Decline  of-Royal 
Power.  —  With  his  death,  Dunstan's  influence  ceased  and  troubles 
began.  His  eldest  son,  a  mere  boy,  Edward,  known  in  time  to  come 
as  "  The  Martyr,  "  was  murdered  by  the  followers  of  his  wicked  step- 
mother to  make  way  for  her  own  son  ^Ethelred.  ^Ethelred,  as  he  grew 
to  manhood,  showed  himself  incompetent  to  rule  his  country  in  the 
troublous  times  that  came  upon  it.  While  by  no  means  wanting  in 
ability  or  energy,  he  would  not  listen  to  wisdom  or  good  counsel, 
hence  his  name  of  the  "  Redeless  "  or  "  Unready."  Soon  the  great 
Ealdormen  in  the  different  districts  set  about  making  themselves 
independent  of  royal  control,  and  ^Ethelred  made  matters  worse  in 
seeking  to  counteract  them  by  raising  new  favorites  to  power  and  en- 
dowing them  with  land.  They  naturally  sought  to  advance  their 
own  interests,  and  thus  ^Ethelred  only  made  new  whips  to  scourge 
himself. 

The  Second  Coming  of  the  Danes.  —  In  the  midst  of  this  turmoil 
the  Danes  reappeared,  and  this  time  they  continued  their  attacks  till 
they  established  themselves  as  rulers  of  the  whole  kingdom.  They 
began,  in  980,  with  some  predatory  raids  in  which  Swein,  son  of  the 
Danish  King,  figured,  while,  in  991,  after  an  overwhelming  force  had 
won  a  bloody  battle  at  Maldon  in  Essex,  "  it  was  decreed  that  tributes 
should  be  given  to  the  Danish  men,  on  account  of  the  great  terror  which 


36     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

they  caused  by  the  seacoast."  The  money  was  raised  by  a  tax  on  land 
called  Danegeld,  which,  continued  long  after  the  danger  was  past,  was, 
for  some  time,  the  only  land  tax  raised  in  the  country.  ^Ethelred 
failed  to  take  advantage  of  the  respites  which  he  frequently  purchased, 
to  compose  the  differences  between  his  warring  lords  and  to  develop 
a  strong  army  and  navy.  However,  the  condition  of  the  country 
as  well  as  the  indecision  of  the  King  must  be  taken  into  account. 
A  great  part  of  the  resources  in  men  and  money  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  great  territorial  nobles  who  were  at  odds  with  ^thelred,  yet  even 
when  the  King's  officials  could  be  depended  upon,  they  had,  as  a  fight- 
ing force,  only  the  ill-organized  shire  levies.  At  first  the  Danish  cus- 
tom was  to  land  at  unexpected  places,  mount  on  horses,  ride  "  as  far 
as  they  would,"  burning,  plundering,  and  "  man-slaying  "  and  doing 
"  unspeakable  evil,"  and,  by  the  time  the  English  were  prepared  to 
meet  them,  seek  their  ships  and  slip  away.  Then,  later,  they  came  in 
irresistible  forces,  won  battles  and  had  to  be  bought  off. 

At  the  mercy  of  the  invaders  as  he  was,  ^Ethelred  brought  dire 
vengeance  on  the  English  by  a  very  stupid  as  well  as  brutal  step. 
Alarmed  at  the  rumor  of  a  Danish  plot  to  seize  his  kingdom,  he  ordered 
a  general  massacre  of  all  those  of  that  race  to  be  found  dwelling  in 
the  land,  on  St.  Brice's  day,  13  November,  1002.  This  fell  deed 
brought  Swein  —  now  king  of  Denmark  and  Norway  —  into  the  coun- 
try again.  Year  after  year  the  poor  English  were  subject  to  his 
attacks,  and  to  those  of  other  bands  as  well. 

The  Danes  Gain  a  Foothold.  —  A  crisis  came  in  1013,  the  beginning 
of  the  end,  when  Swein,  accompanied  by  his  son  Cnut,  landed  with 
a  great  force  at  the  mouth  of  the  Humber.  The  Northumbrians, 
the  Mercians,  and  the  West  Saxons  submitted  in  quick  succession ; 
even  London,  which  at  first  held  out,  saw  the  futility  of  further  resist- 
ance. The  acceptance  of  Swein  amounted  to  a  practical  deposition 
of  ^Ethelred,  who  retired  in  1014  to  the  court  of  Duke  Richard  of 
Normandy,  whose  sister  Emma  he  had  married  in  1002,  on  the  eve  of 
his  disastrous  massacre  of  the  Danes.  Within  a  month  after  ^thel- 
red's  flight,  old  Swein  suddenly  dropped  dead  ;  while  the  Danes  chose 
Cnut  to  succeed  him,  the  English  recalled  ^Ethelred  who,  in  spite  of 
his  promises,  accomplished  little.  He  did,  in  a  fitful  burst  of  energy, 
try  to  drive  Cnut  out  of  England ;  but  the  latter  soon  returned  and  was 
in  possession  of  western  and  northern  England  when  ^Ethelred  died 
in  1016. 

Cnut  Overcomes  Edmund  Ironside.  —  Thereupon,  the  people  of 
London  proclaimed  as  King,  Edmund  —  known  because  of  his  valor 
as  Edmund  Ironside  —  ^Ethelred's  son  by  a  nameless  mother.  But 


THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  THE  WEST  SAXONS  37 

the  bulk  of  the  English,  led  by  a  traitorous  Ealdorman  of  Mercia, 
declared  for  Cnut.  After  an  uphill  fight,  finally  defeated  at  Assan- 
dun  (Ashington)  in  Essex,  Edmund  was  forced  to  consent  to  a  parti- 
tion of  the  kingdom ;  but  died  a  few  days  after  the  treaty,  so  oppor- 
tunely that  it  has  been  believed  he  was  murdered,  and  Cnut  became 
the  undisputed  King  of  all  England.  Edmund's  sons  were  sent  out 
of  the  country,  some  say  to  be  slain ;  but  they  found  a  refuge  in  Hun- 
gary, while  ^Ethelred's  sons  by  Emma  were  in  safe  keeping  in  the  court 
of  the  Norman  dukes. 

Reign  of  Cnut  (1016-1035).  —  Cnut  had  shown  himself  crafty, 
bloody,  and  ruthless  in  his  rise  to  power,  and  during  the  first  years  of 
his  rule  he  was  merciless  and  unscrupulous  in  disposing  of  those  who 
stood  in  his  way,  yet,  once  seated  firmly  on  the  throne,  he  ruled  as  a 
wise  and  just  King  and  sought  to  govern  in  the  interests  of  his  English 
subjects.  If  naturally  cruel  and  greedy  of  power,  he  sought  to  re- 
strain his  instincts.  Recognizing  the  necessity  of  the  situation,  he 
followed  the  recent  practice  and  organized  the  country  into  four  great 
earldoms,  Northumbria,  Mercia,  East  Anglia,  and  Wessex,  though, 
later  at  least,  there  were  many  smaller  ones  besides.  In  1018  he 
held  a  Witan,  or  assembly  of  his  wise  men,  at  Oxford  where  "  Danes 
and  Englishmen  "  agreed  to  live  "  under  the  laws  of  King  Edgar." 
This  meant  simply  that  the  old  laws  of  the  English  as  they  were  in 
Edgar's  time  were  to  be  observed,  and  this  was  the  spirit  of  all  Cnut's 
enactments.  He  pledged  himself  to  "  rule  rightly,"  while  the  people, 
in  their  turn,  were  to  "  love  God  and  be  true  to  King  Cnut."  When 
Cnut  died  in  1035  in  the  full  vigor  of  his  manhood,  his  dominion  in- 
cluded not  only  England,  but  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Southern  Sweden 
as  well.  On  the  other  hand,  by  a  victory  at  Car  ham,  in  1018,  which  the 
Scots  gained  over  his  northern  subjects,  he  was  obliged  to  cede  Lothian, 
formerly  a  part  of  Northumbria,  and  to  recognize  the  Tweed  as  the 
boundary  between  the  English  and  the  Scots.  Many  stories  are  told 
of  him  which  if  not  true,  at  least  indicate  the  estimate  in  which  he 
was  held.1  The  favorable  judgment  of  the  time  seems  to  be  justified 
by  his  acts :  he  was  wise  enough  to  identify  himself  with  his  people, 

1  On  one  occasion  his  courtiers  urged  him  to  sit  in  a  chair  by  the  seaside  and  bid 
the  waves  stop.  When  they  came  on,  regardless  of  the  royal  presence,  he  refused 
to  wear  his  crown  again  "because  the  honor  belonged  to  God  alone,  the  true  ruler 
of  the  world."  Perhaps  the  prettiest  of  all  is  that  which  tells  how  he  listened  to 
the  singing  of  the  monks  of  Ely. 

"Cheerful  sang  the  monks  in  Ely 
As  Cnut  the  King  rode  by. 
'  Row  to  the  shore,  lads,'  said  the  King, 
'  And  let  us  hear  the  Churchmen  sing.'  " 


38      SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

and  if  he  sought  his  own  interests,  they  were  England's  interests  as 
well. 

Return  to  the  Old  English  Line.  Edward  the  Confessor  (1042- 
1066).  —  The  reigns  of  Cnut's  two  sons,  from  1035  to  104  2,  were  years  of 
disorder,  bloodshed,  and  heavy  taxation.  Neither  left  an  heir,  so  on 
the  death  of  the  second  of  this  evil  pair  the  English  joyfully  pro- 
claimed as  King,  Edward,  sole  surviving  son  of  ^Ethelred  and  Emma. 

Edward  was  royal  in  his  bearing,  affable  and  gentle  as  well ;  but 
he  was  utterly  lacking  in  decision  and  not  above  spite,  petty  meanness, 
or  even  worse.  Yet  his  reputation  for  personal  holiness  was  so  high  — 
he  is  said  to  have  abolished  the  Danegeld  because  he  saw  the  devil 
sitting  on  the  money  bags  —  that  he  was  popularly  called  the  "  Con- 
fessor" and  was  actually  made  a  saint  within  a  century  after  his 
death.  Having  passed  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in  Normandy  his 
interests  were  more  distinctively  Norman  than  English.  He  brought 
over  a  number  of  Norman  followers,  who  succeeded  in  not  only  secur- 
ing themselves  wealth  and  offices  but  also  a  voice  in  his  counsels  — 
chief  among  them  was  Robert  of  Jumieges  who  became  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  in  1051.  But  Godwine,  the  stanchest  champion  of 
English  interests,  whom  Cnut  had  made  Earl  of  Wessex,  was  allowed  to 
retain  his  office,  and  Edward  married  his  daughter,  a  lady  of  more 
learning  than  charm.  Although  greedy  and  politic,  Godwine  was, 
so  long  as  his  power  lasted,  a  strong  check  on  the  foreigners.  How- 
ever, he  and  his  whole  family  were  forced  to  flee  the  country  and 
outlawed,  in  1051,  because  he  resisted  the  King's  orders  to  punish 
the  men  of  Dover  who  had  been  drawn  into  a  conflict  with  the  unruly 
followers  of  Edward's  brother-in-law,  the  Count  of  Boulogne,  who  had 
been  the  guest  of  the  King. 

Visit  of  William  of  Normandy.  —  During  their  enforced  exile  Edward 
is  said  to  have  received  a  visit  from  a  very  notable  man,  no  less  a  per- 
son than  William,  Duke  of  Normandy  and  future  conqueror  of  Eng- 
land. He  was  a  descendant  of  Rollo  the  Northman,  who  had  con- 
quered the  district  about  the  mouth  of  the  Seine  early  in  the  tenth 
century.  The  line  founded  by  this  old  Norse  viking  had,  in  the  course 
of  time,  become  ducal  vassals  of  the  newly  established  kingdom  of 
the  French,  and  the  Norsemen,  while  retaining  the  fierceness  and  war- 
like prowess  of  their  race,  had  adopted  French  manners  and  customs 
and  French  methods  of  government.  In  1035,  when  William  was 
barely  eight  years  old,  his  father,  Robert  the  Magnificent,  had  died 
on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.  William  was  an  illegitimate  son  by  a 
mother  of  very  humble  birth,  the  daughter  of  a  tanner  of  Falaise. 
Nevertheless  he  had,  by  hard  fighting,  secured  the  Dukedom,  and, 


THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  THE  WEST  SAXONS  39 

still  a  young  man  of  twenty-four,  was  the  most  powerful  lord  among 
the  French.  William's  visit  to  England  was  so  well  timed  that  there 
seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  he  undertook  it  on  a  chance  of  being  made 
the  heir  of  the  childless  Edward.  Godwine  and  his  family,  the  cham- 
pions of  the  English  party,  were  in  exile  and  Norman  influence  was 
supreme  at  the  court.  William  afterwards  asserted  that  Edward 
promised  him  the  succession.  Very  likely  this  was  true.  But  Edward 
had  no  right  to  make  any  such  promise  which  had  no  binding  value ; 
for  it  was  the  custom  of  the  English  Witan  to  choose  their  own  King 
from  the  members  of  the  royal  family. 

Reaction  Against  the  Normans.  —  Soon  after  William's  alleged  visit, 
a  revulsion  of  popular  feeling  against  Edward's  favor  to  the  Normans 
encouraged  Godwine  to  return.  The  unpopular  Normans  fled  and 
outlawry  was  declared  against  those  who  "  reared  up  bad  law  .  .  . 
and  brought  evil  councils  into  the  land."  Robert  of  Jumieges  was 
replaced  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  by  Stigand,  an  Englishman. 
The  Pope,  however,  was  not  consulted,  and  his  decision  that  the  pro- 
ceeding was  unlawful  gave  William  a  second  pretext  for  his  later  in- 
vasion of  England.  Godwine  died  in  1053,  whereupon  the  Earldom 
of  Wessex  fell  to  Godwine 's  son  Harold,  a  brave  and  earnest  man, 
conscientious  and  gracious,  but  evidently  inferior  in  ability  to  his 
father.  In  1055,  on  the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Northumbria,  Waltheof, 
the  heir  was  passed  over  and  Harold's  brother  Tostig  was  appointed 
to  succeed  him.  When  another  brother  got  East  Anglia,  which  Harold 
had  once  held,  and  other  territories  as  well, all  of  England, except  Mer- 
cia,  was  in  the  control  of  Godwine's  sons.  In  such  a  situation  it  was 
quite  natural  that  Harold  should  aspire  to  the  throne,  even  though 
he  was  in  no  way  related  to  the  royal  family  except  as  brother  to  the 
Queen.  To  be  sure,  Edward  the^theling,  son  of  Edmund  Ironside, 
had  returned  home  in  1057,  but  he  died  almost  immediately,  and  his 
son  Eadgar  and  his  daughter  Margaret  were  mere  children.  By  1064 
Harold  was  generally  regarded  as  heir  to  the  throne. 

Death  of  Edward  the  Confessor.  —  About  this  time  a  curious  inci- 
dent happened  which  gave  William  his  third  pretext  for  claiming  the 
crown.  Sometime  between  the  autumn  of  1064  and  the  spring  of 
1065,  Harold,  while  on  a  ship,  was  blown  by  contrary  winds  to  the 
coast  of  Ponthieu,  and  seized  by  the  reigning  Count.  When  the  news 
reached  William  he  demanded  that  Harold  be  handed  over  to  him, 
and  forced  him  to  swear  to  support  his  succession  to  the  throne.  Not 
very  long  after  Harold's  return  to  England  the  Northumbrians  rose 
against  Tostig,  threw  off  his  rule,  and  chose  in  his  place,  Morkere,  the 
brother  of  Edwin,  Earl  of  Mercia.  Much  to  Tostig's  disgust  Harold 


40     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

yielded  to  the  popular  will.  In  the  midst  of  this  confusion,  Edward 
passed  away,  5  January,  1066,  uttering  gloomy  prophecies  in  his  de- 
clining days.  Recognizing  the  inevitable,  however,  he  commended 
the  kingdom  to  Harold  on  the  eve  of  his  death. 

Harold,  King  (1066). — There  were  three  candidates  for  the  throne, 
little  Eadgar  the  ^Etheling,  Duke  William,  and  Harold.  Even  the 
sticklers  for  the  old  line  saw  that  they  stood  the  best  chance  of  pre- 
serving English  independence  by  supporting  Harold.  So  he  was 
hastily  elected  by  such  of  the  Witan  as  were  in  London  on  the  very 
day  of  Edward's  funeral,  6  January.  Popular  as  he  was  with  the 
people,  the  new  King  "  had  little  stillness  the  while  that  he  ruled." 
His  enemies  were  many.  There  were  Edwin  and  Morkere  hostile 
to  the  house  of  Godwine ;  there  was  his  own  brother  Tostig,  lurking 
abroad,  burning  to  recover  his  northern  earldom  and  to  revenge  him- 
self on  all  who  had  shared  in  putting  him  out,  and  there  was  the  Pope, 
ready  to  aid  whoever  would  expel  the  usurper  Stigand.  Finally, 
there  was  William,  alert,  resolute,  and  determined  to  secure  the  coveted 
crown.  His  claims  and  pretexts,  as  we  know,  were  many,  the  promise 
of  Edward,  the  oath  of  Harold,  and  the  championship  of  the  Church ; 
indeed,  he  advanced  a  further  claim  in  behalf  of  his  wife,  Matilda, 
descended  from  the  old  Anglo-Saxon  line  of  kings.  When  Harold 
refused  to  listen  to  him  he  at  once  prepared  for  war,  sought  to  attach 
the  courts  of  Europe  to  his  cause,  and  secured  the  papal  blessing  for 
his  expedition.  In  the  late  summer  of  1066  Tostig,  accompanied  by 
Harold  Hardrada,  King  of  Norway,  and  a  great  force  invaded  York- 
shire. Directly  the  news  reached  him,  Harold  hurried  to  the  scene, 
met  and  annihilated  the  invading  army,  25  September,  1066,  at  Stam- 
ford Bridge,  eight  miles  northeast  of  York.  Tostig  and  Harold  Hard- 
rada both  fell  on  the  field. 

The  Coming  of  William.  His  Victory  at  Hastings  (1066).  —  Within 
ten  days  Harold  was  back  in  London ;  but  already,  six  days  before, 
William  had  landed  at  Pevensey  on  the  south  coast  of  England,  with 
a  following  composed  of  members  of  young  Norman  nobility  and 
by  adventurers  and  soldiers  of  fortune  from  all  over  Europe.1  From 
Pevensey  he  marched  to  Hastings,  which  commanded  the  northern 
road  to  London,  where  he  awaited  the  coming  of  Harold,  who  hastened 
to  meet  him  after  taking  less  than  a  week  to  prepare  his  forces.  At 
the  news  of  Harold's  approach  William  advanced  to  attack  him.  On 
the  morning  of  14  October  the  Anglo-Saxon  King  took  a  strong  posi- 

1  According  to  tradition  William  stumbled  and  fell  on  the  shingly  beach  as  he 
landed.  His  followers  regarded  this  as  a  bad  omen;  but  he  reassured  them  by 
crying  out :  "By  the  splendor  of  God,  I  have  taken  seizin  of  England." 


THE  ASCENDANCY  OF  THE  WEST  SAXONS  41 

tion  on  a  little  plateau — now  covered  by  the  site  of  Battle  Abbey — lying 
north  of  Hastings  and  somewhat  south  and  west  of  Senlac.  He  massed 
his  men  closely  with  their  front  line  protected  by  locked  shields,1  and 
their  formation  extending  along  the  front  and  two  sides  of  the  plateau, 
with  the  fourth  side  of  the  square  open,  projected  by  the  steepness 
of  the  northern  slope.  In  the  center,  at  the  highest  point  now  marked 
by  the  high  altar  of  the  abbey  church,  stood  Harold  and  his  brothers. 
Here  was  planted  the  Dragon  of  Wessex  and  the  King's  own  standard, 
an  embroidered  picture  of  a  fighting  man.  William  drew  up  his  forces 
in  three  divisions,  one  of  which  attacked  the  English  in  front,  while 
the  two  wings  attacked  their  flanks.2  Only  after  a  series  of  fierce 
assaults  were  the  Normans  able  to  gain  a  foothold  on  the  plateau,  to 
break  the  shield  wall,  and  to  capture  the  standard  beside  which  Harold 
fell,  fighting  to  the  last.  His  men  made  one  final  stand  on  a  narrow 
isthmus  protecting  the  rear  of  the  plateau  from  which  they  had  been 
driven.  Here  too  they  had  to  yield,  and  by  sunset  of  the  short  October 
day  William  had  won  the  victory  which  was  to  make  him  King  of 
England. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Ramsay,  Oman,  Hodgkin,  and  Taylor  cited  above.  Also  J.  R.  Green, 
The  Conquest  of  England  (1883) ;  and  E.  A.  Freeman,  Norman  Conquest 
(1875-1877),  vols.  I-III.  Alfred  Bowker,  ed.,  Alfred  the  Great  (1899)  con- 
tains chapters  on  his  life  and  times  by  various  hands.  The  best  biography 
of  Alfred  is  a  brief  volume  by  Charles  Plummer,  Life  and  Times  of  Alfred 
the  Great  (1902).  L.  M.  Larson,  Canute  the  Great  (1912),  is  particularly  good 
for  the  Scandinavian  background.  J.  H.  Round,  Feudal  England  (1895), 
pp.  332-398,  sharply  attacks  Freeman's  account  of  the  Battle  of  Hastings. 

For  the  history  of  the  Church  in  this  period,  see  Wakeman  and  Hunt. 

1  Another  account  not  so  generally  accepted  says  that  they  stood  behind  a  sort 
of  wooden  palisade  which  they  had  hastily  erected. 

2  Of  the  Norman  light-armed  forces  some  were  provided  with  cross-bows,  a 
recently  invented  weapon,  others  were  archers.     The  heavy-armed  forces  carried 
spears  and  long  kite-shaped  shields  and  were  protected  by  helmets  and  by  shirts 
and  short  breeches  of  ringed  mail.     The  cavalry  who  fought,  with  heavy  swords, 
were  likewise  protected  by  helmet  and  mail.     The  Anglo-Saxon  light-armed  forces 
bore  javelins  and  stone  hammers  or  axes  for  throwing.     The  heavy-armed  had 
two-handed  battle-axes.     Among  their  other  weapons  were  swords  and  daggers. 
The  famous  Bayeux  Tapestry  —  a  pictorial  story  of  events  from  the  time  Harold 
was  captured  on  the  Norman  coast  till  his  death  —  is  of  great  value  on  such  points. 
It  is  embroidered  on  a  strip  of  canvas  nineteen  inches  wide  and  two  hundred  and 
thirty-one  feet  long.     It  was  probably  designed  for  the  Bayeux  Cathedral,  but  is 
now  preserved  in  the  Museum  in  the  library. 


CHAPTER  V 


Political  Organization.  —  The  Anglo-Saxon  kingdom  in  its  com- 
pleted form  consisted  of  sey£ral_shires ;  each  shire  contained  sub- 
ordinate districts  which  came  to  be  known  as  hundreds,  and  each 
hundred  was  made  up  of  a  number  of  small  communities,  either  in- 
dependent and  self-governing,  or  .subject  to  the  control  of  a  lord. 
If  free,  these  latter  were  called  townships ;  if  under  a  lord  they  came, 
towards  the  close  of  this  period,  to  be  called  manors. 

The  Township.  —  The  kinsmen  of  each  invading  tribe  settled  down 
in  a  village  surrounded  by  a  rude  form  of  boundary.  These  bound- 
aries were  called  "  tuns  "  (compare  the  German  word  zaun,  meaning 
hedge)  and  the  inclosed  area  was  known  as  a  tunscipe  or  township. 
Less  frequently  the  village  was  known  as  a  ham  (from  heim,  the  German 
word  for  home) .  Originally,  most  of  these  villages  seem  to  have  been 
free  or  independent.  The  settlement  consisted  of  a  line  of  houses 
along  a  street,  the  parent  of  the  modern  High  Street,  and  each  house 
was  surrounded  by  a  plot  of  ground  which  supplied  garden  produce. 
Stretching  out  beyond  the  village  street  were  the  lands  used  for  tillage, 
of  which  every  freeman  was  entitled  to  a  certain  amount,  usually  a 
"  hide,"  supposed  to  contain  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  acres. 
The  original  allotments  were  scattered  in  strips  in  order  that  each 
might  share  in  the  good  land  and  the  bad  land  alike.  Owing  to  lack 
of  stock  and  farming  implements  each  man  helped  his  neighbors  and 
was  helped  by  them  in  turn.  To  avoid  exhausting  the  soil,  one  part 
of  the  land  was  planted  with  wheat  or  rye,  another  with  oats  or 
barley,  and  a  third  would  be  allowed  to  lie  fallow,  and  the  crops  were 
annually  rotated.  This  was  known  as  the  three-field  system.  During 
the  time  from  planting  to  harvest,  rude  temporary  fences  were  con- 
structed to  keep  out  the  cattle  ;  after  the  crops  were  gathered,  the  fences 
were  taken  down  and  the  cattle  turned  in  to  graze  on  the  stubble. 
Besides  the  arable  land  there  were  common  meadows  and  pasture 

42 


STATE  OF  SOCIETY  AT  CLOSE  OF  ANGLO-SAXON  PERIOD      43 

lands  for  the  whole  community,  and  woodlands  as  well.  In  the  woods 
fuel  was  cut  and  swine  roamed  about,  feeding  on  acorns  and  whatever 
else  they  could  find.  At  stated  seasons  the  qualified  freemen  assembled 
in  their  tun-moot,  or  town  meeting ;  here  officers  were  elected,  chief 
among  them  the  reeve,  who  presided  over  the  affairs  of  the  community 
and  went  with  four  chosen  men  to  the  meetings  of  the  hundred  and 
shire ;  at  the  tun-moot,  also,  by-laws  were  framed,  rules  of  cultivation 
were  settled,  arrangements  were  made  for  looking  after  the  roads  and 
keeping  the  peace;  but  no  judicial  decisions  were  undertaken. 

The  Manor  as  an  Agrarian  and  Judicial  Unit.  —  As  time  went  on 
most  of  these  villages  lost  their  independence  and  passed  under  the 
control  of  lords.  The  lord's  steward  or  bailiff  took  the  place  of  the 
elected  reeve  as  president  of  the  moot,  and  the  freemen  became  depen- 
dent cultivators.  Although  landed  estates  with  village  communities 
in  subjection  upon  them  existed  from  the  beginning  of  the  period  — 
old  Roman  villas  under  new  lords  —  the  numbers  had  greatly  increased 
by  the  eleventh  century  when  they  came  to  be  known  as  manors. 
They  usually  consisted  of  two  parts.  One  was  the  demesne,  or  "  in- 
land," the  land  cultivated  directly  for  the  lord  by  slaves  or  by  serfs, 
although  it  might  be  scattered  among  the  other  strips.  The  "  out- 
land  "  comprised  the  holdings  of  the  serfs,  usually  limited  to  a  yard 
or  virgate  (thirty  acres  or  a  quarter  of  a  hide)  although  certain  per- 
sons called  "  cotters  "  had  no  more  than  five  acres.  The  serf  received 
not  only  land  from  his  lord,  but  also  stock,  cattle,  and  farming  imple- 
ments, and  some  household  furniture.  In  return,  he  paid  part  of  his 
produce  in  rent,  and  was  called  upon  to  labor  during  some  days  in  the 
week  and  at  intervals  during  harvest  and  to  plow  in  the  lord's  lands. 
On  the  eve  of  the  Conquest  the  lords  had  come  to  administer  justice 
on  their  estates,  and  the  old  township  courts  became  judicial  as  well 
as  administrative  bodies  under  the  lord's  steward  or  bailiff. 

Boroughs^and  P.ities  -  Aiiulluii  giuw4j3>of<tl4s  period  is  the  borough 
and  cjtyrUsually  in  England  the  word  '  ffo\\gy ' '  is  synonyjagus  with 
and  is  to  be  distinguished  from  a^33wnshi®"or  ^mage.  The 
had  a  larger  population  and  enjoyedpeculfar  organization  and 
privileges.  The  most  characteristic  feature  was  the  wall,1  then  they 
usually  had  a  court  of  their  own  and  a  market.  The  origin  of  most  of 
these  boroughs  is  shrouded  in  obscurity.  Some  have  tried  to  trace 
them  from  the  Roman  municipalities,  but  without  success.  The 
Roman  towns  were  centers  of  a  highly  developed  urban  life,  while  the 
medieval  towns  were  frequently  little  more  than  agricultural  and 
fishing^  centers ;  indeed,  the  burghers  often  had  farms  outside  the 

1  Hence  the  name  burh,  a  fortification. 


44     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

walls.  While  the  sites  were  sometimes  determined  by  the  older  Roman 
settlements,  these  boroughs  seem  usually  to  have  originated  fromjEor- 
tified  places  in  the  wars  against  the  Danes  during  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries.  Sometimes,  however,  a  town  grew  from  the  union  of  many 
neighboring  townships,  or  developed  from  a  settlement  around  a 
monastery  or  a  castle,  or  where  a  crossing  of  roads  or  the  ford  of  a  river 
provided  a  favorable  site  for  a  market.  Gradually  these  towns  ac- 
quired charters  confirming  old  privileges  or  granting  new  ones.  A  city 
is  merely  a  borough  where  a  cathedral  is  situated.1 

The  Hundred.  —  Until  the  courts  of  the  boroughs  and  manors  came 
into  being,  the  hundred  was  the  center  for  all  judicial  purposes.  The 
hundreds  seem  to  have  been  originally  districts  of  the  tribal  kingdoms, 
allotted  to  a  hundred  warriors  or  a  hundred  heads  of  families.  Each 
had  an  assembly  which  met  once  a  month.  It  was  the  duty  of  the 
presiding  man,  the  reeve  or  elder,  to  collect  the  dues  from  the  hundred 
and  to  keep  order ;  his  judicial  position  was  not  the  same  as  that  of  our 
modern  judge,  for  he  merely  acted  as  the  mouthpiece  of  men  qualified 
to  attend  the  court  —  the  priest,  reeve,  and  four  men  from  each  town- 
ship or  manor  as  well  as  all  free  landowners  and  the  nobles  or  thegns 
of  the  hundred.  The  jurisdiction  exercised  was  criminal  as  well  as 
civil.  In  the  beginning,  we  find  the  groups  of  kinsmen  responsible 
for  the  conduct  of  their  members ;  in  cases  of  murder  or  serious  injury 
they  had  the  privilege  of  waging,  or  the  obligation  of  submitting  to 
the  feud  or  private  warfare.  But,  before  the  end  of  the  period,  the 
community  had  established  its  position  as  arbiter,  and  an  elaborate 
compensation  had  been  arranged  —  "  wergeld  "  for  murder  or  injury, 
and  "  bot "  for  other  damages.  It  was  only  when  such  satisfaction 
was  refused  that  the  kindred  had  a  right  to  wage  war  or  seize  the 
possessions  of  the  one  who  was  at  fault.  For  its  share  in  secur- 
ing justice  the  State  came  to  claim  a  fine,  known  as  a  "  wite,  "  from 
the  offender. 

Procedure  in  the  Hundred  Moot.  —  Procedure  was  as  follows. 
The  offended  party  made  a  formal  demand  before  the  public  meeting 
or  the  presiding  officer.  The  accused  was  obliged,  under  penalty,  to 
answer  the  charge  and  had  to  deposit  a  pledge  to  abide  by  the  decision 
of  the  court.  If  he  admitted  his  guilt,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  meeting 
to  determine  the  penalty.  If  he  wished  to  contest  the  accusation, 
he  denied  it  with  a  formal  oath,  usually  supported  by  a  number  of  oath 
helpers,  varying  according  to  his  rank  or  to  the  gravity  of  offense. 
Sometimes,  in  cases  where  land  or  cattle  were  involved,  documents 

1  Recently,  however,  some  large  boroughs  where  there  are  no  cathedrals,  have 
been  given  the  honorary  title  of  cities. 


STATE  OF  SOCIETY  AT  CLOSE  OF  ANGLO-SAXON  PERIOD     45 

might  be  produced  or  witnesses  to  answer  set  questions.  When  the 
crime  was  too  serious,  or  the  accused  was  too  notorious  to  find  oath 
helpers,  or  when  he  was  a  foreigner,  he  had  to  proceed  to  the  ordeal ; 
that  is,  submit  his  case  to  the  judgment  of  God.  In  the  fire  ordeal 
the  accused  had  to  carry  a  piece  of  red-hot  iron  weighing  one  pound  a 
distance  of  nine  feet ;  his  hand  was  then  bandaged,  and  if  it  healed  in 
three  days  he  was  declared  innocent.  For  especially  grave  cases  there 
was  the  threefold  ordeal,  when  the  iron  weighed  three  pounds.  Another 
form  of  test  was  the  hot  water  ordeal,  where  the  accused  had  to  plunge 
his  arm  up  to  the  wrist  in  boiling  water  and  remove  a  stone ;  here,  too, 
there  was  a  threefold  ordeal,  where  he  had  to  plunge  his  arm  in  up  to 
the  elbow.  The  cold  water  ordeal  is  little  heard  of  in  Anglo-Saxon 
times,  though  it  was  much  used  later  for  trying  witches.  For  this 
test  the  accused  was  bound  and  lowered  into  the  water  by  a  rope 
round  his  waist ;  if  he  sank  a  certain  depth,  he  was  innocent,  if  he 
floated,  he  was  guilty.  The  corsned  or  sacred  morsel  was  the  form 
usually  applied  in  the  case  of  a  priest ;  the  person  to  be  tried  was  given 
an  ounce  of  consecrated  cheese  or  bread  to  swallow  —  his  guilt  or  inno- 
cence depending  upon  his  ability  to  perform  the  feat.  Since  the  people 
regarded  the  decision  in  each  case  as  given  by  God,  it  partook  of  a 
religious  ceremony ;  for  which  the  accused  prepared  himself  by  a  three 
days'  fast  and  by  taking  the  sacrament.  If  the  test  failed,  the  as- 
sembled multitude  declared  the  penalty  —  fine,  slavery,  outlawry, 
or  death.  Imprisonment  was  not  used  as  a  form  of  punishment. 

The  Folkmoot  and  the  Shire.  —  Before  the  union  of  the  tribes  the 
highest  form  of  political  and  judicial  organization  was  the  folkmoot. 
At  this  assembly  the  great  landowners,  the  freemen,  and  the  priest, 
reeve,  and  four  men  met  twice  a  year  under  their  Ealdorman  or  chief. 
After  the  tribal  states  had  been  united  into  kingdoms,  districts  began  to 
appear  midway  between"  the  hundred  or  smaller  jurisdiction  and  the 
kingdom.  These  came  to  be  called  shires,  and  originated  at  different 
times  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  fe  the  south,  the  kingdom  of 
Wessex  was  divided  probably  on  the  lines  of  the  ancient  tribal  states, 
and  after  the  smaller  kingdoms,  Kent,  Essex,  and  Sussex,  were  incor- 
porated, they  too  were  reduced  to  shires.  North  of  the  Thames  the 
two  kingdoms  of  East  Anglia,  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  were  treated  in 
the  same  way.  The  remainder  of  the  midlands  were  artificially  di- 
vided after  the  country  had  been  won  back  from  the  Danes.  Usually 
an  important  town  or  fortification  was  selected  and  the  shire  grouped 
around  it ;  for  example,  Leicester  formed  the  nucleus  of  Leicestershire. 
The  shires  in  the  extreme  north  —  Lancashire,  Cumberland,  West- 
moreland, Northumberland  —  were  organized  after  the  close  of  the 


46 

Anglo-Saxon  period.  Besides  transacting  judicial  business  the  shire 
moot  collected  revenues  and  raised  military  levies.  At  first,  each 
shire  was  under  the  control  of  an  Ealdorman,  or  Earl,  chosen  by  the 
King  with  the  consent  of  his  Wisemen.  As  time  went  on,  the  shire 
moot  came  to  be  presided  over  by  a  shire  reeve  or  sheriff,  who  levied 
the  military  forces  as  well.  Originally,  the  sheriff  was  the  king's  bailiff 
or  steward  employed  to  collect  the  rents  of  his  estates  in  the  shire, 
and  he  continued  to  be  appointed  and  dismissed  by  the  King  at  pleas- 
ure. The  Bishops  represented  the  Church;  and  since  they  were 
the  only  learned  men  of  the  time,  they  were  of  great  assistance,  partici- 
pating in  all  business  except  trials  where  a  death  penalty  was  in- 
volved. 

The  Witenagemot.  —  The  highest  body  in  the  land  was  the  Witena- 
gemot  or  moot  of  the  Witan  or  Wisemen  —  the  great  officials  whom 
the  King  assembled  about  him,  —  the  Ealdormen,  the  Bishops,  and 
the  thegns  or  nobles.  Their  business  was  to  assist  and  advise  the  King 
in  devising  such  rude  legal  measures  as  were  framed,  to  give  their 
consent  to  land  grants,  and  to  the  naming  of  Ealdormen  and  Bishops ; 
moreover  it  was  the  Witan  who  named  the  Kings  —  though  they 
were  limited  in  their  choice  to  the  ablest  male  next  in  descent  in 
the  royal  family  —  and  on  rare  occasions  they  even  deposed  an 
unworthy  ruler. 

The  King.  —  The  King  presided  over  the  Witan  and  over  the  as- 
semblies or  synods  of  the  Church.  He  led  the  levy,  or  fyrd,  in  war ; 
he  enforced  the  public  peace,  and  he  carried  out  the  decrees  which  he 
made  with  the  consent  of  his  Witan.  Bound  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent by  the  recorded  laws  and  the  traditional  customs  of  the  people, 
and,  to  some  degree,  limited  by  the  Witan,  the  Anglo-Saxon  Kings, 
in  general,  enjoyed  large  powers  without  being  absolute  monarchs. 

Revenues  in  Anglo-Saxon  Times.  —  In  those  simple  days  the  ex- 
penses and  income  of  the  State  were  small  and  irregular,  the  latter 
chiefly  paid  in  produce  and  personal  services.  The  King  and  his 
officials  had  a  right  to  maintenance  for  themselves  and  their  retainers 
on  their  progress  through  the  country,  and  goods  could  be  seized  for 
the  royal  needs.  This  right,  known  as  feorum  fultum,  corresponded  to 
the  later  purveyance.  The  most  common  form  of  public  service 
was  the  trinoda  necessitas,  or  threefold  obligation  of  serving  in  the 
army,  of  repairing  roads  and  bridges,  and  guarding  fortresses.  The 
King  had  rents  and  other  dues  from  towns  on  the  royal  demesne, 
he  received  certain  court  fees  and  fines,  and  forfeitures  of  landed  es- 
tates in  case  of  lords  who  died  without  heirs  or  were  guilty  of  grave 
offenses  against  his  authority ;  he  was  also  entitled  to  harbor  dues  and 


STATE  OF  SOCIETY  AT  CLOSE  OF  ANGLO-SAXON  PERIOD     47 

tolls  on  trade,  to  wreckage  and  treasure  trove.    The  Danegeld  has 

already  been  described. 

Ranks  in  Anglo-Saxon  Society.  —  The  question  of  ranks  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  society  is  obscure  and  complicated.  One  thing  is  certain, 
that  there  were  only  a  few  of  the  very  highest  class  —  at  the  time  of 
Edward  the  Confessor's  death  the  Witan  apparently  consisted  of  less 
than  sixty  men.  Next  to  the  King,  the  Earl  was  the  highest  hi  rank ; 
while  he  was  the  lineal  descendant  of  the  ancient  Ealdorman,  he  had 
come  to  rule  over  not  one,  but  many  shires.  Next  to  the  Earl  was  the 
thegn,  who,  originally  a  minister  or  servant  in  the  household  of  a  King 
or  great  lord,  had  received  endowments  of  land  and  had  risen  to  the 
dignity  of  a  territorial  noble  himself.  Thegnhood  was  open  not  only 
to  this  ministerial  class,  but  even  to  a  merchant,  if  he  "  throve  so 
that  he  fared  thrice  over  the  wide  sea  by  his  own  means."  The  ceorls, 
or  simple  freemen,  who  stood  on  the  next  lower  rung  in  the  social 
ladder,  were  a  comparatively  small  class.  They  paid  fixed  rents  and 
services  for  the  lands  which  otherwise  were  theirs  even  to  hand  down 
to  their  heirs ;  they  served  in  the  fyrd,  and  had  a  right  to  attend  the 
various  courts  where  justice  was  administered  and  business  transacted. 
Below  the  ceorls  were  various  classes  of  servile  dependents,  personally 
free,  but  debarred  from  political  rights,  generally  bound  to  the  estate 
of  some  lord  by  services  —  usually  onerous  and  uncertain  —  for  the 
lands  that  they  held. 

The  Rise  and  Decline  of  the  Royal  Power.  —  Many  evidences  of 
the  growth  of  the  royal  power  to  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  can  be 
traced;  for  example,  from  the  time  of  Alfred,  plotting  against  the 
King's  life  became  a  capital  offense.  Then  the  "  King's  Peace,  " 
at  one  time  limited  to  special  places  and  seasons  —  to  certain  Roman 
roads,  to  navigable  rivers,  and  to  Christmas  and  Easter  —  was 
extended  over  the  whole  country  throughout  the  year.  But  as  the 
Kingdom  grew  in  size,  the  royal  power,  for  reasons  already  stated,  de- 
clined in  strength,  while  the  manors,  the  borough  courts,  and  the 
jurisdictions  of  the  territorial  magnates  came  to  be  the  real  centers 
of  power.  Thus  at  the  eve  of  the  Conquest  there  were  in  conflict 
two  opposing  tendencies.  On  the  military  side,  there  were  two 
armies,  the  shire  levies  under  the  King's  representative,  the  sheriff, 
and  the  armies  of  the  Earls  and  thegns,  nominally  the  King's,  but  which 
could  be  used  for  private  purposes ;  on  the  judicial  side,  there  were  the 
popular  courts  of  the  hundred  and  shire,  constantly  encroached  on  by 
those  of  the  borough  and  manor.  While  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  con- 
tributed to  those  who  came  after,  principles  and  methods  of  local  self- 
government,  they  had  failed  to  furnish  the  necessary  complement,  a 
strong  central  government  without  which  local  freedom  could  easily 


48     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

degenerate  into  anarchy.  It  was  reserved  for  their  conquerors  to 
supply  what  was  lacking. 

Anglo-Saxon  Literature.  —  The  earliest  literature  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  reflects  the  characteristics  of  the  race  and  is  profoundly  in- 
fluenced by  their  surroundings.  It  is  marked  by  love  of  the  sea,  a 
sense  of  gloom  and  mystery,  by  the  fierceness  and  boastfulness  of  the 
primitive  man,  tempered  and  ennobled  by  courage  and  generosity. 
Their  greatest  achievements  were  in  the  form  of  the  epic,  where  an 
action  is  narrated  in  poetic  form,  and  sung  by  glee  men  in  halls  of 
thegns.  Of  these,  Beowulf  is  the  earliest  and  the  only  one  which  has 
survived  in  anything  like  completeness.  The  material  —  brought  by 
the  later  Angles  from  their  Continental  homes  but  only  worked  up 
into  enduring  shape  in  the  eighth  century  —  recounts  the  glorious 
deeds  of  the  Scandinavian  hero  Beowulf,  his  slaying  of  Grendel,  the 
marsh  fiend,  and  his  mother,  the  "  she-wolf  of  the  abyss,"  and  of  the 
fire- vomiting  dragon.  Beside  the  epics  there  are  some.lyjics,  or  poems, 
that  deal  with  sentiments  and  feelings,  softened  by  a  melancholy 
which  some  have  supposed  due  to  Celtic  or  Christian  influence. 

Contrasted  with  this  poetry  is  that  which  owes  its  inspiration  to 
the  Church  and  the  Scriptures.  One  of  the  most  beautiful  stories 
in  Bede  is  that  of  Caedmon,  a  rude,  unlearned  cowherd  attached  to 
the  monastery  of  Whitby.  He  had  no  gift  of  song,  and  often  at  the 
merry-makings  of  his  companions,  when  the  harp  was  passed  to  him, 
he  would  leave  the  table  and  return  to  his  stable.  On  one  such  occa- 
sion a  figure  appeared  to  him  in  his  sleep  and  bade  him  sing ;  at  first 
he  said  he  could  not,  but,  finally,  at  the  bidding  of  the  stranger  he 
began  to  sing  verses  in  the  praise  of  God.  The  next  morning  he  rose 
and  told  his  dream  to  the  steward  of  the  abbey,  who  took  him  before 
the  abbess  and  divers  learned  men.  After  repeating  his  story  they 
explained  to  him  a  passage  of  the  Bible  which  he  rendered  into  wonder- 
ful verse.  He  was  made  a  brother  of  the  monastery,  and,  as  Bede 
tells  us,  "  he  sang  the  creation  of  the  world,  the  origin  of  man,  and  all 
the  history  of  Genesis:  and  made  many  verses  on  the  departure  of 
the  children  of  Israel  and  their  entering  into  the  land  of  promise,  with 
many  other  histories  from  Holy  Writ."  Another  early  Anglo-Saxon 
poet  was  Cynewulf .  According  to  writings  attributed  to  him,  he  was 
a  wandering  Northumbrian  minstrel  of  the  eighth  century,  who  in 
his  youth  rejoiced  in  hunting,  the  bow,  and  the  horse,  who  received 
many  golden  gifts  for  singing  in  the  halls  of  the  great.  Turning  in 
his  old  age  to  graver  things,  he  wrote  four  poems  on  the  lives  of  Christ 
and  the  Saints,  and  very  possibly  was  the  author  of  Riddles,  and  of  the 
Phoenix,  an  allegory.  Next  to  Bede  the  greatest  prose  work  of  the 


STATE  OF  SOCIETY  AT  CLOSE  OF  ANGLO-SAXON  PERIOD      49 

period  is  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle.  From  King  Alfred's  time  it  was 
continued  independently  by  at  least  half  a  dozen  religious  houses,  one 
version  reaching  to  1154,  arid  its  simple  but  quaint  and  graphic  en- 
tries furnish  the  chief  source  of  information  for  much  of  the  period. 

Art  and  Building.  —  The  Anglo-Saxons  were  notable  for  their  skill 
in  illuminating  manuscripts  and  in  embroidery  and  weaving  —  we 
hear  how  the  shuttle  "  filled  not  only  with  purple  but  with  all  other 
colors,  flies  now  this  way,  now  that,  among  the  close  spread  threads," 
and  how  they  "  glorified  the  wool  work  with  groups  of  pictures." 
Apparently  they  were  unversed  in  the  mason's  art,  for  they  seem  to 
have  built  with  wood.  Except  perhaps  in  the  north  no  stone  churches 
were  constructed  until  Edward  the  Confessor,  when,  under  Norman 
influence,  those  grand  and  stately  edifices  begin  to  appear  which  fill 
us  with  awe  and  reverence  even  to  this  present  day.  Westminster 
Abbey,  though  built  on  an  earlier  site,  was  Edward's  peculiar  creation. 
The  simpler  sort  of  houses  consisted  of  a  single  room  and  were  sur- 
rounded by  a  hedge.  Sometimes  they  had  an  upper  chamber,  called 
a  "  solarium,"  though  this  was  not  common.  The  homes  of  the  great- 
er folk  consisted  of  a  hall  surrounded  by  separate  buildings  which 
were  used  for  bed-chambers,  or  "  bowers,"  as  they  were  called,  for 
household  officers,  and  for  the  housing  of  cattle.  The  more  preten- 
tious were  roofed  with  tiles,  and,  inclosing  the  whole,  was  a  wall  usually 
of  earth.  The  walls  of  the  hall  were  usually  covered  with  tapestry, 
and  harps,  armor,  and  weapons  were  hung  about  on  pegs.  The  fire 
was  in  the  middle  of  the  floor  and  the  smoke  escaped  through  an  open- 
ing in  the  roof.  Benches,  sometimes  covered  with  carpets  and  cush- 
ions, constituted  the  chief  furniture.  At  one  end  of  the  hall  was  a 
raised  platform  where  those  of  higher  rank  sat.  Chairs  were  few  and 
were  generally  the  seats  of  Kings  and  great  persons ;  beds  were  usually 
mere  sacks  of  straw  laid  on  branches,  and  were  often  built  in  recesses 
and  covered  with  a  curtain.  Since  there  was  no  sitting  room  but  the 
hall,  the  chamber  where  the  women  sat,  after  they  had  served  the  cup 
to  the  lord's  guests,  was  the  bedroom.  Here  they  spun  and  wove, 
here  they  sewed  and  embroidered. 

Manner  of  Living.  — At  a  time  when  there 'was  little  to  read  and 
when  means  of  communication  were  few  and  inadequate,  the  pleasures 
of  feast  and  song  bulked  large.  Bread  was  a  great  staple,  and  among 
their  other  articles  of  food  were  milk,  butter,  cheese,  fish,  poultry,  and 
meat.  Vegetables,  on  the  other  hand,  were  few,  and  in  the  winter 
there  were  none.  For  months  in  the  year  salt  meat  was  the  only  kind 
to  be  had,  since  cattle  could  not  be  kept  over  the  winter.  Table 
manners  were  as  yet  very  primitive,  for  there  were  no  forks  and  few 


ttf 
50     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

table  knives ;  after  dinner  the  hands  were  washed,  the  tables,  mere 
temporary  affairs,  were  taken  away,  and  drinking  began.  Ale,  mead, 
or  wine  were  passed  about  while  the  company  listened  to  story-telling 
or  music  or  danced.  The  common  musical  instruments  were  the  harp 
(poetically  known  as  the  glee-wood),  the  cithern,  the  pipe,  and  the 
horn.  Feasts  often  ended  in  quarrels.  Games  of  chance  were 
another  source  of  diversion.  Though  singing  and  playing  were  re- 
garded as  desirable  accomplishments,  wandering  glee  men  did  not  en- 
joy a  very  high  status,  and  besides  singing  and  playing  performed 
tricks  and  cracked  jokes  from  hall  to  village.  The  villagers  were 
sometimes  regaled  with  exhibitions  of  dancing  bears  and  on  holidays 
made  merry  with  games  such  as  running,  leaping,  and  wrestling.  Hunt- 
ing and  hawking  were  favorite  pastimes  even  with  the  clergy  and  with 
Kings  like  Alfred  and  Edward  the  Confessor.  Owing  to  the  badness 
of  the  roads  people  went  about  mostly  on  horseback,  though  carts  or 
chariots,  usually  two- wheeled,  were  sometimes  used  for  traveling. 
Inns  were  so  infrequent  that  halls  and  monasteries  entertained  freely 
and  hospitality  was  enjoined  even  by  ecclesiastical  laws.  Merchants, 
however,  usually  traveled  in  companies,  and  carried  tents  under  which 
they  stopped  at  night.  Ale  houses,  on  the  other  hand,  which  received 
no  lodgers,  were  overcommon  and  were  much  sought  by  the  humbler 
folk,  who  had  little  else  to  do  during  the  long  dark  days* 

Public  Health.  —  Plague,  pestilence,  and  famine  were  dread 
visitants  of  early  and  medieval  England,  though  not  as  frequent  or 
destructive  as  on  the  Continent.  Epidemics  entered  the  land  from 
time  to  time  from  the  east,  like  the  yellow  plague  which  appeared  in 
south  England,  in  664,  and  spread  north.  It  later  reappeared  and 
so  thinned  the  monks  of  Jarrow  that  the  little  boy  Bede  was  the  only 
one  left  to  join  the  Abbot  in  the  responses.  Local  epidemics — usually 
fevers  due  to  famines  from  failure  of  crops  and  cattle  —  were  more  fre- 
quent and  less  destructive. 

Trade.  —  The  early  villages  and  manors  were  almost  altogether  self- 
sufficing,  raising  their  own  food  and  making  their  own  clothes.  At  first 
there  was  little  buying  or  selling ;  each  man  worked  for  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  community  and  was  supplied  by  them  in  turn.  The  trade 
which  gradually  developed  was  at  first  largely  domestic.  Most 
little  towns  had  a  market,  and,  before  the  close  of  the  period,  fairs  were 
coming  to  assume  a  position  of  importance.  For  some  time  after  the 
coming  of  the  Teutons,  seafaring  life  ceased  and  there  was  in  conse- 
quence little  oversea  trade.  Although  English  merchants  visited  the 
Prankish  Empire,  in  the  time  of  Offa,  it  was  the  Danish  invasions 
which  first  revived  the  art  of  ship-building.  Alfred,  says  the  Chroni- 


STATE  OF  SOCIETY  AT  CLOSE  OF  ANGLO-SAXON  PERIOD      51 

cle  for  897,  "  commanded  long  ships  to  be  built  to  oppose  the  in- 
vaders." These  ships  were  primarily  for  defense  ;  but  their  construc- 
tion stimulated  the  growth  of  trading  vessels.1  In  Alfred's  time  the 
chief  intercourse  was  with  France  and  the  Mediterranean,  though  the 
coming  of  the  Danes  opened  communications  with  the  trading  settle- 
ments of  the  Northmen.  Scattered  indications  occur  from  time  to 
time  of  the  growth  of  an  import  and  export  trade.  By  the  close  of 
the  tenth  and  early  part  of  the  eleventh  century,  wine,  fish,  clothes, 
pepper,  gloves,  and  glass  were  brought  from  France,  Flanders,  and  the 
Empire.  From  the  north  and  northeast  came  furs,  skins,  ropes,  masts, 
weapons,  and  iron  work.  Many  other  commodities,  such  as  brocades, 
silk,  precious  gems,  gold,  ointments,  and  ivory  came  from  the  Orient, 
whence  they  were  conveyed  overland  to  the  Bosphorus,  and  shipped 
from  there  to  Venice  or  some  other  Italian  port.  Thence  they  were 
taken  overland  to  Flanders  to  be  finally  shipped  across  the  Channel. 
In  return  the  English  exported  mainly  metals  —  such  as  tin.  and  lead 
—  wool,  and  slaves.  The  slave  trade  was  carried  on  extensively  in 
spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  Church  to  stop  it,  and  it  was  near  the  close 
of  the  twelfth  century  before  the  iniquitous  traffic  was  stamped  out. 
Such  was  England  on  the  eve  of  the  Conquest.  William  who  now 
entered  as  master  was  to  inflict  much  misery ;  but  he  was  to  contrib- 
ute much  to  its  power  and  prosperity. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Political  and  legal  institutions  are  treated  in  Taylor,  Taswell-Langmead, 
and  A.  B.  White.  Pollock  and  Maitland's  English  Law  (2  vols.,  1898)  is  the 
authoritative  work  on  the  period  up  to  Edward  I.  TrailFs  Social  England, 
I,  deals  with  all  aspects  of  Anglo-Saxon  history  and  life ;  Ramsay  treats 
briefly  the  same  subject.  W.  J.  Ashley,  English  Economic  History  (1892) 
I ;  Wm.  Cunningham,  Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce  (5th  ed. 
1912) ;  and  E.  Lipson,  An  Introduction  to  the  Economic  History  of  England 
(1915)  I,  are  devoted  mainly  to  economic  conditions,  while  more  com- 
pendious accounts  are  F.  W.  Tickner,  A  Social  and  Industrial  History  of 
England  (1916)  and  A.  P.  Usher,  An  Introduction  to  the  Industrial  History 
of  England  (1920),  the  latter  of  which  is  the  more  serious  and  scholarly. 
The  daily  life  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  is  described  in  Thomas  Wright's  Homes 
of  Other  Days  (1871). 

For  a  brief  account  of  Anglo-Saxon  literature  see  Moody  and  Lovett, 
A  History  of  English  Literature  (1908),  perhaps  the  best  one- volume  work 
covering  the  whole  period  of  English  literature.  H.  A.  Taine,  History  of 
English  Literature  (tr.  van  Laun,  4  vols.,  1873)  is  very  stimulating ;  but  not 

1  Indeed,  England  never  had  a  permanent  navy  till  the  sixteenth  century. 


52     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

always  to  be  relied  upon.  J.  A.  Jusserand,  A  Literary  History  of  the  English 
People  (3  vols.,  1906-1909)  is  a  charming  and  scholarly  treatment.  The 
Cambridge  History  of  Literature  (vols.  I-X,  1907-1913)  is  a  cooperative  work 
which  contains  a  mine  of  information.  Further  references  may  be  found  in 
Moody  and  Lovett's  reading  guide,  385  ff. 

For  selections  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  laws,  chiefly  in  English  translation, 
see  Stubbs,  Select  Charters  Illustrative  of  English  Constitutional  History 
(7th  ed.,  1890),  pp.  60-76. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  ([1066-1154).  THE  STRENGTHENING 
OF  THE  CENTRAL  POWER  (OF  WILLIAM  AND  HIS  SONS.  THE 
INTERVAL  OF  ANARCHY  IN  THE  REIGN  OF  STEPHEN 

William  Secures  London  and  is  Crowned  King  of  England.  — 
After  his  victory  at  Hastings  many  weeks  passed  before  William 
reached  London.  Those  who  held  the  City  had  elected  Eadgar  the 
^Etheling  to  succeed  Harold;  but  on  William's  approach  they  gave 
up  all  hope  of  resistance,  went  forth  to  meet  him,  and  offered  to  take 
him  for  their  King.  The  Conqueror  was  crowned  on  Christmas  Day, 
1066,  in  Edward's  Abbey. 

William  Redistributes  the  Lands  of  the  Conquered.  —  Before  pro- 
ceeding to  extend  his  conquests,  William  took  steps  to  organize  what 
he  already  held.  Qpurts  were  set  up,  a_  charter  confirming  ancient 
liberties  was  granted  to  the  men  of  London,  friends  and  supporters 
were  rewarded,  and  foes  punished.  The  lands  of  those  who  had  fought 
a^ainst_the_jCpnqueror  were  seized  and  divided  among  himself  and  his 
Jollojsers,  while  those  who  submitted  were  allowed  to  keep  their 
lands,  but  only  on  payment  of  heavy  fines.  Henceforth,  there  were 
to  be  no  lands  held  in  absolute  ownership ;  every  landlord  must  hold 
directly  or  indirectly  of  the  King. 

William  Establishes  His  Power,  Puts  Down  Risings  (1067-1075). — 
For  the  next  four  or  five  years  after  his  accession,  the  Norman  Con- 
queror was  occupied  in  putting  down  risings  and  overcoming  resist- 
ance to  the  extension  of  his  authority.  The  North  gave  the  most 
serious 'trouble,  which  began  in  1068  and  came  to  a  head  in  a  great 
rising  in  the  following  year.  Eadgar  the  ^Etheling,  who  had  taken 
refuge  in  Scotland,  was  set  up  as  King,  and  a  body  of  Danes  assisted 
the  native  English  and  Scots.  When  William  was  at  length  able  to 
prevail  over  his  enemies,  he  took  care  to  stamp  out  all  possibility  of 
further  resistance.  Marching  from  the  Ouse  to  the  Tyne  and  back, 
he  ruthlessly  destroyed  everything  that  lived  or  could  sustain  life, 
and  every  building,  so  that  the  vale  of  York  was  a  waste  and  ruin 

53 


54     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

for  years  to  come.  From  York  he  led  his  army  across  to  Chester  in 
the  dead  of  winter.  His  pitiless  devastation  remains  an  indelible 
blot  on  his  character;  but  neither  he  nor  his  sons  had  to  face  another 
general  rising  of  the  English.  A  few  of  the  more  desperate,  led  by 
one  Hereward  the  Wake,1  made  a  final  stand  in  the  island  of  Ely  in 
1071,  where  the  dying  resistance  of  the  native  English  breathed  its 
last  gasp.  William's  future  difficulties  came  from  his  own  following. 
Most  formidable,  though  he"  succeeded  in  suppressing  it,  was  a  rising 
attempted  in  1075  by  two  of  his  Earls.  Their  pretext  was  that  he 
was  an  usurper,  their  real  grievance  that  he  held  them  under  too 
strict  control. 

William's  Method  of  Maintaining  His  Hold  over  the  English.  — 
Once  his  arms  had  triumphed,  William  had  to  solve  the  twofold  prob- 
lem of  holding  the  English  in  subjection  and  of  keeping  a  check  on 
his  Norman  followers.  In  the  case  of  the  English,  he  continued  the 
practice  of  seizing  the  lands  of  those  who  resisted  his  authority  and 
handing  them  over  to  Norman  lords,  each  of  whom  had  to  furnish  a 
contingent  of  soldiers  in  proportion  to  the  size  of  his  grant.  Secondly, 
he  secured  every  district  which  he  conquered  by  a  castle  garrisoned 
with  his  own  men.  Moreover,  instead  of  relying  on  force  alone,  he 
attached  the  English  to  himself  by  protecting  them  with  good  laws, 
and  gradually  they  came  to  see  that  even  stern  rule  and  oppressive 
taxes  accompanied  by  peace  and  prosperity  were  better  than  anarchy. 

Checks  on  the  Baronage.  —  The  baronage  were  held  in  check 
partly  by  force  of  circumstances,  partly  by  William's  courage,  energy, 
and  wise  foresight.  Though  he  granted  enormous  estates  to  some, 
the  lands  composing  them  were  scattered  throughout  the  land ;  yet 
this  was  due  to  accident  rather  than  to  design  —  to  the  piecemeal 
character  of  the  conquest  and  to  the  fact  that  they  had  been  so  held 
under  their  former  owners.  Intentionally,  however,  he  broke  up  the 
four  great  earldoms  which  had  been  such  a  source  of  weakness  to  the 
Kings  of  the  later  Anglo-Saxon  period.  If  he  granted  broad  lands 
and  quasi-regal  or  palatine  rights  to  certain  trusted  officials  such  as 
the  Earl  of  Chester,  and  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  this  was  for  the 
defense  of  his  borders.  In  general,  it  was  his  aim  to  keep  the  adminis- 
tration in  the  hands  of  the  sheriff  and  to  reduce  the  Earls  to  a  merely 
titular  position.  By  retaining  control  over  the  local  machinery  and 
also  by  keeping  up  the  national  militia,  he  held  a  strong  counter- 
poise to  baronial  power. 

William  and  the  Church.  —  Likewise,  William  attached  to  himself 
the  Churchmen,  and,  so  far  as  possible,  he  sought  to  detach  them 

1  Hero  of  a  famous  novel  by  Charles  Kingsley. 


THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  55 

from  secular  interests.  He  took  control  of  the  appointment  of  great 
prelates,  and  he  issued  an  ordinance  providing  that  henceforth  eccle- 
siastical persons  and  causes  should  not  be  tried  in  the  secular  courts, 
but  in  those  of  the  Bishop.  Thus,  he  hoped  to  free  the  clergy  from 
the  control  of  those  whose  lives  they  were  seeking  to  reform  and  save, 
and,  by  drawing  them  away  from  the  laity,  to  bind  them  more  closely 
to  him  as  King ;  but  the  result,  in  the  long  run,  was  unfortunate,  for 
it  tended  to  foster  an  exclusive  privileged  class,  and  opened  a  quarrel 
between  two  conflicting  jurisdictions  which  lasted  for  centuries. 

Clerical  Appointments  and  Relations  with  the  Papacy.  — For:  his 
ep^sjcopal  appointments  William  almost  invariably  chose  Normans. 
As  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  he  selected  Lanfranc,  a  sagacious  and 
learned  Italian  who  had  migrated  to  Normandy.  While  William 
favored  his  Norman  supporters,  his  motives  were  by  no  means  wholly 
political.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Church  had  not  kept  pace  with  those 
of  the  Continent  in  learning,  and  was  low  in  morals  as  well ;  so,  aided 
by  the  advice  of  his  councilors,  William  worked  sincerely,  if  not  always 
successfully,  to  secure  Bishops  and  Abbots  who  would  strive  for  better 
things.  Monasteries  once  more  became  the  centers  of  learning  and 
culture,  and  many  new  churches  and  abbeys  were  built  in  the  Norman 
style  of  architecture.  While  William  desired  to  be  the  Pope's  cham- 
pion and  friend,  he  was  prepared  to  resist  to  the  utmost  any  papal 
encroachment  on  his  authority  or  independence.  Accordingly,  he 
laid  down  three  principles  which  denned  the  position  of  English 
sovereigns  for  some  time  to  come  :  that  no  Pope  should  be  recognized 
or  no  papal  letters  should  be  received  without  his  permission;  no 
decrees  of  ecclesiastical  assemblies  should  be  passed  without  his  con- 
sent ;  and  no  tenant-in-chief  of  the  Crown  should  be  excommunicated 
without  his  orders. 

Retention  of  the  Old  Anglo-Saxon  Laws.  —  In  fact  a  conqueror, 
William  constantly  asserted  that  he  was  the  legitimate  successor  of 
Edward  the  Confessor,  so,  as  far  as  possible,  he  allowed  the  English  to 
retain  their  manners,  customs,  and  institutions,  and  introduced  but 
few  innovations.  He  did  away  with  death  penalties,  though  the  muti- 
lations he  allowed  in  their  stead  must  have  been  far  more  cruel.  A 
new  form  of  ordeal,  the  judicial  combat,  he  introduced  mainly  for  the 
benefit  of  his  Normans.  A  curious  device  for  their  protection,  later 
used  as  a  means  of  royal  extortion,  was  the  responsibility  of  the  hun- 
dred or  presentment  of  Englishry,  which  provided  that  if  a  man  were 
murdered,  the  hundred  where  it  happened  had  to  pay  a  heavy  fine, 
unless  they  could  find  the  assassin  or  prove  that  the  victim  was  an 
Englishman.  William's  forest  regulations  were  also  an  innovation. 


56     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

While  he  and  his  sons,  passionately  fond  of  hunting,  reserved  large 
tracts  of  land  for  their  pastime,1  there  were  many  considerations  be- 
side mere  love  of  sport  that  made  him  and  his  successors  cling  so 
tenaciously  to  their  forest  rights.  They  yielded  the  Crown  a  revenue 
—  for  rights  of  cutting  wood  and  pasturing,  chiefly  of  swine,  were 
sold  —  they  furnished  an  excuse  for  keeping  a  large  force  of  armed  men 
which  could  be  used  for  a  royal  army  in  time  of  need ;  finally,  they 
offered  a  pretext  for  setting  up  arbitrary  courts.  William's  penalty 
for  hunting  the  royal  deer  was  loss  of  eyes. 

The  Domesday  Survey  (1085).  —  In  order  to  estimate  the  resources 
of  the  country  for  purposes  of  taxation,  we  find  William  having  "  much 
thought  and  deep  speech  "  with  his  Witan  at  Gloucester,  in  1085, 
over  the  state  of  the  country  and  its  population.  In  consequence, 
he  determined  on  a  great  survey  or  official  inquiry  known  as  the 
Domesday  Survey.2  The  work  was  done  by  royal  commissioners 
who  went  through  the  shires  and  hundreds  and  took  testimony  on 
oath  from  those  best  qualified  to  give  it  —  the  land-owners,  the 
priests,  the  bailiffs,  and  six  villeins  from  each  township  or  manor  — 
as  to  what  property  the  inhabitants  possessed  in  land  and  cattle  and 
how  much  it  was  worth.  The  results  were  recorded  in  the  Domesday 
Book,  which  gave  "  a  great  rate  book  or  tax  roll,  a  land  register,  .  .  . 
a  census  of  population,  and  topographical  dictionary  "  not  only  to 
the  King,  but  to  posterity  as  well. 

The  Oath  on  Salisbury  Plain  (1086).  —  In  the  following  year;  William 
held  a  great  Gemot  on  Salisbury  plain.  We  are  told  that  "  there 
came  to  him  his  Witan  and  all  the  landsittende  (land  owning)  men 
of  substance  that  were  all  over  England,  whosoever  men  they  were, 
and  all  bowed  down  to  him,  and  became  his  men,  and  swore  oaths  of 
fealty  to  him  that  they  would  be  faithful  to  him  against  all  men." 
Much  has  been  made  of  this  Salisbury  Oath  binding  all  the  land- 
owners of  England  directly  to  the  King  as  against  all  other  lords; 
but  it  represents  no  new  departure ;  for  doubtless  such  oaths  had  been 
exacted,  probably  in  the  local  courts,  since  the  beginning  of  the  reign. 
Moreover,  it  is  most  unlikely  that  all  of  the  landowners  of  England 
could  have  been  assembled  at  one  time  in  one  place. 

Last  Years  and  Death  (1087).  — Of  William's  last  years  little  re- 
mains to  be  said.  He  had  to  face  revolts  from  Robert,  his  eldest  son, 
who,  discontented  because  his  father  denied  him  power  corresponding 
to  his  station  and  expectations,  was  egged  on  by  many  unruly  nobles 

1  These  lands  were  usually,  though  not  necessarily,  wooded,  but  any  tract  of 
Crown  land  reserved  for  royal  hunting  was  called  a  forest. 

2  Probably  so  called,  because,  like  the  Day  of  Judgment,  it  would  spare  none. 


THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  57 

hoping  to  profit  by  discord,  and  by  the  King  of  France,  always  looking 
for  a  chance  to  extend  his  territories.  After  two  or  three  years  of 
desultory  fighting,  father  and  son  were  reconciled,  but  Robert  was 
always  ready  when  occasion  offered  to  cause  his  father  trouble. 
William,  before  his  death,  divided  his  kingdom,  assigning  Normandy 
to  his  eldest  son  Robert,  and  England  to  William  Rufus,  while  to 
Henry  he  gave  5000  pounds  of  silver  with  the  prophecy,  it  is  said, 
that  in  due  time  he  would  get  all  his  father  had. 

Character  and  Rule.  —  William  the  Conqueror  was  a  man  to 
inspire  awe.  Harsh,  despotic,  and  avaricious,  he  burdened  his  sub- 
jects with  heavy  exactions;  yet,  withal,  he  was  "a  very  wise  and  a 
great  man,"  and  more  honored  and  more  powerful  than  any  of  his 
predecessors,  "  mild  to  those  good  men  who  loved  God,  but  severe 
beyond  measure  to  those  who  withstood  his  will."  Altogether,  his 
rule  was  good  for  England,  for  he  put  an  end  to  those  disruptive  ten- 
dencies which  stood  in  the  way  of  national  organization,  and  laid  the 
foundation  of  strong,  orderly  government  which  is  the  necessary 
basis  of  freedom,  prosperity,  and  progress. 

Results  of  the  Norman  Conquest.  —  The  Norman  Conquest  was 
deep  and  far-reaching  in  its  results.  In  the  first  place,  it  brought  in  a 
new  line  of  foreign  kings  who  were,  for  three  successive  reigns,  men  of 
vigor  and  energy  and  who  were  supported  by  an  armed  force  bound 
to  them  by  close  and  special  ties.  Thus  fortified  they  not  only  crushed 
out  the  local  differences  which  had  marked  the  earlier  period,  but,  by 
preserving  whatever  was  best  in  the  old  system,  they  paved  the  way 
for  the  combination  of  central  unity  and  local  independence  which 
survives  to-day  as  the  most  characteristic  feature  of  the  English  govern- 
ment. Although  their  aim  was  primarily  to  strengthen  their  own 
position,  the  peace  and  order  which  they  preserved  made  for  progress. 
Moreover,  the  infusion  of  a  new  racial  element,  combining  the  vigor 
of  the  primitive  Northmen  and  the  alertness  of  the  Latinized  French- 
men, tended  to  vivify  and  broaden  the  sluggish  and  narrow  national 
character.  Finally,  by  bringing  remote  England  into  closer  con- 
nection with  the  Continent,  the  Conquest  opened  the  way  for  the 
intellectual  and  cultivating  influences  of  the  centers  of  older  and 
higher  civilization. 

Anglo-Norman  Feudalism.  —  Doubtless  the  most  significant  change 
of  all  was  the  introduction  of  a  well-organized  form  of  feudal  tenure, 
where  feudal  tendencies  only  had  hitherto  existed.  Feudalism  is  a 
greatly  overworked  word  used  to  describe  conditions,  by  no  means 
identical,  which  prevailed  in  England,  France,  and  Germany  from 
the  eighth  to  the  fifteenth  centuries.  In  general  "  Feudalism  com- 


58      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

prises  both  a  system  of  land  tenure  and  a  system  of  government," 
an  arrangement  by  which  the  various  relations  between  man  and  man 
were  determined  by  the  amount  of  land  held  by  one  of  another.  At 
tlie-top  of  the  scale  stood  the  lord  or  suzereign  in  whom  the  title  or 
ownership  of  the  land  was  vested.  Those  to  whom  he  gave  the  use 
of  it  were  called  vassals ;  lord  and  vassal  were  each  bound  by  specified 
obligations,  the  lord  to  protect  and  defend  his  -vassal,  the  vassal  to 
render  service  to  his  lord.  The  commonest  form  of  service  rendered 
was  military,  and  usually  there  were  several  intermediate  lords 
and  vassals  between  the  suzerain  and  the  small  cultivator.  In  a 
thoroughly  feudalized  State  the  King  was  at  the  top  of  the  scale ;  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  however,  the  greater  lords  held  themselves  inde- 
pendent of  their  nominal  ruler  and  led  their  own  army  and  judged  and 
taxed  their  own  dependents.  The  feudal  elements  had  existed  in 
Anglo-Saxon  England,  thegns  or  manorial  lords  were  granted  lands  in 
return  for  service  and  exercised  jurisdiction  over  their  dependents, 
but  their  relation  to  the  Crown  was  not  feudal,  for  their  ownership 
was  absolute;  although  they  furnished  armies  for  their  King,  they 
did  not  do  so  by  virtue  of  any  contract  or  agreement  based  on  their 
land  grant.  What  William  did  was  to  fuse  these  elements  into  a 
single  whole.  He  made  himself  the  supreme  landowner  of  every  foot 
of  English  soil ;  every  new  grant  was  made  conditional  on  service 
rendered,  and  every  Englishman  whom  he  allowed  to  remain  in  pos- 
session had  to  yield  his  title  to  the  King  and  promise  service  likewise. 
Generally  grants  were  made  in  return  for  an  agreement  on  the  part 
of  the  landlord  to  furnish  the  King  with  a  specified  number  of  fully 
armed  knights  to  serve  him  in  his  foreign  campaigns  for  a  stated 
period  each  year  —  usually  forty  days.1 

Feudal  Incidents  and  Other  Obligations.  —  Certain  obligations 
came  to  attach  to  all  military  tenures.  The  overlord  had  the  right, 
known  as  wardship,  of  acting  as  guardian,  and  of  collecting  the  rev- 
enues of  the  estate  during  the  time  when  the  heir  was  under  age. 
When  the  young  lord  entered  into  possession  he  had  to  pay  a  fine 
known  as  relief.  By  the  right  of  marriage,  so  called,  the  lord  could 
determine  when  an  heiress  might  marry  and  demand  payment  to  allow 
her  to  take  a  husband  of  her  own  choice.  By  escheat  and  forfeiture 
the  lord  could  recover  the  estate  in  case  of  failure  of  heirs,  or  for 
offenses  against  feudal  law  by  the  vassal.  These  obligations  at- 

1  The  unit  of  service  was  called  a  knight's  fee.  It  was  usually  five  hides  in  ex- 
tent but  might  be  larger  or  smaller,  depending  on  the  value  of  the  land.  In  later 
times  the  knight's  fee  was  estimated  on  the  basis  of  its  annual  income,  first  £20  and 
then  £40. 


THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  59 

tached  to  a  military  tenure  were  called  incidents.  Besides  the  inci- 
dents there  were  certain  payments,  known  as  aids,  which  the  lord 
could  claim  at  crises.  Three  of  these  became  customary,  one  on 
knighting  the  King's  son,  another  on  his  eldest  daughter's  marriage, 
and  a  third  to  ransom  him  in  case  he  fell  into  captivity.1  William, 
in  carefully  avoiding  the  evils  of  Continental  feudalism,  where  the 
landlords  were  virtually  independent  rulers,  was  aided  by  the  small 
size  of  the  Island  and  the  fact  that  every  part  was  comparatively 
accessible  from  the  center.  By  establishing  feudalism  as  a  form  of 
land  tenure  and  preventing  it  from  becoming  a  system  of  government, 
he  made  it  a  source  of  strength  rather  than  weakness ;  for  he  was  su- 
preme landowner  as  well  as  King,  and  got  thereby  much  revenue  2 
and  an  additional  army. 

Magnum  Concilium.  —  The  old  National  Assembly  continued  to 
meet,  usually  three  times  a  year,  on  Easter  at  Winchester,  Whitsun- 
tide at  Westminster,  and  Christmas  at  Gloucester.  Now,  however, 
it  was  called  the  Great  Council  (Magnum  Concilium)  or  King's  Court 
(Curia  Regia) ;  also  where  it  formerly  consisted  of  Englishmen,  it 
now  consisted  largely  of  Normans;  finally,  the  bishops  and  great 
landed  nobles  came,  henceforth,  not  by  virtue  of  their  office,  but  as 
tenants-in-chief  of  .the  Crown.  The  Great  Council  dealt  with  judicial 
cases  beyond  the  competence  of  the  local  and  Church  courts  and  with 
others  where  they  failed  to  render  justice'.  While  the  King  professed 
to  legislate  and  tax  with  the  sanction  of  the  Great  Council,  he  was, 
like  the  stronger  Anglo-Saxon  monarchs,  practically  supreme. 

The  Manor  as  a  Judicial  and  Agrarian  Unit.  —  After  the  Conquest 
there  was  a  steady  increase  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  lord  of  the  manor, 
who  was  represented  in  his  judicial  and  administrative  business  by  his 
steward  or  bailiff,  and  often  did  not  live  continuously  on  any  one  of 
his  estates.  The  tenants  rendered  their  services  of  labor  and  paid 
rents  chiefly  in  produce,3  for  little  or  no  money  was  yet  in  local  cir- 

1  Another  result  of  feudalism  was  to  develop  a  form  of  inheritance,  known  as 
primogeniture,  by  which  the  lands  came  to  descend  to  the  eldest  son.     The  prevail- 
ing Anglo-Saxon  custom  of  equal  division  among  heirs,  known  as  gavelkind,  prac- 
tically disappeared,  except  in  Kent. 

2  Besides  the  feudal  revenues,  and  the  Danegeld,  revived  in  1084,  William  had 
rents  from  the  royal  manors,  fees  from  the  courts  of  the  hundreds  and  shires,  as 
well  as  from  cases  settled  in  the  Great  Council,  and  various  miscellaneous  receipts, 
such  as  murder  fines  from  the  hundreds. 

3  They  were  mostly  of  servile  or  villein  states,  for  slavery  did  not  long  survive 
the  Conquest.     The  influence  of  the  Church  must  not  be  forgotten,  particularly 
in  improving  the  slave's  lot  and  in  doing  away  with  traffic  beyond  the  seas ;   but 
the  gradual  disappearance  of  slavery  itself  was  largely  due  to  the  feudal  theory, 
which  had  no  place  for  any  being  absolutely  withoi&t  rights. 


60      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

culation.  Methods  of  agriculture  remained  primitive ;  the  system 
of  scattered  holdings  and  common  cultivation  still  prevailed,  marling 
was  the  only  way  of  fertilizing  the  soil,  and  there  was  much  unclaimed 
or  waste  land.  The  chief  crop  was  wheat,  though  the  product  of 
oats  and  barley  was  considerable ;  there  were  some  vegetables,  but 
no  root  crops.  Orchards  existed  and  at  least  a  few  vineyards,  bees 
were  raised  to  a  considerable  extent  because  the  honey  was  used  for 
sugar,  and  dairy  produce  and  poultry  formed  staple  articles  of  diet. 
The  state  of  public  health  was  probably  better  than  on  the  Continent ; 
there  was  some  leprosy,  though  not  as  much  as  is  sometimes  supposed, 
while  skin  diseases  were  common  from  the  absence  of  fresh  vegetables 
and  the  excessive  use  of  fish  and  meat. 

Towns  after  the  Conquest.  —  The  great  majority  of  the  towns  were 
agricultural,  and  the  flourishing  centers  of  trade  as  a  rule  were  the 
seaports.  From  one  point  of  view,  the  towns  suffered,  though  tem- 
porarily, from  the  Conquest,  because  castles  were  established  in  their 
midst  or  rebuilt,  the  townsmen  were  burdened  with  garrisons,  and 
often  their  houses  were  cleared  away  to  make  room  for  fortifications. 
Nevertheless,  the  ultimate  result  of  the  Conquest  was  favorable  to 
town  growth ;  foreign  commerce  was  extended  by  closer  relations  with 
the  Continent  and  internal  trade  was  fostered  by  the  better  peace 
that  the  strong  Kings  of  the  Norman  lines  were  able  to  impose. 

The  Population.  —  The  population  at  the  period  of  the  Conquest 
was  probably  300,000  families  or  2,000,000  souls,  of  whom  the  great 
majority  were  serfs  in  varying  degrees  of  dependence,  and  there  were 
comparatively  few  freeholders  or  bondmen.  Most  of  the  tenants-in- 
chief  and  even  the  more  considerable  under-tenants  were  Frenchmen ; 
but  the  two  races  soon  fused  by  intermarriage,  and  the  distinction 
between  Englishmen  and  Frenchmen  came  to  be  the  one  between  the 
King's  subjects  on  either  side  of  the  Channel  rather  than  one  between 
Saxons  and  Normans  settled  in  England. 

Language  and  Literature.  —  French  was  chiefly  spoken  at  the  Royal 
Court,  in  the  castle,  and  the  manor  house,  while  English  was  the  tongue 
of  the  humbler  folk.  Laws,  charters,  records,  and  the  writings  of  the 
learned  were  in  Latin.  The  exclusion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  from  the 
higher  offices  checked  the  growth  of  a  literature  in  the  native  tongue. 
Since  the  Normans  were  practical  and  serious  rather  than  romantic, 
most  of  their  writing  in  this  period  is  either  religious  or  historical, 
and  a.  prevailing  interest  of  the  time  is  shown  in  the  number  of  lives 
of  saints  which  appeared.  The  historical  writers  were,  in  the  main, 
mere  annalists,  copying  their  earlier  matter  from  their  predecessors, 
and  chiefly  valuable  for  their  rather  bald  records  of  their  own  day. 


THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  6l 

One  happy  exception  is  William  of  Malmesbury,  who  was  the  first 
writer  since  Bede  to  organize  his  material  and  to  discuss  cause  and 
effect.  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  a  Welshman,  collected  old  Celtic 
legends,  and  is  the  source  of  much  medieval  romance ;  from  him  the 
stories  of  Arthur  and  Merlin  were  handed  down  and  to  him  we  owe 
the  plot  of  Shakespeare's  King  Lear. 

Anglo-Norman  Architecture.  —  The  new  architectural  movement 
begun  by  Edward  the  Confessor  received  a  marked  impulse  from  the 
Conquest,  and  very  generally  the  Normans  started  rebuilding  the 
cathedrals  and  abbeys  of  the  conquered  Saxons.  Both  peoples  em- 
ployed the  so-called  Romanesque  style,  but  while  the  older  edifices 
were  of  wood,  the  new  church  buildings  in  most  instances  were  of 
stone.  Decidedly  simple,  austere,  and  impressive  they  were,  with 
their  low  square  towers  and  round  arches  supported  by  heavy  piers 
and  columns,  though  early  in  the  twelfth  century  a  new  style  was 
introduced,  known  as  the  Gothic  or  Early  English,  characterized 
chiefly  by  the  pointed  arch.  Even  more  notable  was  the  develop- 
ment of  castle  building.  In  place  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  strongholds, 
which  were  simple  mounds  of  earth  surrounded  by  a  moat  and  a  pali- 
sade, the  Normans  introduced  the  square  rectangular  keep,  or  tower, 
of  stone.  Gradually,  as  the  art  of  the  defense  progressed,  outer  walls 
were  added  and  were  strengthened  by  gate  towers,  projecting  galleries 
were  built  with  openings  in  the  floor  to  command  the  ditch  which 
was  dug  as  a  further  defense,  while,  within  the  inclosure,  other  towers 
were  constructed  to  sweep  the  invaders  by  a  cross  fire.  Siege  engines 
were  at  first  very  primitive  and  ineffective,  so  the  chief  way  to  reduce 
a  castle  was  by  starvation.  The  earliest  castles,  during  the  twelfth 
and  thirteenth  centuries,  were  fortresses  rather  than  places  of  resi- 
dence, and  castle  guard  was  an  obligation  due  from  lesser  men  to  the 
barons  and  the  King. 

William  Rufus  (1087-1100).  Character  and  Policy. — The  new 
King,  William  II  —  known  as  Rufus,  from  his  ruddy  face  —  showed 
considerable  abilities  as  a  soldier,  and  in  holding  the  people  on  his  side  ; 
he  could  be  generous,  on  occasion,  and  was  not  very  cruel  for  the  age 
in  which  he  lived.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was  capricious,  and  inordi- 
nately wasteful ;  and  so  great  was  his  greediness  in  extorting  money 
and  supplies  from  his  subjects  that  many  fled  to  the  woods  when  he 
drew  near,  to  save  what  they  could.  Worst  of  all  was  the  viciousness 
of  his  personal  life  and  his  blasphemy.  Even  the  fashions  indicate 
the  departure  from  the  simpler  and  soberer  ideals  of  the  past  reign. 
The  courtiers  began  to  let  their  hair  grow  long,  curled,  and  bound  with 
ribbons ;  they  wore  garments  like  women ;  they  affected  a  feminine 


62      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

mincing  gait,  and  adopted  shoes  with  long  curved  points  like  rams' 
horns,  or  scorpions'  tails ;  they  passed  their  nights  in  "  drinking  and 
revelry  "  ;  and  it  was  said  of  William  that  "  he  every  morning  got  up 
a  worse  man  than  he  lay  down  and  every  evening  lay  down  a  worse 
man  than  he  got  up,"  and  that  he  "  openly  mocked  at  God  and  the 
saints." 

Resistance  of  the  Norman  Barons.  —  The  English  seemed  to  have 
welcomed  him  at  his  accession ;  but  the  Norman  lords  who  had  estates 
on  both  sides  of  the  water,  preferring  the  rule  of  his  weaker  brother 
Robert,  broke  out  in  revolt  early  in  1088.  William,  partly  by  his 
energy,  partly  by  the  support  of  some  of  the  barons  in  England,  but 
chiefly  with  the  aid  of  the  lesser  folk,  to  whom  he  promised  "  the  best 
law  that  had  ever  been  in  this  land,"  managed  to  overcome  his  ene- 
mies. Once  triumphant  he  imitated  the  discretion  of  his  father,  wel- 
comed the  submission  of  his  enemies  and  was  particularly  mild  to 
those  who  might  be  dangerous.  Already  at  his  coronation  he  had 
sought  popularity  in  another  quarter  by  gifts  to  the  Church  and  poor. 

Ranulf  Flambard.  —  When  Lanfranc,  who  had  a  great  influence 
over  him,  died  in  1089,  William's  rule  changed  for  the  worse.  He 
took  as  his  chief  adviser  Ranulf,  or  Ralph,  known  as  "  Flambard," 
the  "  Fiery  Torch  that  licked  up  everything."  As  Chief  Minister 
he  managed  all  the  financial  and  judicial  business  of  the  realm,  and 
his  name  is  associated  with  systematically  fleecing  the  estates  of 
royal  tenants.  While  he  did  not  originate,  he  carried  to  greater 
lengths  than  ever  before  the  exactions  known  as  feudal  incidents,  re- 
quiring particularly  exorbitant  reliefs  from  incoming  heirs.  More- 
over, he  extended  his  extortions  to  the  possessions  of  the  Church, 
shamelessly  selling  offices  and  keeping  bishoprics  and  abbacies  vacant 
in  order  to  collect  the  revenue  for  the  King. 

Anselm  made  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (1093). — In  1093,  William, 
overtaken  by  a  serious  illness  and  momentarily  repenting  of  his  evil 
ways,  agreed  to  choose  a  successor  to  Lanfranc  as  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury. The  man  selected  was  Anselm  —  a  good  and  an  upright  man, 
of  great  learning,  so  unwilling  to  accept  that  the  pastoral  staff  was 
literally  forced  into  his  hands,  and  he  was  carried  bodily  into  the 
chapel  for  consecration.  Events  proved  that  he  had  correctly  fore- 
seen inevitable  conflicts  from  which  his  gentle  nature  shrank.  He 
cherished  the  high  ideal  that  Churchmen,  who  stood  for  moral 
and  spiritual  betterment,  should  be  absolutely  independent  of 
unscrupulous  laymen.  On  the  other  hand,  while  William  opposed 
him  on  unworthy  grounds,  there  was  a  sound  principle  under- 
lying his  opposition;  namely,  that,  since  the  Church  officials  pos- 


THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  63 

sessed  vast  property  and  extensive  temporal  powers  and  were 
subject  to  a  foreign  master,  they  must,  in  the  interest  of  law,  order, 
and  national  unity,  be  subject  to  State  control.  Finally,  Anselm  did 
agree  to  observe  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  realm  in  so  far  as  he 
could  without  prejudicing  his  allegiance  to  the  Holy  See,  and  got 
the  grudging  permission  of  his  Sovereign  to  go  to  Rome.  With  a 
pilgrim's  scrip  and  staff  he  left  the  country  never  to  return  until  a 
new  King  was  on  the  throne. 

The  First  Crusade,  1096.  —  Meantime,  a  movement  was  on  foot 
which  relieved  William  of  danger  from  his  brother  Robert  during  the 
remainder  of  his  reign.  Peter  of  Amiens  and  Urban  II  were  preaching 
a  crusade,  the  first  of  many,  to  recover  the  Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem 
from  the  Turks  who  had  taken  the  city  in  1077.  Among  the  nobles  of 
western  Europe  who  joined  in  this  holy  enterprise  was  Robert  of  Nor- 
mandy. Mortgaging  his  duchy  to  his  brother  Rufus  for  10,000  marks, 
he  took  with  him  many  younger  sons  and  allies,  who  from  lack  of 
estates  were  likely  to  foment  discord,  and  left  William  free  to  pursue 
his  plans  fairly  undisturbed.  His  last  years  were  spent  mainly  in  try- 
ing to  extend  his  power  in  the  Norman  duchy  which  he  was  holding 
in  pawn ;  but  England,  shocked  by  his  wickedness  and  burdened  by 
taxation,  was  growing  weary  of  him.  In  August,  noo,  he  was  shot 
by  a  favorite  courtier,  probably  accidentally,  while  hunting  in  the 
New  Forest.  When  it  was  found  that  he  was  really  dead,  the  nobles 
of  the  hunting  party  fled  to  Winchester,  each  to  look  after  his  own  in- 
terests, leaving  the  body  to  be  brought  to  the  city  by  the  foresters. 

Henry  I  (1100-1135).  His  Charter  of  Liberties.  —  Henry,  the 
Conqueror's  youngest  son,  was  one  of  those  who  hastened  to  Win- 
chester, where  he  managed  to  seize  the  keys  of  the  royal  hoard.  In 
spite  of  the  claims  of  his  brother  Robert,  he  was  accepted  by  the  lead- 
ing men  OIL  the  spot  and  was  crowned  soon  after  at  Westminster.  As 
a  means  of  attaching  his  people  to  him,  the  new  King  issued  a  Charter 
of  Liberties  in  which  he  promised  to  do  away  with  the  evil  customs 
of  his  brother's  reign.  No  profit  was  to  be  taken  from  vacant  bish- 
oprics and  abbeys.  Reliefs  from  lay  barons  were  to  be  just  and  lawful 
and  the  King  was  to  charge  nothing  for  licenses  to  marry.  Just  fines 
were  to  be  taken  from  offending  tenants  in  place  of  the  excessive 
exactions  of  the  two  Williams,  and  military  tenants  were  to  be  freed 
from  all  payments  and  labor  except  armed  service.  The  laws  of 
Edward  the  Confessor,  with  the  Conqueror's  improvements,  were  to 
be  retained,  but  the  forests  were  to  be  kept  as  the  old  King  had  pos- 
sessed them.  Such  was  "  the  parent  of  all  later  charters,"  which, 
although  its  promises  were  often  broken,  marks  the  first  check  on 


64      SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  absolutism  founded  by  the  Conqueror  and  carried  to  such  a  height 
by  the  Red  King.  As  a  further  guarantee  of  his  intention  to  undo 
the  wrongs  of  his  brother's  reign,  Henry  recalled  Anselm,  filled  vacant 
bishoprics  and  abbeys,  and  sent  Flambard  to  the  Tower.  The  year 
after  his  coronation  Henry  had  to  meet  an  invasion  led  by  Robert 
who  had,  shortly  before,  returned  from  the  Holy  Land.  Having 
made  terms  with  him  he  proceeded  to  punish  the  Norman  barons 
resident  in  England  who  had  worked  against  him,  and  for  "  three 
and  thirty  years  he  ruled  England  in  peace."  But  Normandy,  ruled 
by  the  unstable  Robert,  formed  a  refuge  for  the  disaffected  who  might 
at  any  time  organize  another  invasion  into  England.  Moreover, 
English  subjects  who  had  estates  in  Normandy  were  constantly  ex- 
posed to  attacks  from  Henry's  enemies,  and  Robert  was  either  unwill- 
ing or  unable  to  protect  them.  So  Henry  finally  led  an  expedition 
across  the  Channel  in  1106,  defeated  his  brother's  Norman  army  at 
Tinchebrai,  took  Robert  prisoner  1  and  appropriated  the  Duchy,  which 
remained  an  English  possession  for  nearly  a  hundred  years. 

Compromise  with  Anselm  (1107). — The  next  year,  1107,  was 
marked  by  a  final  agreement  on  the  matter  of  filling  episcopal  offices. 
There  were  several  stages  in  the  process,  election,  homage  to  the  King 
for  temporal  possessions,  investiture  —  the  conferring  of  the  ring  and 
the  staff,  which  were  spiritual  symbols  of  the  bishop's  marriage  to  the 
Church  and  his  assumption  of  the  pastoral  office  —  consecration,  and 
enthronization.  Anselm,  on  his  return,  had  refused  to  repeat  the 
homage  for  the  lands  of  Canterbury  which  he  had  rendered  to  Rufus, 
and  he  also  refused  to  consecrate  bishops  who  had  received  investiture 
in  his  absence.  Henry  firmly  insisted  on  lay  investiture ;  but  at 
length  the  Pope  suggested  a  compromise  by  which  the  King  agreed 
to  allow  the  ring  and  staff  to  be  conferred  by  the  Church,  on  condition 
that  each  candidate  render  homage  for  his  land.  The  victory  was 
really  the  King's ;  for,  by  refusing  to  receive  homage,  he  might  block 
any  episcopal  appointment  that  he  chose.  From  this  time,  too,  it 
came  to  be  the  custom  for  the  clergy  of  each  cathedral  to  elect  its 
bishop,  but,  owing  to  the  fact  that  elections  had  to  take  place  in  the 
royal  chapel,  the  King  really  dictated  the  choice. 

Henry's  Last  Years.  His  Character  and  Policy.  —  During  the 
remainder  of  the  reign,  Henry's  chief  interest  was  centered  in  notable 
improvements  and  innovations  in  the  machinery  of  government  and 
in  an  attempt  to  settle  the  succession.  In  1120  his  son  and  heir  was 
drowned,  and  the  only  heir  left  to  him  was  his  daughter  Matilda. 

1  He  was  taken  to  England  and  held  a  prisoner  till  he  died  in  Cardiff  Castle  in 
"34- 


THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  65 

Although  a  woman  had  never  ruled  the  land,  Henry  made  the  barons 
swear  to  accept  her  as  his  successor,  a  proceeding  which  resulted  in 
years  of  strife. 

Henry  I  himself  died  in  1135.  He  was  a  man  of  scholarly  tastes  — 
from  which  he  got  his  name  Beauclerk  —  affable  but  cold  and  calcu- 
lating, who  realized  fully  that  he  must  hold  down  the  turbulent  barons, 
keep  on  good  terms  with  the  Church,  and  attach  the  people  to  himself 
if  he  was  to  rule  as  a  strong  King.  In  the  orderly  system  of  judicial 
and  financial  administration  which  he  developed  he  was  actuated  by 
thrift  and  a  desire  to  increase  his  resources,  but  he  laid  the  foundation 
on  which  the  wisest  of  his  successors  built  and  which  has  contributed 
so  much  to  the  stability  of  the  English  nation.  He  imposed  heavy 
taxes  and  caused  the  laws  to  be  administered  with  ferocious  rigor, 
yet  he  gradually  won  for  himself  the  name  of  the  "  Lion  of  Justice." 

Administrative  Machinery.  The  Curia  Regis  and  the  Exchequer.  — 
It  was  after  Henry  had  got  the  baronage  and  Church  in  hand  that  he 
began  to  develop  a  system  of  transacting  the  business  of  government 
which  did  so  much,  not  only  to  increase  the  wealth  and  power  of  the 
Crown  but  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  country  and  people  as  well. 
In  this  work  he  was  greatly  assisted  by  Roger,  created  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury, who,  first  as  Chancellor  and  then  as  Justiciar, 


Curia  Regis_,  or  King's  Court,  which  served  at  once  as  an  advisory 
body,  a  tribunal  for  important  judicial  decisions,  and  a  treasury 
board.  Smaller  than  the  Great  Council,  sometimes  called  by  the  same 
name,  the  Curia  Regis  included  the  great  officers  of  the  royal  house- 
hold :  the  Chamberlain,  the  Constable,  the  Butler,  and  the  Steward, 
officers  who  had  originally  acted  as  servants  to  the  King,  had  made 
his  bed,  had  groomed  his  horses,  poured  his  drink,  and  provided  his 
meals,  but  whose  duties  became,  in  course  of  time,  purely  honorary, 
hereditary  in  certain  great  families.  Another  class  of  members  were 
the  chief  Ministers  of  the  Crown  :  the  Justiciar,  the  Chancellor,  and 
the  Treasurer.  The  Justiciar  acte^l  as  Regent  during  the  King's 
absence,  as  his  right-hand  man  when  he  was  in  the  country,  and  pre- 
sided over  the  Curia  Regis.  The  Chancellor,  or  royal  secretary,  was 
keeper  of  the  records  ;  l  gradually  he  became  a  very  important  official, 
was  custodian  of  the  Great  Seal  —  which  had  to  be  affixed  to  all  the 
most  important  documents  —  and  was  consulted  in  the  transaction 
of  important  business  of  State.  The  Treasurer  kept  the  royal  hoard. 
To  these  three  offices  men,  usually  of  the  clergy,  were  appointed  and 
were  looked  at  askance  by  the  older  nobility.  In  addition  to  these 

1  He  got  his  name  from  the  fact  that  he  originally  sat  behind  the  cancelli  or  bars 
of  a  screen. 


66      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

two  groups,  certain  important  men  were  selected  from  time  to  time 
from  the  Great  Council. 

The  Curia  Regis  held  two  financial  sessions  a  year,  one  at  Easter 
and  one  at  Michaelmas  (29  September),  when  they  met  the  sheriffs 
from  the  various  counties,  received  their  rents,  and  went  over  their 
accounts.  For  the  sums  paid  in  at  Easter  the  sheriff  received  a  tally, 
which  was  a  stick1  notched  in  the  side  and  marked,  each  notch  indi- 
cating a  certain  number  of  pounds,  shillings,  and  pence :  after  notches 
had  been  cut,  the  stick  was  split  lengthwise,  the  Government  keeping 
one  half  as  a  check  on  the  sheriff.  The  Court,  in  its  financial  sessions, 
was  called  the  "  Exchequer,"  from  the  Latin  word  for  chequers, 
because  the  officials  sat  about  a  table  making  up  their  accounts  by 
means  of  counters,  and,  in  moving  these  counters  to  and  fro,  looked 
as  if  they  were  playing  chequers.2  As  a  further  means  of  extending 
the  royal  power  over  the  local  districts,  officials  —  called  Itinerant 
Justices  —  were  sent  into  the  different  counties,  where  they  sat  with 
the  sheriffs  in  the  cases  in  which  the  King  was  concerned,  i.e.  Crown 
pleas;3  listened  to  complaints;  conveyed  the  King's  wishes  to  his 
people ;  and,  what  was  perhaps  originally  their  most  important  duty, 
saw  to  it  that  the  royal  taxes  were  properly  levied  and  collected. 

English  Life  in  Henry's  Time.  —  On  the  whole  the  life  of  the  period 
seems  to  have  been  easy  and  joyous.  Chivalry  was  coming  in  with 
its  artificial  distinctions ;  but  class  feeling  was  much  less  marked  than 
elsewhere,  and  the  common  people  were  contented  with  their  lot. 
Hospitality,  charity,  and  love  of  sport  prevailed,  so  the  country  could 
with  truth  be  called  "  Merry  England."  If  London  was  small  and 
unpretentious,  it  was  the  center  of  jolly  pastimes,  cockfights,  foot- 
ball games,  archery  matches,  foot  races,  water  sports,  and  occasional 
skating.  Hunting,  feasting,  and  love  of  dress  were  a  favorite  theme  of 
attack  by  austere  ecclesiastics.  For  the  small  villagers  pilgrimages 
to  local  shrines,  the  visits  of  wandering  minstrels,  and  the  numerous 
saints'  days  furnished  constant  occasion  for  merrymaking.  In  the 
monasteries  there  was  much  good  cheer ;  sometimes  we  hear  of  dinners 
with  as  many  as  sixteen  courses  washed  down  with  copious  draughts 
of  wines,  cider,  and  beer. 

The  Monastic  Revival.  —  In  monastic  life,  however,  this  period 
witnessed  the  beginnings  of  an  earnest  revival.  From  the  early  part 
of  the  previous  century  new  orders  had  come  into  being  as  vital  pro- 

1  Hence  our  term  stock. 

2  The  name  does  not  come,  as  some  have  said,  from  the  fact  that  the  table  was 
covered  with  a  checkered  cloth. 

3  Later  used  to  designate  serious  offenses  in  which  the  State  was  prosecutor. 


THE  ANGLO-NORMAL  KINGS  67 

tests  against  the  declining  ideals  of  the  Benedictine  and  the  Cluniac. 
Chief  among  these  reformed  orders  was  that  of  the  Cistercians. 
Simplicity  and  austerity  were  its  ideals,  garments  were  of  the  plainest 
and  coarsest  sort,  church  ornaments  were  made  of  simple  brass,  iron, 
and  painted  wood,  and  its  houses  were  to  be  in  lonely  and  desolate 
places.  The  professed  brethren  were  to  devote  themselves  to  study, 
while  lay  brothers  were  to  do  all  the  manual  labor.  In  1 128  the  Cister- 
cians came  to  England,  and,  in  the  succeeding  years,  established  many 
houses,  chiefly  in  the  north.  Every  one  has  heard  of  Melrose  Abbey 
in  Scotland  and  Fountains  in  Yorkshire.  By  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century  there  were  fifty  Cistercian  houses  in  England.  Their 
chief  industrial  pursuit  was  cattle  and  sheep  raising,  and  the  wool  of 
the  Cistercians  became  a  famous  article  of  export.  Among  others, 
military-religious  orders  —  founded  as  a  result  of  the  crusading  move- 
ment —  also  made  their  way  into  England,  the  Knights  Hospitallers, 
who  furnished  succor  to  sick  and  needy  pilgrims  on  their  way  to  the 
Holy  City,  and  the  Knights  Templars,  who  guarded  the  roads  to  the 
Holy  Land.  Altogether,  well  over  two  hundred  new  houses  were 
established  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  and  his  two  successors.  With  in- 
creasing wealth  abuses  crept  in  among  these  reformers  in  their  turn. 
The  Cistercians,  for  instance,  are  accused  of  avarice,  idleness,  luxury, 
but  we  must  not  forget  the  services  they  rendered  in  reclaiming  waste 
lands,  furthering  useful  arts  and  trades,  preserving  and  spreading 
learning,  hi  administering  charity,  and  in  setting  up  standards  of  living 
which,  even  if  not  always  observed,  were  a  protest  against  the  brutality 
and  coarseness  which  they  saw  about  them. 

Stephen  Received  as  King  of  England  (1135).  —  On  the  death  of 
Henry  I  the  two  chief  candidates  for  the  throne  were  Matilda,  his 
daughter,  and  Stephen  of  Boulogne,  his  nephew.  Matilda  had  un- 
questionably the  better  title,  but  her  sex  told  against  her,  as  did  her 
marriage  with  the  representative  of  the  House  of  Anjou,  long  the  de- 
clared enemy  of  Englishman  and  Norman.  Stephen,  who  hastened  to 
England,  was  promptly  accepted  by  the  citizens  of  London  in  return 
for  his  promises  to  maintain  and  to  respect  the  liberties  and  privileges 
of  the  city.  At  Winchester,  of  which  his  brother  was  Bishop,  he  came 
to  terms  with  the  Church,  granting  concessions  in  the  matter  of  elec- 
tions and  jurisdiction  greater  than  it  had  ever  enjoyed  on  English 
soil.  Then,  by  promises  equally  lavish,  he  sought  the  alliance  of 
the  King  of  Scotland,  and  of  Robert,  Earl  of  Gloucester,  Matilda's 
half  brother. 

His  Character  and  Problems.  —  Personally  Stephen  was  a  man  of 
the  most  engaging  qualities,  but  totally  incompetent  to  deal  with 


68     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  problems  which  confronted  him.  He  was  unable  to  fulfill  the  prom- 
ises which  he  had  so  rashly  made,  he  was  not  keen  and  foreseeing 
enough  to  anticipate  the  opposition  which  the  nobility,  turbulent  and 
self-seeking  as  ever,  were  bound  to  manifest.  He  excited  animosity 
by  bringing  mercenaries  into  the  land,  and  he  weakened  his  position 
by  creating  new  Earls  and  allowing  them  to  build  castles.  "  The 
more  he  gave  them,  the  worse  they  always  carried  themselves  toward 
him."  Moreover,  in  the  very  first  revolts  directed  against  him  he 
showed  himself  too  easy  to  punish  disaffections  even  after  he  had  put 
them  down. 

His  Attacks  on  Roger  of  Salisbury  and  His  Family  (1139).  — Like 
many  mild  men  he  was  capable  of  sudden  acts  of  violence  and  rash- 
ness. Such  a  blunder  he  committed  by  a  foolhardy  attack  on  Roger  of 
Salisbury  and  his  family,  who  between  them  controlled  the  financial 
and  judicial  business  of  the  Government.  Suddenly  Stephen  ordered 
them  to  surrender  their  castles  into  his  hands,  and  when  they  refused, 
eventually  arrested  them  all.  He  may  have  feared  that  they  were 
combining  against  him  in  favor  of  Matilda,  he  may  have  been  merely 
jealous  of  their  increasing  power  and  pretensions,  which  were  truly 
regal,  but  his  action  was  disastrous  in  its  consequences.  It  threw  the 
financial  and  judicial  system  into  a  confusion  from  which  it  did  not 
recover  till  the  next  reign  and  it  alienated  most  of  the  King's  supporters 
in  the  Church.  Even  his  own  brother  Bishop  Henry  declared  against 
him.  The  situation  was  particularly  critical.  In  1138  an  invasion 
of  the  Scots  was  only  turned  back  by  the  dauntless  efforts  of  the 
Archbishop  of  York,  and,  meanwhile,  the  southwestern  counties  had 
risen,  at  the  instigation  of  Robert  of  Gloucester,  who  had  thrown  off 
his  allegiance  and  fled  abroad,  alleging  that  Stephen  was  a  usurper 
and  had  not  kept  his  promises  to  him. 

The  Coming  of  Matilda  and  the  Civil  War  (1139-1148).  —  Such  was 
the  situation  when,  in  the  autumn  of  1139,  Robert  and  Matilda  ap- 
peared in  person.  Their  arrival  converted  the  unrest,  already  mani- 
fest, into  a  civil  war,  which  lasted  for  fourteen  years.  The  disputed 
succession  was  only  a  pretext  which  the  barons  seized  to  foster  disorder 
and  thereby  to  gain  power  and  profit  for  themselves.  They  built 
castles ;  they  "  greatly  oppressed  the  wretched  people,"  and,  to  ex- 
tort their  property  from  them,  tortured  them  "  with  pains  unspeak- 
able." Many  fled  and  many  starved,  "  The  earth  bare  no  corn,  you 
might  as  well  have  tilled  the  sea,  for  the  land  was  all  ruined  by  such 
deeds,  and  it  was  said  openly  that  Christ  and  his  saints  slept."  The 
years  following  the  arrival  of  Robert  of  Gloucester  and  Matilda  were 
marked  by  a  bewildering  series  of  raids,  sieges,  and  ravaging  of  towns, 


THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  KINGS  69 

with  the  balance  swaying  first  on  one  side  and  then  on  the  other. 
At  length,  however,  Matilda  began  to  lose  ground ;  the  death  of  Robert, 
in  1147,  deprived  her  of  her  chief  support,  and  in  the  following  year 
she  retired  to  Anjou  and  gave  up  the  struggle.  Yet  her  retirement 
gave  neither  peace  to  England  nor  a  clear  title  to  Stephen ;  for  her 
son  Henry,  now  fifteen  years  old,  was  soon  to  take  up  the  fight  for  his 
heritage.  Moreover,  the  barons,  in  their  own  interests,  were  de- 
termined to  continue  the  carnival  of  misrule :  "  every  lord  of  a  castle 
was  a  petty  king,  ruling  his  own  tenants,  coining  his  own  money, 
administering  his  own  justice."  One  great  source  of  encouragement 
to  the  party  opposed  to  Stephen  was  the  conquest  of  Normandy  in 
1144  by  Geoffrey  of  Anjou  who,  steadily  refusing  to  take  any  part  in 
the  English  complications,  had  been  persistent  in  his  attacks  in  the 
Duchy  since  the  death  of  Henry  I.  Louis  VII,  King  of  France, 
recognized  his  victory  by  investing  him  with  the  Dukedom,  and  be- 
fore the  close  of  another  year,  he  had  stamped  out  the  last  embers  of 
resistance. 

Treaty  of  Wallingford  (1153).  —  Geoffrey  died  in  1151.  Already, 
some  months  before,  he  had  handed  over  the  Duchy  of  Normandy  to  his 
young  son  Henry,  and  his  death  added  to  Henry's  possessions  the  lands 
of  Anjou  and  Maine.  By  marrying,  1152,  Eleanor,  heiress  of  Aqui- 
taine,  he  acquired  a  vast  addition  of  territory.  Soon  after  his  marriage 
Henry  set  out  for  England.  Stephen  fought  doggedly  for  a  time,  but, 
in  1153,  the  Treaty  of  Wallingford  was  arranged,  by  which  Stephen 
was  to  continue  as  King  during  his  lifetime,  while  Henry  was  recognized 
as  his  heir  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  disorders  which  had  so  long 
prevailed.  Crown  lands  were  to  be  resumed,  foreign  mercenaries 
were  to  be  banished,  all  castles  built  since  the  death  of  Henry  I  were 
to  be  destroyed  and  Stephen  was  to  consult  his  prospective  heir  in 
all  important  acts.  Stephen  died  in  1154,  and  it  was  left  to  a  young 
man  of  twenty-one  to  mend  the  evils  which  had  come  upon  the  land 
during  the  nineteen  years'  rule  of  a  man  who  was  as  generous  and 
kindly  as  he  was  weak. 

Results  of  Stephen's  Reign.  —  At  first  sight  the  reign  of  Stephen 
appears  to  be  nothing  more  than  a  period  of  anarchy  and  suffering, 
but  it  brought  the  people  a  useful  lesson,  or  reenforced  an  old  one, 
that  the  rule  of  a  strong  King,  harsh  and  despotic  though  he  might 
be,  was  to  be  preferred  to  the  unrestricted  sway  of  local  magnates. 
Viewed  in  this  light,  the  reign  contributed  as  much  to  strengthen 
the  central  government  against  feudal  independence  as  the  work  of  a 
William  the  Conqueror  or  a  Henry  Beauclerk.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
barons  were  not  the  only  force  that  threatened  the  unity  and  security 


70     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

of  the  land.  The  prevailing  uncertainty,  and  the  aim  of  the  con- 
tending parties  to  secure  the  support  of  a  powerful  and  influential 
institution  brought  the  Church  into  a  position  of  prominence  that 
later  Kings  had  to  reckon  with. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Freeman's  Norman  Conquest,  IV,  V,  is  still  valuable  for  an  exhaustive 
account  of  the  events  from  1060  to  1154,  though  Freeman  was  inclined  to 
minimize  the  effects  of  the  Conquest  and  many  of  his  findings  have  been 
reversed  by  recent  investigators.  Briefer  and  more  modern  narratives  are 
to  be  found  in  Ramsay,  Foundations  of  England,  II ;  H.  W.  C.  Davis, 
England  under  the  Normans  and  Angevins  (1905),  and  G.  B.  Adams,  Po- 
litical History  of  England  (1905).  Both  of  the  latter  works  embody  the 
results  of  recent  scholarship ;  and  Davis  pays  much  attention  to  the  non- 
political  aspects  of  the  period,  presenting  an  interesting  picture  of  con- 
ditions under  the  Anglo-Norman  kings. 

For  brief  accounts  of  the  constitutional  aspects  of  the  subject,  see  works 
already  cited.  A  more  detailed  treatment  will  be  found  in  Stubbs'  Con- 
stitutional History,  I.  Good  brief  accounts  of  feudalism  are  given  in  E. 
Emerton,  Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages  (1891) ;  G.  B.  Adams,  Civiliza- 
tion during  the  Middle  Ages  (1898)  ch.  IX,  especially  valuable;  Seignobcs 
(tr.  E.  W.  Dow),  Feudal  Regime;  and  J.  H.  Robinson,  History  of  Western 
Europe  (1902).  The  feudal  incidents  are  discussed  in  detail  in  Pollock 
and  Maitland,  English  Law,  I,  bk.  II,  ch.  I,  and  J.  S.  McKechnie,  Magna 
Carta  (1913),  pp.  52-77.  Pollock  and  Maitland  treat  Norman  and  Anglo- 
Norman  Law  in  I,  bk.  I,  chs.  Ill,  IV. 

For  the  Church  see  Wakeman,  Makower,  and  W.  R.  Stephens,  English 
Church  (1901). 

For  social  and  industrial  conditions,  in  addition  to  works  already  referred 
to,  see  Mary  Bateson,  Mediaeval  England  (1904) ;  R.  E.  Prothero,  English 
Farming  Past  and  Present  (1913),  the  most  recent  and  authoritative  work 
covering  the  \vhole  period  of  English  agriculture.  References  to  sources 
and  for  further  reading,  Davis,  534-544 ;  Adams,  Political  History,  448-458 ; 
and  White,  XXVI. 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  Select  Documents  of 
English  Constitutional  History,  nos.  i-n,  especially  i  and  7. 


CHAPTER  VII 

HENRY   H    (1154-1189).     THE   RESTORATION   OF   THE   ROYAL 

POWER   AND  THE  RISE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  COMMON  LAW 

V 

Henry  II,  Founder  of  the  Angevin  or  Plantagenet  Line.1  —  Henry  II, 
a  boy  barely  turned  twenty-one,  was  the  first  representative  of  a  new 
line  which  continued  in  unbroken  succession  for  two  hundred  and 
forty-five  years.  Of_feverish  energy  and  uncommon  endurance,  he 
was^,  when  not  engaged  in  war  or  State  business,  either  hunting  or 
hawking  or  deep  in  a  book  or  in  conversation  with  some  of  the  learned 
men  whom  he  delighted  to  gather  about  him.  Subject  jit  times  to 
ungovernable  fits  of  passion,  he  was  generally  good-humored  and  easy 
of  access.  Resuming  forthwith  the  good  work  begun  by  his  grand- 
father, Henry  I,  which  had  been  all  undone  by  nineteen  years  of 
anarchy,  it  was  his  aim  to  subdue  the  barons,  to  check  the  growing 
power  of  the  Church,  to  bring  its  members  within  the  control  of  the 
State  in  worldly  things,  and  to  attach  the  people  to  their  Sovereign  by 
protecting  them  from  oppression  and  by  advancing  their  welfare. 
If  he  did  not  reach  his  goal  he  took  the  right  road  and  set  the  course 
for  the  future. 

His  Original  Interests  not  Primarily  English.  —  Henry  came  to  the 
throne  practically  a  foreigner  and  apparently  never  learned  to  speak 
the  English  language.  Indeed,  England  was  only  a  part  of  the  nu- 
merous territories  which  he  ruled.  At  first  his  only  interest  in  the 
land  was  to  use  it  as  a  source  of  supply  in  defending  and  rounding  out 
his  possessions  across  the  Channel ;  but,  after  he  had  undertaken  the 
task  of  developing  his  English  resources,  he  became  more  and  more 
interested  in  the  undertaking  for  its  own  sake.  Nevertheless,  cir- 
cumstances kept  him  abroad  more  than  half  his  reign,  which  makes 
it  all  the  more  notable  that  his  most  enduring  work  was  done  in  Eng- 
land. 

1  It  is  sometimes  known  as  the  Angevin  dynasty,  from  the  fact  that  Henry  on 
his  father's  side  descended  from  the  Counts  of  Anjou,  sometimes  as  the  Plan- 
tagenet, possibly  from  the  emblem  of  Geoffrey  of  Anjou,  a  sprig  of  broom  (Latin  — 
planta  genesta)  which  he  wore  in  his  hat. 

71 


72      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Thomas  Becket.  —  One  of  his  first  steps  was  to  set  in  motion  again 
the  administrative  machinery  which  had  come  to  a  standstill,  and,  of 
all  the  appointments  which  he  made,  that  of  Chancellor  was  fraught 
with  the  greatest  consequences.  Thomas  Becket,  whom  he  selected, 
was  the  son  of  a  Norman  merchant  settled  in  London,  and  had  been 
educated  for  the  Church.  Although  he  was  a  striking  contrast  to 
his  master,  fifteen  years  older  and  much  more  sumptuous  in  his  tastes, 
he  and  Henry  became  fast  friends ;  they  worked  together,  they  hunted 
together,  and  on  occasion  they  romped  like  schoolboys.  But  im- 
mersed as  he  was  in  worldly  business  and  luxury  and  so  martial  that 
he  more  than  once  rode  in  the  King's  armies,  the  life  of  Thomas  Becket 
was  so  pure  that  even  his  enemies  found  no  word  to  say  against  him. 

The  Opening  of  the  Conflict  between  Becket  and  Henry  (1163).  — 
A  time  came  when  the  firm  friends  were  turned  into  bitter  enemies. 
In  1161,  Henry  determined  to  appoint  Thomas  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury. The  Chancellor  resisted  stoutly,  for  it  was  his  nature  to 
champion  to  the  utmost  any  cause  which  he  undertook,  and  he  realized 
that,  as  head  of  the  English  Church,  he  would  be  bound  to  come  in 
conflict  with  the  royal  policy.  His  scruples,  however,  were  overborne, 
and,  in  1162,  he  assumed  the  office  of  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
Without  delay,  he  resigned  the  Chancellorship  and  all  his  worldly 
interests  and  became  an  ascetic  of  the  most  extreme  type  as  well  as 
a  most  ardent  defender  of  Church  privilege.  Not  many  months  passed 
before  he  had  broken  with  the  King,  though  curiously  enough,  the 
first  quarrel  arose  over  a  point  which  did  not  concern  the  Church  at 
all.  Henry  demanded  that  the  sheriffs  should  pay  into  the  royal 
treasury  a  certain  "  aid  "  or  fee  which  they  had  been  accustomed  to 
collect  from  the  shires  in  payment  for  their  work ;  Thomas,  at  a  coun- 
cil held  in  1163,  took  the  part  of  the  sheriffs,  thus  becoming  the  first 
English  subject  on  record  to  resist  his  Sovereign  on  a  question  of  na- 
tional taxation.  This  breach  was  followed  by  many  others  in  rapid 
succession,  but  the  climax  was  reached  in  the  struggle  over  criminous 
clerks. 

The  Criminous  Clerks.  —  William  the  Conqueror,  in  separating 
lay  and  spiritual  jurisdiction,  had  failed  to  draw  a  definite  line  between 
the  two  classes  of  cases ;  but  he  and  his  sons  had  apparently  kept  the 
clergy  under  the  control  of  their  courts  in  matters  of  temporal  concern. 
In  the  troublous  time  of  Stephen  the  Church  courts  had  greatly  ex- 
tended their  powers,  and,  among  other  things,  claimed  the  exclusive 
right  to  judge  the  offenses  of  clergymen  even  if  committed  against 
the  law  of  the  land.  While  the  Church  naturally  wanted  to  protect 
its  servants  from  profane  hands,  there  was  danger,  since  the  sentences 


DOMINIONS  OF  THE 

HOUSE  OF  ANJOU 


t          Longitude  from  Greenwich 


THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  ROYAL  POWER  73 

of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  were  extremely  light,  that  evil  doers,  by 
claiming  exemption  from  lay  jurisdiction,  might  escape  the  conse- 
quences of  their  misdeeds  and  menace  the  security  of  the  State.  This 
was  what  King  Henry  was  determined  to  prevent.  Two  or  three  cases 
arose  at  this  time  of  clerks  found  to  be  guilty  of  murder  and  robbery, 
and  Becket  not  only  refused  to  have  them  retried  in  the  King's  courts, 
but  even  to  allow  adequate  sentences  to  be  pronounced  against  them. 
The  King  summoned  a  council  and  ordered  the  bishops  to  agree  that 
clerks  accused  of  crime  should  be  called  before  the  King's  courts  to 
answer  the  charges;  if  well  grounded,  they  should  be  tried  in  their 
episcopal  courts  in  the  presence  of  a  King's  justice,  and  if  guilty  they 
should  be  handed  over  to  the  lay  courts  for  punishment.  The  King 
did  not  ask  that  clerks  should  actually  be  tried  in  his  courts.  At 
first  the  bishops,  led  by  Thomas,  refused  to  concede,  but  they  finally 
agreed,  Thomas  last  of  all,  to  obey  the  "  customs  of  the  realm." 

The  Constitutions  of  Clarendon  (1164). — Thereupon,  Henry  as- 
sembled a  Great  Council  at  Clarendon,  in  January,  1164,  and  directed 
some  of  the  oldest  barons  of  the  realm  to  draw  up  the  "  customs  "  as 
they  had  existed  in  the  reign  of  Henry  I.  These  customs  which 
Henry  II  presented  to  Becket  and  the  bishops  for  acceptance  are 
known  as  the  "  Constitutions  of  Clarendon,"  and  aimed  to  settle  all 
questions  at  issue  between  the  King  and  the  clergy.  However,  they 
went  far  beyond  the  original  question  in  dispute,  indeed  far  beyond 
any-rlaim  that  Henry  had  ever  made ;  for  their  provisions  not  only 
brought  the  criminous  clergy  under  the  cognizance  of  the  King's  jus- 
tice, but  fixed  the  relations  between  the  royal  and  ecclesiastical  courts, 
and  drew  into  the  King's  tribunals  many  cases  involving  Church 
property  and  large  court  fees.  Their  general  aim  was  to  put  the  King 
at  the  head  of  the  English  Church  and  to  subordinate  the  clergy  to  his 
will,  to  make  the  law  of  the  land  dominant  over  the  law  of  the  Church. 

Resistance  and  Flight  of  Becket  (1164).  — Eventually,  Becket  re- 
pudiated the  Constitutions  as  contrary  to  the  law  of  God  and  took 
refuge  abroad  to  escape  the  wrath  of  the  King.  He  sought  an  au- 
dience with  Alexander  III,  but  Henry's  ambassadors  had  already 
preceded  him.  The  Pope,  who  needed  Henry's  support  against  a 
rival  anti-Pope,  and  who,  at  the  same  time,  did  not  wish  to  repudiate 
Becket  as  a  champion  of  the  Church,  was  in  a  delicate  situation.  Fi- 
nally, after  some  hesitation,  without  formally  condemning  the  Con- 
stitutions, he  absolved  Becket  from  observing  them,  except  so  far  as 
was  consistent  with  his  holy  orders.  For  six  years,  from  1164  to 
1170,  the  quarrel  continued,  Becket  striving  with  might  and  main  to 
force  the  King  to  recede  from  his  position. 


74     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  Murder  of  Becket,  1170.  —  At  length,  in  1170,  in  order  to  evade 
an  interdict  which  the  distracted  Papacy  had  finally  prepared  against 
him,  Henry  met  the  Archbishop,  promised  amends  for  a  recent  dis- 
regard of  his  authority  as  primate  of  England,  and  Thomas  agreed 
to  return  to  Canterbury.  As  none  of  the  essential  points  at  issue 
were  settled,  the  reconciliation  proved  a  hollow  one,  and  the  Arch- 
bishop made  matters  worse  by  suspending  and  excommunicating  a 
number  of  his  opponents.  Henry  received  the  news  with  a  furious 
outburst  of  passion.  "  My  subjects  are  sluggards,  men  of  no  spirit," 
he  roared,  "  they  keep  no  faith  with  their  lord,  they  allow  me  to  be 
made  the  laughing  stock  of  a  low-born  clerk."  At  once  four  knights 
hastened  to  Canterbury,  and  after  a  heated  interview  with  Becket 
they  murdered  him  within  the  precincts  of  the  Cathedral.  Almost 
immediately  miracles  began  to  be  wrought  at  his  burial  place,  in  less 
than  three  years'  time  he  was  canonized,  and  his  shrine  became  the 
most  popular  of  English  centers  for  pilgrims.  Henry  had  persecuted 
him  in  mean  and  petty  ways,  even  if  he  did  not  intentionally  cause 
his  death ;  but  the  cause  for  which  the  Archbishop  contended  —  the 
exemption  of  the  clergy  from  State  control  and  the  supremacy  of  the 
Church  in  important  matters  of  temporal  concern  —  was  a  political, 
not  a  religious  one,  and  his  death  brought  to  his  cause  a  greater  victory 
than  he  would  ever  have  been  able  to  gain  had  he  lived.  Public  opin- 
ion held  Henry  accountable  for  the  base  deed  for  which  he  was  only 
indirectly  responsible,  so  that  he  was  obliged  to  seek  reconciliation 
with  the  Pope  at  the  expense  of  humiliating  concessions. 

Henry  in  Ireland.  State  of  the  Country.  —  While  he  was  waiting 
to  see  what  the  Pope  would  do  he  turned  his  attention  to  Ireland, 
first  granted  as  an  English  possession  by  Adrian  IV  in  1154.  The 
Irish,  developing  in  comparative  isolation,  had  attained  a  degree  of 
culture  and  a  fervor  of  religious  life  far  in  advance  of  their  social  and 
political  development.  Their  zealous  missionaries  had  carried  their 
faith  even  to  wildest  parts  of  the  German  lands,  they  had  beautiful 
legends  and  sweet-tongued  bards,  they  excelled  in  the  illuminating 
of  manuscripts ;  but  the  people  were  still  in  the  tribal  stage,  law  and 
order  were  sadly  lacking,  while  the  kings  and  chiefs  were  constantly 
warring  against  one  another.  Cattle  was  the  chief  standard  of  value, 
houses  were  primitive,  clothing  was  scanty,  and  there  was  a  dearth  of 
arable  land.  In  1166,  when  the  King  of  Leinster,  hard  pressed  by 
rivals,  appealed  to  Henry  for  aid,  the  English  King  allowed  him  to  en- 
list volunteers  among  his  subjects.  Chief  of  the  recruits  was  Richard 
de  Clare,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  known  as  "  Strongbow,"  who  was  fol- 
lowed by  men  from  England,  Wales,  and  from  the  Continent,  restless 


THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  ROYAL  POWER  75 

and  needy  adventurers,  eager  for  any  stirring  or  profitable  undertaking. 
Henry  went  over  in  person  largely  from  apprehension  of  the  growing 
power  of  Strongbow.  During  his  stay  in  the  country,  from  October, 
1171,  to  April,  1172,  he  was  able  to  secure  the  submission  of  most  of 
the  native  rulers,  and  left  officials  to  represent  him;  nevertheless, 
the  English  intervention,  instead  of  bringing  peace  and  order,  added 
one  more  element  of  discord  to  the  troubled  country. 

Henry's  Submission  at  Avranches.  "  Benefit  of  Clergy."  —  After 
leaving  Ireland  JIeniy_  ci^s^M  to,Narjnj,ndyr_and  at  Avranches  came 
~to  terms  with  the  papal  legates  and  received  absolution.  Hejiwore 
that  he  had  not  instigated- the  murder  of  Becket,  that  he  would  sup- 
port Alexander  III,  and,  without  mentioning  the  Constitutions  of 
Clarendon,  agreed  to  do  away  with  any  customs  introduced  against 
the  Church  in  his  time.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  his  courts  continued  to 
claim  control  over  most  of  the  property  cases  in  which  the  Church  was 
involved,  though  clergymen  accused  of  criminal  offenses  claimed  ex- 
emption from  the  lay  courts  —  "  benefit  of  clergy  "  it  was  called  — 
for  centuries. 

Henry's  Remaining  Years  and  Death.  —  Henry's  remaining  years 
continued  to  be  clouded  with  difficulties.  His  sons  were  discontented 
with  the  niggardly  revenues  and  small  authority  which  he  allowed 
them;  he  was  on  bad  terms  with  his  Queen,  Eleanor;  most  of  the 
barons  were  restive  under  his  firm  rule ;  while  Louis  VII  stirred  up 
strife  to  increase  his  own  possessions.  Thanks  to  the  selfish  and  con- 
flicting aims  of  his  opponents  and  to  his  own  promptitude,  Henry  was 
able,  with  the  aid  of  mercenaries  and  a  few  faithful  followers  to  sup- 
press a  revolt  which  broke  out,  in  1173,  under  the  lead  of  his  eldest  son, 
Prince  Henry.  Yet,  to  the  very  end  of  his  days,  he  had  to  contend 
against  the  feudal  barons  on  the  French  side  of  the  water,  against  the 
King  of  France,  and  against  two  of  his  sons,  Richard  and  John.  One 
fruitful  source  of  difficulty  was  the  redistribution  of  his  lands,  compli- 
cated by  the  death  of  Prince  Henry,  in  1183.  In  1188,  the  two  younger 
brothers  joined  Philip  II,  who  had  succeeded  Louis  VII  as  King  of 
France,  and  Henry,  old,  discouraged,  and  sick,  had  to  consent  to  their 
terms.  Turning  on  his  bed  he  muttered :  "  Now  let  all  things  go  as 
they  will,  I  care  no  more  for  myself,  nor  for  the  world."  He  died 
shortly  after,  in  1189,  repeating  in  his  last  hours  :  "  Shame,  shame  on 
a  beaten  King." 

Henry's  Constitutional  and  Legal  Reforms.  —  From  this  sad  end 
o  a  still  sadder  struggle  with  treacherous  and  undutiful  sons  it  is  a 
relief  to  turn  to  a  survey  of  those  aspects  of  Henry's  work  which  have 
given  him  deservedly  a  place  among  England's  greater  Kings.  In 


t* 

[ 


76      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  field  of  domestic  legislation  and  preeminently  in  legal  reform  he 
marked  an  epoch  in  progress.  His  Norman  ancestors  had  begun  the 
work  of  shaping  the  law  as  it  exists  to-day  in  the  English-speaking 
world :  they  had  wrought  to  break  down  or  prevent  the  growth  of 
special  privileges,  to  unify  conflicting  customs,  to  introduce  traine_d 
judges,  organize  Courts,  improve  methods  of  procedure ;  in  short  to 
construct  that  system  of  common  law  —  or  law  based  on  custom, 
usages,  and  court  decision  —  and  the  methods  of  administering  it, 
which  it  has  been  the  work  of  succeeding  centuries  to  perfect  in  detail. 
So  Henry  II  did  not  originate  this  work,  but  he  contributed  so  much 
"toward  the  process  of  development  that  his  reign  was  truly  "  a  crit- 
ical period  in  the  history  of  English  law."  The  legal  and  constitu- 
tional edifice  begun  by  William  I  and  Henry  I  was  demolished  during 
the  anarchy  of  Stephen's  reign,  and  Henry  II  had  to  rebuild  prac- 
tically from  the  foundation. 

The  Political  and  Legal  Problem.  —  Although  he  had  the  interests 
of  his  subjects  somewhat  at  heart,  hisjoremost jaim  was  political,  to 
strengthen  the  royal  powers  at  the  expense  of  the  Church  and.  the 
barons.  To  this  end  he  reorganized,  strengthened,  and  consolidated 
the  old  courts,  established  new  ones,  and,  as  a  means  of  outbidding 
his  rivals,  introduced  novel  and  improved  methods  of  procedure  in 
criminal  and  civil  causes.  As  a  result,  before  the  close  of  his  reign  the 
King's  courts  and  judges,  instead  of  being  exceptional  resorts  for  great 
men  and  great  causes,  had  come  to  exercise,  as  a  matter  of  course,  a 
vast  and  steadily  increasing  jurisdiction.  When  Henry  and  his  judges 
began  their  work,  law  and  procedure  were  as  yet  confused,  conflicting, 
and  disorganized.  Anglo-Saxon  law  was  still  administered  in  the 
hundred  and  county  courts ;  aside  from  private  and  inadequate  com- 
pilations, the  law  was  practically  unwritten;  the  Anglo-Norman 
officials  who  administered  it,  even  though  they  might  be  willing  to 
respect  local  customs,  understood  them  imperfectly  at  best.  More- 
over, manorial,  borough,  and  other  special  courts  enjoyed  great  powers 
and  privileges.  Obviously,  if  the  royal  power  continued  to  increase, 
it  would  seek  to  bring  order  out  of  this  chaos.  If  a  more  logical  and 
uniform  system  could  not  be  fashioned  out  of  the  existing  native  ele- 
ments, help  might  be  sought  elsewhere. 

Henry  II  Prevents  the  Roman  Law  from  Becoming  the  Law  of 
England.  —  Beyond  the  Alps,  just  at  this  time,  there  was  coming  to 
life  again  a  code  admirably  suited  to  meet  the  needs  of  western  Europe. 
This  was  the  law  of  the  old  Roman  Empire  or  Roman  law,  codified 
by  order  of  the  Emperor  Justinian  in  the  sixth  century  —  a  fusion 
of  the  practice  and  principles  of  a  people  of  unparalleled  legal  genius 


THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  ROYAL  POWER  77 

and  administrative  experience.  Although  it  had  fallen  into  oblivion 
during  the  period  of  formation  of  the  new  Germanic  states  on  the  ruins 
of  the  Western  Empire,  the  twelfth  century  witnessed  its  revival  at 
the  recently  established  University  of  Bologna.  Students  began  to 
flock  to  Italy,  and  as  time  went  on,  doctors  of  law  gradually  made 
their  way  to  France,  England,  and  the  Germanic  Empire.  The  same 
century  also  marked  an  epoch  in  the  development  of  the  canon  law, 
or  law  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  In  the  thirteenth  century  the  Roman 
civil  law  secured  a  permanent  foothold  in  France,  and  in  the  fifteenth 
century  we  find  it  domiciled  in  Germany,  but,  except  in  the  ecclesi- 
astical and  chancery  courts,  it  never  obtained  any  considerable  hold 
in  England.  It  is  due  to  the  work  of  Henry  II  that  it  did  not,  for, 
while  in  other  countries  no  single  system  existed  able  to  dispute  the 
superior  claims  of  the  intrusive  guest,  Henry  II  so  simplified  and 
unified  divergent  practices  that  by  the  time  the  Roman  law  was  in  a 
position  to  make  itself  felt  in  the  Island,  the  common  law  was  too  wide- 
spread and  too  firmly  founded  to  be  supplanted  by  an  alien  rival. 

Henry  II  Brings  the  Jury  into  General  Use.  —  Henry  recognized 
/  that  if  his  system  of  justice  was  to  prevail  it  behooved  him  to  intro- 
duce better  methods  than  those  already  in  vogue.  His  measures 
witness  how  completely  he  outbid  his  rivals.  For  instance,  he 
brought  into  general  use  juries  for  accusing  criminals  and  for  deciding 
disputed  points  at  law  —  the  parents  of  our  modern  grand  and  petty 
juries.  Curiously  enough,  this  bulwark  of  English  liberty,  long  re- 
garded as  an  Anglo-Saxon  heritage,  was  of  royal  and  foreign  origin. 
Starting  from  the  inquest,  a  device  of  the  Prankish  emperors  who  sent 
around  officials  to  gather  information  on  the  sworn  testimony  of  the 
communities  they  visited,  the  system,  much  developed  on  French  soil, 
was  brought  to  England  by  William  the  Conqueror  from  his  Norman 
home.  He  and  his  sons  employed  it  for  various  purposes,  among  other 
things  to  get  information  in  judicial  cases  where  the  royal  interest 
was  involved.  At  first  allowed  for  privileged  subjects  as  an  exceptional 
favor,  Henry  extended  it  to  all.  By  the  presentment  jury,  consisting 
usually  of  twelve  men  from  each  hundredTcrlrmrialiPwere  brought  to 
account  by  men  sworn  to  voice  the  common  report  of  their  vicinage. 
Inquisition  or  recognition  juries,  or  assizes,1  enabled  men  to  determine 
their  lights  of  possession  against  an  intruder  by  forms  of  procedure 
juster  and  more  summary  than  they  had  even  before  dreamed  of. 
Moreover,  by  a  royal  decree  it  was  first  made  possible  to  defend  owner- 
ship by  the  testimony  of  those  who  knew  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  to 

1  The  word  "assize"  has  many  meanings:  a  royal  enactment,  a  form  of  trial, 
an  early  form  of  jury,  a  judicial  session. 


78      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

avoid  the  brutal  and  inconclusive  trial  by  combat.  Writs  were  de- 
vised by  which  such  cases  could  be  drawn  into  the  royal  courts  which, 
in  spite  of  their  many  shortcomings,  gave  speedier  and  more  impartial 
hearings  than  those  whose  jurisdictions  they  invaded. 

The  Development  of  the  Jury.  —  Henry's  juries  were  strikingly 
different  from  the  bodies  familiar  to  us.  Members  were  at  first  chosen 
for  their  knowledge  of  the  facts  in  the  case  to  be  decided,  though  grad- 
ually they  came  to  supplement  their  personal  knowledge  by  informa- 
tion acquired  by  a  private  examination  of  documents  and  men  not  in 
the  panel.  The  separation  of  the  witnesses  from  the  jurors  was  a 
process  of  slow  growth,  for  it  was  not  till  the  fifteenth  century  that 
the  former  came  to  testify  in  open  court.  Moreover,  the  earliest  trial 
juries  —  inquisition  or  recognition  juries  as  they  were  then  called  — 
dealt  only  with  civil  cases ;  in  criminal  cases  the  jury  introduced  by 
Henry  II  was  concerned  only  with  the  presentment  or  accusation  of 
offenders  whose  ultimate  fate  was  still  decided  by  the  ordeal.  But 
this  form  of  test  practically  disappeared  when  Innocent  III,  in  1215, 
forbade  the  clergy  to  participate  in  trials  where  it  was  used.  So  new 
juries  were  introduced  to  decide  on  the  truth  of  the  facts  presented 
by  the  accusation  jury.  Oftentimes,  however,  the  new  jury  might 
be  the  original  body  of  accusers  acting  in  the  new  capacity.  Long 
practically  obsolete,  trial  by  battle  was  not  abolished  till  1819  and 
compurgation  not  till  1833. 

Reorganization  of  the  Courts  and  Administrative  Reforms.  —  Aside 
from  the  introduction  of  the  jury  into  general  use  there  were  many 
other  instances  of  Henry's  legal  and  administrative  activity.  He 
restored  the  Curia  Regis  and  Exchequer  founded  by  Henry  I.  In 
1178,  he  selected  from  the  former  body  two  clerks  and  three  laymen 
to  hear  certain  important  cases,  thus  creating  the  parent  of  the  later 
courts  of  King's  Bench  and  Common  Pleas.  Then  he  marked  Eng- 
land anew  into  circuits  and  sent  out  itinerant  justices  to  represent 
him  in  the  courts  of  the  hundred  and  shire.  In  1181,  by  his  famous 
Assize  of  Arms,  he  took  steps  to  reorganize  the  military  forces  in  a 
more  serviceable  way  by  providing  that  every  free  subject  of  the  realm 
should  arm  himself  according  to  his  property,  and  it  is  interesting  to 
1  notice  that,  in  determining  each  man's  liability,  he  made  use  of  the 
sworn  testimony  of  neighbors. 

Revenue.  —  Though  Henry  II  was  always  on  the  lookout  for  money, 
his  income  was  barely  adequate  for  his  needs.  One  source  of  addi- 
tional revenue  came  from  the  increased  royal  courts.  The  old  Dane- 
geld  of  two  shillings  a  hide  ceased  to  be  levied  soon  after  his  accession, 
and  in  its  place  he  imposed  new  levies  in  the  counties  and  in  the  towns. 


THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  ROYAL  POWER  79 

Scntage,  a  tax  on  each  knight's  fee  which  the  King  might  impose  in 
lieu  of  military  service,  originated  under  Henry  I,  but  was  greatly 
increased  by  Henry  II,  because  it  gave  him  funds  for  mercenaries 
to  use  in  his  Continental  wars.  One  form  of  taxation  first  met  in  his 
reign  is  a  tax  on  incomes  and  personal  property.  The  first  levy  of 
this  sort  was  imposed  in  1188,  and  is  known  as  the  Saladin  Tithe  be- 
cause it  called  for  a  tenth  of  the  revenues  and  goods  of  subjects  to 
assist  in  the  recovery  of  Jerusalem  captured  by  the  great  Moham- 
medan warrior  Saladin,  in  the  previous  year.  As  in  the  Assize  of  Arms 
the  liability  of  each  person  assessed  was  determined  by  a  jury  of 
neighbors. 

Summary  of  the  Work  of  Henry  II.  —  Such  was  the  work  of  Henry  II. 
As  a  ruler  of  many  peoples,  French  and  English,  he  was  able  to  hold 
together  vast  dominions  against  opposing  forces.  In  England  he 
achieved  great  and  far-reaching  results :  he  restored,  extended,  and 
defined  the  organs  of  central  government  and  increased  the  power 
of  the  Crown  against  the  barons  and  the  Church,  and  instituted  a 
series  of  legal  reforms  from  which  English-speaking  people  receive 
benefit  even  to-day. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Ramsay,  The  Angevin  Empire  (1903),  and  Kate  Norgate, 
England  under  the  Angevin  Kings  (2  vols.,  1887),  the  latter  extremely  full 
and  interesting.  Two  very  good  brief  biographies  of  Henry  II  are  those  by 
Mrs.  J.  R.  Green  (1892)  and  L.  F.  Salzmann  (1915).  The  best  general 
works  on  Ireland  are  E.  R.  Turner,  Ireland  and  England.  In  the  Past  and 
in  the  Present  (1919)  and  P.  W.  Joyce,  A  Concise  History  of  Ireland,  to  1908 
(2oth  ed.,  1914)  and  the  latter's  Short  History  of  Ireland,  to  1608  (3d  ed., 
1904).  John  Morris,  The  Life  and  Martyrdom  of  St.  Becket  (26  ed.,  1885) 
is  the  standard  life  of  Becket.  R.  L.  Poole,  The  Exchequer  in  the  Twelfth 
Century  (1912),  the  most  recent  and  scholarly  work  on  the  subject. 

References  for  further  reading  same  as  ch.  VI. 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  12-20. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

RICHARD  I  (1189-1199)  AND  THE  TRANSITION  FROM  ABSOLUTE 
TOWARD  LIMITED  MONARCHY.  CONDITIONS  AT  THE  CLOSE 
OF  THE  TWELFTH  CENTURY 

Twofold  Nature  of  Richard's  Reign.  — In  September,  1189,  Richard, 
surnamed  Coeur  de  Lion,  or  the  Lion-Hearted,  the  eldest  surviving 
son  of  Henry  II,  was  crowned  King  of  England.  "  A  knight  errant  " 
had  "  succeeded  a  statesman,"  but  the  change  was  not  at  first  very 
\  marked,  because,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  months  in  1189  and  1 194, 
^  the  new  Klnjyjvasjibsent  f romJEngland  throughout  his  reign  of  nearly 
ten  years,  and  the  Government  was  carried  on  by  Ministers  who  sought, 
in  the  main,  to  continue  the  policy  of  Henry  II.  The  reign  then  has 
to  be  considered  from  two  points  of  view:  one  deals  with  personal 
exploit  and  adventures;  the  other  with  points  of  constitutional  ad- 
vance, notably  the  growth  of  the  representative  principle  in  the  system 
of  administration  employed  by  the  central  government  in  the  local 
centers. 

His  Personal  Character.  —  Richard  had  many  faults :  he  was  an 
undutiful  son,  he  was  unscrupulous  in  extortion,  and  had  little  interest 
or  capacity  in  problems  of  statesmanship.  Yet  he  had  his  redeeming 
features:  he  was  a  "  splendid  saVage  "  with  the  virtues  and  vices  of 
the  medieval  hero;  he  was  warm-hearted,  generous,  and  mag- 
nanimous toward  his  enemies ;  moreover,  much  of  the  money  which  he 
squeezed  from  subjects  he  devoted  to  a  cause  that  was  regarded  as 
the  highest  in  which  men  could  engage,  the  winning  of  the  Holy 
City  from  the  enemies  of  Christ.  As  a  general  he  was  the  genius  of 
his  age.  His  romantic  nature,  his  fondness  for  poetry  and  music 
mark  him  as  a  Frenchman  rather  than  an  Englishman. 

Departure  for  the  Third  Crusade.  —  Directly  after  his  coronation 
Richard,  having  pledged  himself  to  join  Philip  II  of  France  in  driving 
Saladin  from  the  Holy  Land,  began  to  raise  money  for  the  Crusade 
and  to  provide  for  the  government  during  his  absence.  William  Long- 
champ,  Chancellor  and  Justiciar,  stood  almost  alone  in  representing 
the  interests  of  the  King ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  took  with  him  some 

80 


CONDITIONS  AT  THE   CLOSE  OF  THE  TWELFTH   CENTURY     8 1 

of  his  most  trustworthy  servants,  leaving  behind  many  disaffected, 
some  of  them  naturally  embittered,  because  he  had  confiscated  their 
estates  for  alleged  disloyalty  —  for  adhering  to  him  against  the  late 
King,  his  father.  He  excused  men  from  accompanying  him  on  the 
Crusade  in  return  for  money  payments,  and  besides  sold  everything 
he  could,- offices,  lands,  privileges,  and  favors;  some  men  paid  to 
resign  offices,  others  to  acquire  them.  Richard  left  England  in  Decem- 
ber, 1189 ;  but,  owing  to  delays,  did  not  until  June  of  1191  reach  the 
scene  of  the  fighting,  where  the  French  King  had  arrived  before  him. 
Shortly  af  ter_the_ca£ture  of  Acre  in  JuLy^Philip  returned  home  on  the 
plea  of  illness,  though  hlsT  real  reason  was  to  take  advantage  of  Rich- 
ard's absence  to  improve  his  own  affairs.  With  his  remaining  allies  the 
English  King  marched  on  Jerusalem,  and  though  they  managed  twice 
to  get  within  striking  distance,  they  failed  to  capture  the  city,  after 
which,  much  against  Richard's  will,  they  turned  back.  Meantime, 
very  disquieting  news  arrived  from  England.  Richard's  younger 
brother  John,  crossing  over  from  Normandy,  had  become  involved 
in  a  war  with  Longchamp  and  had  succeeded  in  getting  the  Great 
Council  to  depose  the  Justiciar  and  to  declare  him  heir  to  the  throne 
in  the  event  of  his  brother's  death  without  issue. 

Treachery  of  John.  Capture  and  Imprisonment  of  Richard.  —  In 
October,  1192,  Richard  left  Palestine  never  to  return.  On  his  voyage 
home  he  was  captured  and  handed  over  to  the  Emperor,  Henry  VI, 
who,  besides  itching  for  ransom,  nursed  a  number  of  grievances  against 
the  English  King.  Philip  and  John  were  overjoyed  at  the  capture ;  but 
the  prospect  of  150,000  marks  and  Richard's  promise  to  do  homage  for 
England  and  his  other  lands  induced  the  Emperor  to  agree  to  his  release. 

Richard  in  England,  March  to  May  (1194).  —  John  and  Philip  were 
baffled  in  their  efforts  to  prolong  Richard's  captivity  and  seize  his 
kingdom.  Though  he  was  received  with  greatest  enthusiasm  by  his 
subjects,  he  only  remained  in  the  country  from  March  to  May,  1194, 
and  employed  most  of  his  time  in  selling  again  the  offices  and  honors 
already  sold  to  provide  for  the  third  Crusade.  Disloyalty  furnished 
him  a  good  pretext,  though  he  spared  the  lands  of  John  and  rather 
contemptuously  forgave  him  for  his  treachery.  In  addition  to  sales 
and  confiscations,  Richard  levied  heavy  taxes  to  carry  on  a  war  of 
revenge  against  Philip,  and  departed,  as  it  turned  out,  forever. 

The  Administration  of  Hubert  Walter  (1194-1198). — For  the  next 
four  years  the  government  was  in  the  hands  of  Hubert  Walter,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  and  Justiciar,  a  man  trained  in  the  methods  of 
Henry  II.  Intrusted  with  the  task  of  keeping  order  and  supplying 
Richard's  constant  demands  for  money,  the  credit  for  the  constitu- 


82      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

tional  and  administrative  progress  of  the  period  is  due  to  him.  Though 
charged  with  avarice  and  extortion  he  did  much  to  conciliate  the  middle 
classes,  to  confer  self-government  on  important  towns,  and  to  extend 
the  jury  system  and  make  it  more  representative. 

His  instructions  to  the  itinerant  justices  in  1194  and  in  1198  intro- 

\duced  important  reforms.  The  justices  in  1194  were  ordered— to 
provide  for  the  election  by  the  suitors,  or  those  entitled  to  attend  the 
court  in  each  county,  of  four  crowners  or  coroners  to  decide  wliai.w£re 
crown  pleas  and  to  reserve  them  for  the  royal  judges.  Both  the  in- 
structions for  1194  and  1198  required  that  the  presentment  juries,  hith- 
erto appointed  by  the  sheriff,  should  be  selected  by  four  knights 
chosen  in  the  county  court.  Moreover,  these  juries,  who  formerly 
confined  their  activities  to  criminal  accusations,  were  instructed  to 
report  on  all  sorts  of  royal  business.  Certain  of  Hubert's  measures 
miscarried.  In  1197,  Hugh,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  refused  in  the  Great 
Council  to  contribute  to  a  sum  for  equipping  three  hundred  knights 
to  serve  abroad  for  a  year,  thus  establishing  a  precedent  for  resistance 
to  an  unpopular  tax.  Then  in  1198,  a  new  land  tax,  designed  to  re- 
place the  old  Danegeld,  yielded  very  disappointing  returns.  Mean- 
time, in  1196,  William  "  Longbeard,"  a  London  alderman,  when 
accused  of  stirring  up  the  poor  to  sack  the  houses  of  the  wealthy,  took 
sanctuary  in  the  Bow  Church.  Hubert  smoked  him  out  by  setting 
the  edifice  on  fire,  whereupon  the  monks  of  Canterbury,  who  owned 
the  Church,  denounced  the  act  to  the  Pope  as  sacrilege.  The  Pope 
demanded  his  removal  from  the  Justiciarship,  and  Richard,  dis- 
appointed at  his  two  recent  failures  to  raise  money,  agreed.  Hubert, 
however,  retained  his  office  of  Archbishop  and  became  Chancellor 
early  in  the  next  reign. 

Richard's  Death  (1199).  Results  of  the  Reign.  —  Richard,  in 
1199,  was  mortally  wounded  during  one  of  his  many  wars  in  France. 
Although  the  Crusade  and  his  conflicts  with  Philip  of  France  were 
nearer  to  his  heart  than  the  welfare  of  his  English  subjects,  they 
really  contributed  to  English  constitutional  development,  since  the 
money  they  necessitated  developed  the  machinery  of  representation, 
and  at  the  same  time  awakened  forces  of  opposition  which  later  made 
use  of  this  machinery  against  the  Crown. 

Secular  Character  of  the  Period.  Learning  at  Henry's  Court.  — 
Perhaps  the  most  striking  feature  of  the  age  of  Henry  II  and  his 
sons  is  its  worldly  or  secular  character.  The  death  of  Becket  brought 
to  an  abrupt  pause  an  intellectual  and  moral  revival  which,  under 
the  influence  of  higher  clergy  and  monks,  had  shown  its  force  as  early 
as  the  reign  of  Henry  I.  On  the  other  hand,  science  was  mainly  sub- 


CONDITIONS  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  TWELFTH   CENTURY     83 

ordinated  to  theology  and,  for  that  reason,  made  little  progress.  Partly 
owing  to  the  number  of  quacks,  notably  in  medicine  and  astrology, 
but  most  of  all  because  of  the  superstition  of  the  age,  men  of  science 
were  under  suspicion  and  justified  their  pursuit  of  forbidden  knowledge 
by  curious  apologies,  generally  to  the  effect  that  it  aided  in  the 
comprehension  of  theological  subjects.  Although  Paris  and  Chartres 
were  centers  of  classical  learning,  and  JnJip  nf  Salisbury  ^  the  foremost 
scholar  of  his  time,  was  an  enthusiast  on  the  subject,  even  the  classics 
had  to  yield  the  palm  to  law  and  logic.  However,  in  spite  of  the 
material  and  bigoted  character  of  the  age,  Henry  II  and  many  of  his 
family  were  well  educated,  alert,  and  interested  in  learning.  This 
is  true  even  of  King  John,  the  blackest  of  the  dark  sheep ;  for  the  story 
that  he  got  his  reputation  from  having  once  borrowed  a  book  of  the 
Abbot  of  St.  Albans  is  unjust,  f  Many  learned  men,  though  more  par- 
ticularly historians  and  legal  scholars,  surrounded  the  King,  and  there 
was  much  intercourse  with  foreign  countries,  diplomatic,  ecclesiastical, 
and  scholarly,  j 

Legal  and  Historical  Writing.  —  As  one  might  expect,  the  writings 
of  the  period  were  mainly  of  a.  Ipgnl  anH  ^gtrmral  rhara.rr.er.  In  the 
reign  of  Henry  II  appeared  a  Treatise  Concerning  the  Laws  and  Customs 
of  the  Kingdom  of  England,  notable  as  the  first  systematic  treatment 
of  the  subject  ever  produced  in  the  country.  It  was  formerly  ascribed 
to  Henry's  great  Justiciar,  Ranulf  de  Glanville,  though  it  is  quite 
possible  that  the  author  was  his  nephew  Hubert  Walter.  To  Richard 
Fitzneal,  Treasurer,  and  Bishop  of  London,  we  owe  the  Dialogue  of 
the  Exchequer,  describing  the  organization  and  procedure  of  that  cele- 
brated financial  body.  The  chronicles  of  the  period  differ  greatly 
from  the  earlier  ones ;  while  they  are  anna]^  hftrenotes^nf  ewnts  they 
are  wrjj^pn_hy  rripn Jrj_tj]£jinfkt  nf  affairs,  busy  statesmen  and  diplo- 
mats and,  pffi ,fry  solitary  mnnk;s ;  moreover,  they  reach  out  beyond  the 
hnynHarifip  of  tKn gland. and  deal  with  what  is  going  on  in  Europe  and 
with  the  Orient  which  the  Crusades  had  opened  to  western  Christen- 
dom. One  work  that  stands  out  as  really  historical,  that  tries  to  grasp 
events  and  to  interpret  their  meaning,  is  William  of  Newburgh's 
History  of  English  Things,  the  production  of  a  canon  of  a  remote 
priory  in  Yorkshire.  Since  too,  he  was  the  first  to  denounce  the  mass 
of  fable  which  that  unblushing  romancer  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth 
passed  off  as  history,  he  has  sometimes  been  called  "  the  father  of 
historical  criticism." 

Walter  Map  and  Giraldus  Cambrensis.  —  Two  writers  throw  vivid 
lights  on  the  conditions  in  which  they  lived.  One  was  Walter  Map, 
a  versatile,  many-sided  man  of  great  learning.  His  only  surviving 


84     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

work,  Courtiers'  Triflings,  is  an  interesting  scrapbook  on  all  sorts 
of  subjects  with  the  dominating  aim  of  satirizing  the  Church  and  clergy 
and  the  follies  and  vices  of  the  court.  The  other  was  Gerald  the  Welsh- 
man, or  Giraldus  Cambrensis  as  he  is  more  commonly  called,  who 
wrote  a  valuable  and  lively  account  of  the  conquest  of  Ireland  as  well 
as  topographical  descriptions  both  of  that  country  and  of  his  native 
Wales.  Although  his  Irish  works  are  manifestly  hostile  to  the 
natives  and  full  of  wild  and  horrible  tales,  they  are  among  the  few 
sources  for  the  period.  Gerald  produced  many  other  works  on  vari- 
ous subjects ;  and  has  been  characterized  as  "  the  father  of  English 
popular  literature."  These  works  were  all  in  Latin.  First  in  the 
reign  of  John,  Layamon,  a  simple  Worcestershire  priest,  in  his  Brut, 
or  legendary  history  of  Brutus  and  Britain,  set  himself  "  to  tell  the 
noble  deeds  of  Englishmen  "  in  the  English  tongue  —  the  earliest  seed 
of  a  noble  national  literary  revival. 

The  Rise  of  the  Universities.  —  In  the  last  years  of  Henry  II 
England's  most  ancient  seat  of  learning,  Oxford,  came  into  prominence, 
although  it  was  not  formally  known  as  a  "  University  "  till  the  reign 
of  his  grandson  Henry  III.  Qnp  r>f  the  most  notable  features  of  the^ 
twelfth  century  j«^  |he  ry^  of  the  imivprsi't1'ftg  The  earliest  teachers 
in  England  as  elsewhere  were  in  schools  attached  to  monasteries, 
cathedrals,  parish  churches,  and  occasionally  to  a  royal  court.  Grad- 
ually, however,  groups  of  students  began  to  gather  in  this  place  or  that 
to  hear  some  man  famous  for  learning  or  eloquence  ;  then,  as  time  went 
on,  groups,  sometimes  of  masters,  sometimes  of  scholars,  organized 
themselves  into  corporations  or  gilds  called  universities.  Originally 
meaning  any  body  of  men  in  a  collective  capacity,  the  term  universitas 
came  at  length  to  be  restricted  to  those  combined  together  for  learn- 
ing or  teaching,  with  the  aim  of  regulating  conditions  of  member- 
ship and  methods  of  instruction.  Oxford  traces  its  origin  to  an  ex- 
pulsion of  English  students  from  the  University  of  Paris  about  1167. 
There  had  been  teachers  at  Oxford  before  this  date,  but  they  had 
taught  merely  in  a  private  capacity.1  The  university  of  Cambridge 
apparently  owes  its  origin  to  one  of  the  town  and  gown  conflicts 
common  in  early  times,  which  led  to  a  migration  from  Oxford  in  1209, 
though  it  was  not  till  1318  that  the  younger  institution  secured  formal 
recognition. 

Conditions  at  the  Universities.  —  Conditions  were  at  first  very 
primitive.  The  students  lodged  with  the  townsmen,  and  the  masters 
lectured  wherever  they  could,  sometimes  in  the  open  air  with  their 

1  There  is  a  story  that  a  famous  canonist  Vacarius,  silenced  by  Stephen,  lectured 
there,  but  it  rests  on  no  adequate  evidence.  He  probably  taught  at  Canterbury. 


CONDITIONS  AT  THE   CLOSE  OF  THE    TWELFTH   CENTURY      8$ 

classes  sitting  about  them  on  the  bare  ground.  During  the  course  of 
the  thirteenth  century  houses  began  to  be  established  for  communi- 
ties of  poor  scholars.  These  have  developed  into  the  modern  colleges 
with  organized  bodies  of  masters,  fellows,  and  scholars.  Studies 
were  grouped  under  various  heads  —  liberal  arts,  theology,  law,  and, 
in  some  universities,  medicine  —  each  with  its  faculty  or  recognized 
hierarchy  of  teachers  and  governors.  The  faculty  of  arts  gave 
instruction  in  the  seven  liberal  arts,  divided  into  the  trivium,  which 
included  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  dialectics,  and  the  quadriwum, 
including  geometry,  arithmetic,  music,  and  astronomy. 

Growth  of  Towns  since  the  Conquest.  —  The  progress  of  boroughs 
and  cities  was  marked  by  new  and  important  stages  during  the  reign 
of  the  sons  of  Henry  II.  It  should  be  recalled  that  before  the  Conquest 
they  were  distinguished  by  certain  well-recognized  characteristics : 
they  were  walled,  they  were  under  a  special  peace,  they  enjoyed 
certain  market  rights,  and  they  paid  a  lump  sum  known  as  firma 
burgi,  or  farm  of  the  borough,  in  place  of  the  dues  and  taxes  custom- 
arily collected  by  the  sheriff.  Concessions  purchased  from  Kings 
after  the  Conquest  were  recorded  in  charters,  which  either  confirmed 
old  liberties  and  privileges  or  allowed  new  ones.  Those  to  London 
were  the  most  important  and  were  much  in  advance  of  the  others,  for 
which  they  served  to  a  large  extent  as  models.  While  that  of  William 
I  was  little  more  than  a  promise  in  general  terms  that  the  liberties 
and  property  of  the  City  should  not  be  disturbed,  Henry  I,  in  noo, 
granted  a  charter  containing  distinct  concessions :  in  return  for  £300 
a  year  he  abandoned  all  revenues  from  Middlesex;  he  allowed  the 
citizens  to  appoint  their  sheriff  and  to  hold  their  court ;  he  exempted 
them  from  trial  by  battle,  from  special  tolls  and  exactions  as  well 
as  from  a  number  of  general  imposts ;  and  limited  fines  or  amerce- 
ments in  amount.  No  notable  gains  came  under  Henry  II :  he  granted 
many  charters ;  but  as  a  rule  they  did  nothing  more  than  to  confirm 
liberties  enjoyed  in  his  grandfather's  time.  The  reign  of  Richard  I, 
however,  marked  a  distinct  stage  in  the  progress  of  English  municipal 
autonomy.  The  main  aim  was  doubtless  to  get  money,  though  some 
see  in  the  royal  policy  an  intelligent  recognition  of  the  signs  of  the  times. 
Perhaps  the  most  interesting  concession  —  to  London,  in  1191  —  was 
granted  not  by  Richard,  but  by  John  to  secure  the  aid  of  the  city 
against  William  Longchamp.  While  some  features  of  the  grant  have 
been  variously  interpreted,  the  right  to  have  a  mayor  is  clear  enough, 
and  in  the  Lord  Mayor,  together  with  the  board  of  aldermen,  and 
a  common  council  subsequently  added,  the  government  of  the  City 
is  vested  to-day. 


86     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  Gilds.  —  Side  by  side  with  the  municipal  governments,  other 
organizations  grew  up  with  the  primary  aim  of  controlling  commerce, 
trade,  and  industry.  These  gilds,  as  they  were  called,  were,  in  the 
Original  medieval  sense,  private  voluntary  snript^s  for  mutual  help 
and  pleasure.  Some  Ivere  merely  social  or  religious  in  character. 
The  merchant  gilds,  whose  purpose  was  to  further  the  trading  privi- 
leges of  members  and  to  exclude  from  competition  all  non-members, 
date  from  the  eleventh  century  and  became  very  numerous  in  the 
twelfth.  In  course  of  time  these  gild  merchants  came  to  control  a 
large  number  of  the  town  governments  and  even  in  many  cases  to 
take  their  place.  They  were  wealthy  and  exclusive  bodies,  a  feature 
that  led  the  handicraftsmen,  according  to  a  widely  accepted  view,  to 
organize  associations  of  their  own,  known  as  craft  gilds.  Of  the  latter 
sort,  the  earliest  known  is  that  of  the  weavers,  who  received  a  charter 
from  Henry  I,  while,  in  the  course  of  the  twelfth  and  the  following 
century,  the  bakers,  the  fullers,  the  grocers,  the  butchers,  the  clothiers, 
and  many  other  mysteries,  or  crafts,  came  to  have  their  separate 
organizations.  The  central  government  and  the  municipal  authori- 
ties seem  to  have  looked  on  their  growth  with  some  disfavor,  or  were, 
at  least,  very  jealous  in  guarding  their  rights  of  granting  them  licenses.1 
It  would  seem  that  the  opposition  existing  between  the  aristocratic 
merchants  and  the  humbler  craftsmen  has  been  exaggerated.  At 
any  rate  a  common  motive  of  the  latter  in  organizing  craft  gilds  was 
not  so  much  hostility  to  the  gild  merchants  as  a  desire  to  raise  their 
own  standards  of  production  and  conditions  of  labor.  London  never 
had  a  gild  merchant ;  but  her  craft  gilds,  growing  in  wealth  and  impor- 
tance, came  to  take  an  important  share  in  the  government  of  the  City. 

Markets  and  Fairs.  Foreign  Trade.  Growth  of  London.  —  With 
the  growth  of  trade  and  industry  there  was  also  an  increase  in  the 
number  of  markets,  where  local  products  were  disposed  of,  and  of 
fairs,  held  at  less  frequent  intervals,  to  which  people,  foreigners  as 
well  as  natives,  came  from  far  and  near  to  buy  and  sell.  Naturally 
there  was  much  rivalry  between  neighboring  markets,  involving 
disputes  as  to  their  respective  rights.  Some  were  settled  peaceably, 
in  other  cases  the  contending  parties  resorted  to  club  law.  London 
at  this  time  was  steadily  increasing  its  trade  relations  with  the  mer- 
chant cities  of  northern  Germany  and  the  Low  Countries.2  With  the 

1  A  curious  case  occurred  in  1201  when  the  citizens  of  London  bought  from 
John  the  privilege  of  turning  out  the  weavers'  gild.     Having  received  the  money 
he  turned  to  the  weavers  and  got  them  to  pay  him  to  take  them  under  the  royal 
protection,  thus  nullifying  the  privilege  which  he  had  just  sold. 

2  In  1 194,  Richard,  supplementing  an  earlier  concession  of  Henry  II,  granted 
to  the  citizens  of  Cologne  a  gild  hall  in  the  city,  and  probably  the  hall,  known  from 


CONDITIONS  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  TWELFTH  CENTURY     87 

extension  of  trade  and  the  increase  of  wealth  considerable  building 
was  undertaken,  which  may  explain  an  interesting  ordinance  of  1212, 
framed  by  the  common  council  to  provide  against  fire.  Wooden 
houses  were  to  be  replaced  by  stone  at  dangerous  points  such  as  the 
market  place ;  thenceforth  no  thatched  roofs  were  allowed,  only 
"  tiles,  wooden  shingles,  and  lead  might  be  used ;  a  tub  of  water  must  be 
placed  before  each  building ;  and  cooks  and  bakers  might  not  work  at 
night. 

Rural  Life.  —  Among  rural  classes  the  customary  services  were 
apparently  becoming  lighter,  with  a  consequently  increasing  tendency 
to  substitute  rents  in  money  and  kind  in  their  place.  Moreover, 
rents  were  rising  for  the  tillers  of  the  soil  were  beginning  to  share  in 
the  general  prosperity.  Even  at  that,  some  payments  were  success- 
fully resisted,  —  as  wheiTthe  cellarer  and  the  men  of  the  Abbot  of  Bury, 
in  a  forcible  attempt  to  collect  reap-silver,  were  stopped  by  a  body  of 
old  women  who  berated  them  with  hard  words  and  threatened  them 
with  saucepans.  Some  villeins  rose  from  the  ranks  to  become  great 
scholars  and  prelates,  yet,  in  general,  the  lot  of  the  villein  was  a  hard 
one  and  there  was  ordinarily  little  hope  of  bettering  it.  They  were 
occasionally  sold  apart  from  the  land  as  late  as  the  thirteenth  century ; 
toward  the  end  of  the  twelfth  the  Can6ns  of  Osney  bought  one  man 
for  twenty  shillings,  another  for  four  pounds  and  a  horse.  .Living 
xonditiojis^ere-  grievous :  .leprosy  and  skin  diseases  prevailed,  while 
lack  of  drainage  and  ventilation,  the  difficulty  of  communication,  and 
the  necessity  of  subsisting  on  salted  fish  and  meats  made  the  winters 
cheerless  and  unhealthy. 

Fusion  of  Races.  —  In  spite  of  serious  obstacles,  Henry  II  and  the 
Ministers  who  carried  on  his  work  had  wrought  well ;  their  administra- 
tive and  judicial  reforms,  aided  by  time,  had  welded  Saxon  and  Norman 
into  a  united  English  people,  while  the  foreign  policy  of  the  King  and 
his  son  Richard  had  secured  for  England  a  recognized  place  among 
the  powers  of  Europe. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Besides  Ramsay,  Davis,  G.  B.  Adams,  Norgate  already 
mentioned,  Stubbs,  Historical  Introductions  to  the  Rolls  Series  (ed.  Hassall 
1902)  —  a  volume  made  up  of  Bishop  Stubbs's  introductions  to  certain  of 
the  Chronicles  and  Memorials  of  Great  Britain,  commonly  known  as  the 
"Rolls  Series,"  and  embodying  some  of  the  soundest  work  on  the  periods. 

t'te  fourteenth  century  as  the  Steelyard,  which  came  to  be  the  headquarters  of 
t  ic  Hanseatic  merchants,  dates  from  this  period. 


l\ 


88     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Medley  has  a  good  brief  account  of  the  origin  and  development  of  bor- 
oughs; for  a  fuller  treatment  see  A.  Ballard,  The  English  Boroughs  in  the 
Twelfth  Century  (1914).  Stephens  covers  this  period  on  the  Church.  For 
social  and  intellectual  conditions,  in  addition  to  the  works  already  cited, 
see  two  brilliant  and  learned  lectures  on  "Learning  and  Literature  at  the 
Court  of  Henry  II "  in  Stubbs,  Lectures  on  Mediaeval  and  Modern  History . 
(1900).  The  standard  work  on  the  universities  is  H.  Rashdall,  The  Uni- 
versities of  the  Middle  Ages  (2  vols.,  1895). 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  no.  21. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  REIGN  OF  JOHN  (1199-1216).  THE  LOSS  OF  NORMANDY, 
THE  QUARREL  WITH  THE  CHURCH,  THE  BARONIAL  REVOLT 
AND  MAGNA  CHARTA 

Reigns  of  John  and  Henry  III.  —  In  1199,  after  years  of  intrigue 
against  his  brother  Richard  and  against  Richard's  next  lineal  heir, 
his  nephew  Arthur,1  John  at  length  attained  the  Crown.  His  reign^ 
and  that  of  his  son  Henry  HI  mark  the  most  ^rnportant  constitutional 
crisis  in  foipland's  history ^  they  witnessed  the  first  significant  limi- 
tation of  the  royal  absolutism  since  the  Conquest,  together  with 
the  rise  of  an  institution  that  was  gradually  to  voice  the  will  of  the 
nation  in  such  limitation  —  sharing  in  the  government  and  ultimately 
controlling  it  — J:he  English  Pq.rHa.mp.nl.  While  the  chief  responsi- 
bility for  precipitating  the  crisis  by  which  these  changes  came  about 
rests  with  John,  circumstances  were  to  some  degree  operative :  the 
existing  sources  of  supply  were  inadequate  to  meet  the  growing  needs 
of  the  State,  and,  in  order  to  secure  sufficient  revenues,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  demand  more  than  the  customary  services  and  taxes,  a  demand 
that  was  bound  to  be  resisted.  To  increase  the  revenues  and  meet 
the  inevitable  discontent,  to  mold  the  representatives  of  the  subjects 
as  willing  instruments  of  the  royal  will  would  have  been  a  critical 
problem  for  a  capable  and  worthy  ruler. 

Character  of  John.  —  Contemporary  writers  were  almost  unan- 
imous in  their  denunciation  of  John.  GiraTdus  Cambrensis,  for  ex- 
ample, declared  "  that  of  all  tyrants  of  history  "  he  "  was  the.  very 
worst  "  ;  truly  he  was  "  burdensome  to  rich  and  poor,"  there  was  no 
truth  or  sincerity  in  him,  and  "  through  thirty  years  of  public  life," 
it  has  been  truly  said,  "  we  search  in  vain  for  any  good  deed,  one  kindly 
act  to  set  against  his  countless  offendings."  A  younger  son,  greedy  of 
lands  and  power,  he  plotted  against  his  father  and  against  his  brother ; 
he  was  ungrateful  to  them  and  to  the  Ministers  who  faithfully  served 
him.  Cruel,  too,  beyond  measure,  he  is  reported  —  to  cite  a  single 

1  See  table  in  Introd. 
89 


QO     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

instance  —  to  have  wrung  10,000  marks  from  a  rich  Jew  of  Bristol 
by  causing  a  tooth  to  be  drawn  every  day  until  trie  unfortunate  yielded 
at  the  end  of  a  week.  Very  extravagant  and  self-indulgent  and  sub- 
ject to  spasms  of  furious  rage,  be  led  a. sinful. life. and  sought  to  atone 
for  itl)y  almsgiving.  He  manifested  an  ill-tuned  levity  on  solemn 
occasions  and  was  often  strangely  apathetic  at  crises.  Yet  he  was 
personally  brave  and  not  unskilled  in  arms,  he  showed  moments  of 
fitful  energy  and  was  possessed  of  a  certain  low  cunning.  But  his 
lack  of  foresight,  his  neglect  of  opportunity,  and  his  rashness  led  him 
to  situations,  political,  diplomatic,  and  military,  which  almost  in- 
variably ended  in  defeat. 

The  Three  Critical  Events  of  John's  Reign.  —  Almost  at  once  a 
blending  of  impolicy  and  mishaps  plunged  the  new  King  into  difficul- 
ties, and  the  subsequent  course  of  the  reign  is  marked  by  three  succes- 
sive crises  which  came  to  a  head  in  a  great  combination  of  all  classes, 
-headed  by  the  barons,  resulting  in  the  great  charter  of  liberties 
known  as  Magna  Carta. 

I.  The  French  War  and  Loss  of  Normandy.  —  The  first  of  these 
crises^UBsthe  outcome  of  the  war  with  France.  Arthur,  a  lad  of  twelve, 
had  been  forced  to-do  homage,  but  he  was  still  not  without  supporters. 
Philip  Augustus,  one  of  the  most  astute  kings  who  ever  ruled  France, 
wanted  to  extend  his  powers  at  John's  expense  and  was  quite  ready 
to  use  the  claims  of  his  rival  as  a  pretext ;  moreover,  there  was  a  grow- 
ing sentiment  in  parts  of  northern  France  against  continuing  under 
English  rule.  In  the  face  of  all  this,  John  committed  the  first  of  a 
series  of  blunders  which  led  to  the  triumph  of  Philip.  In  the  year 
1 200  he  divorced  his  wife  Isabel  (sometimes  called  Avice)  of  Glouces- 
ter and  married  Isabel  of  Angouleme,  thereby  antagonizing  not  only 
the  powerful  family  of  his  discarded  wife,  but  a  large  section  of  the 
Poitevin  nobles  as  well ;  for  the  new  Isabel  had  been  betrothed  to 
Hugh  of  Lusignon,  one  of  their  number.  Jn^  order  to  anticipate  any 
resistance  from  the  family  of  Hugh,  John  seized  some  of  their  castles 
and  charged  their  supporters  with  treason,  whereupon  the  Lusignons 
appealed  to  Philip,  who,  early  in  1202,  summoned  John  to  appear 
before  a  court  of  his  peers  at  Paris.  On  his  disregard  of  the  summons, 
Philip  declared  his  fiefs  forfeited,  and  proceeded  to  make  war  on  his 
Norman  possessions.  John,  in  one  of  his  spasmodic  bursts  of  energy, 
captured  Arthur,  who  had  taken  the  field  in  Poitou,  and  then,  so  the 
story  goes,  went  in  person  to  the  castle  of  Rouen  whither  Arthur  had 
been  removed,  and  had  him  stabbed  and  thrown  into  the  Seine,  April, 
1203.  Whether  true  or  not,  Arthur  disappeared  and  rumor  attributed 
the  crime  to  John.  Without  formally  charging  him  with  the  murder 


THE  REIGN  OF  JOHN  91 

of  his  nephew,  Philip  continued  the  war  with  added  vigor.  One  by 
one  John's  strongholds  opened  their  gates  to  him  and  one  by  one  John's 
vassals  came  over  to  his  side,  and  before  the  end  of  the  year  1204, 
Normandy,  Anjou,  Poitou,  indeed  every  one  of  John's  French  posses- 
sions except  Aquitaine  had  passed  out  of  his  hands.  Thus  many  of 
the  barons,  broken  off  from  their  Norman  connections,  were  drawn 
more  and  more  to  make  common  cause  with  the  English  people,  while 
for  John  the  loss  in  prestige  was  immense,  and  had  no  small  share  in 
bringing  to  a  head  the  movement  resulting  in  the  crowning  event  of 
his  reign. 

II.  The  Disputed  Archiepiscopal  Election  (1205). — The  death  of 
the  great  Archbishop  Hubert  Walter,  in  1205,  marked  the  next  crisis, 
for  the  attempt  to  fill  the  vacant  See  gave  rise  to  complications  which 
led  to  the  King's  second  great  humiliation  —  the  submission  to  the 
Papacy.  In  a  conflict  over  the  choice  of  Hubert's  successor  the  dis- 
putants appealed  to  Rome.  Innocent  III,  one  of  the  greatest  of 
Popes,  was  ever  alert  to  extend  the  papal  power,  so  instead  of  deciding 
between  the  rival  candidates,  he  set  aside  both  and  ordered  a  fresh 
election,  in  1206.  The  choice  fell  on  the  Pope's  candidate,  Stephen 
Langton,  an  English  theologian,  who,  though  he  had  lived  long  in 
Rome,  later  proved  himself  a  sincere  patriot. 

The  Struggle  between  King  and  Pope.  —  John^  beside  himself  with 
rage,  refused  to  admit  Stephen,  seized  much  property  of  his  clerical 
opponents,  and  forbade  appeals  to  Rome.  Thereupon,  in  1208,  the 
Pope  laid  the  land  under  an  interdict,1  an  impending  blow  which  John 
sought  to  avert  by  vain  bluster,  threatening  to  drive  all  ecclesiastics 
out  of  the  country  and  to  tear  out  the  eyes  of  the  messengers  from 
Rome.  Many  of  the  bishops  found  it  safer  to  flee,  leaving  their 
property  to  be  confiscated,  and  even  the  monks  and  lower  clergy  were, 
for  a  time  at  least,  persecuted  and  pillaged.  After  a  series  of  futile 
negotiations  Innocent  finally,  in  1209,  declared  John  excommunicated, 
though  the  sentence  was  only  proclaimed  in  France,  not  in  England. 

John's  Surrender  to  the  Pope  (1213).  —  With  the  King  under  the 
ban  of  the  Church  his  subjects  turned  more  and  more  against  him, 
while  John  made  matters  worse  by  seizing  the  castles  and  hostages  from 
those  he  suspected  until  he  had  almost  as  many  enemies  as  he  had 
barons.  And  it  availed  little  that  he  succeeded,  to  some  extent,  in 
extending  his  royal  power  in  Wales,  Scotland,  and  Ireland.  Then 
appeared  a  poor  half-crazed  hermit,  Peter  of  Wakefield,  prophesying 

1  By  this  the  church  doors  were  closed,  the  dead  could  only  be  buried  in  uncon- 
secrated  ground,  and  the  performance  of  most  of  the  rites  of  the  Christian  Church 
was  withheld. 


92      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

that  by  Ascension  Day,  1213,  John  would  be  no  longer  King.  With 
his  prospects  steadily  darkening  John  felt  it  necessary  to  resume 
negotiations  with  the  Pope.  Tr>norprit'g  t^rmg  WPT-P,  in.  gnKctanrp 
that  he  should  accept  Langton  as  Archbishop,  that  he  should  restore 
all  bishops,  monks,  and  others,  clerk  or  lay,  who  had  been  deprived 
during  the  late  struggle  and  make  them  full  compensation.)  The 
alternative  was  deposition,  but  John  held  off,  until  Innocent,  to  bring 
pressure  upon  him,  authorized  Philip  of  France  to  invade  England  and 
deprive  him  of  his  kingdom.  John  made  frantic  efforts  to  meet  the 
threatened  attack,  but,  finding  that  he  could  count  on  little  support 
from  his  subjects,  decided  to  yield,  and,  13  May,  1213,  met  the  papal 
legate,  Pandulf,  at  Dover  and  accepted  the  hard  terms.  Two  days 
later,  on  his  own  accord,  he  took  the  further  step  of  surrendering  his 
kingdom  to  the  Pope;  he  received  it  back  as  a  fief,  did  homage  to 
Pandulf,  and  promised,  for  himself  and  his  heirs,  to  pay  an  annual 
tribute  of  1000  marks.  Doubtless  he  felt  that  nothing  else  would 
check  the  threatened  invasion  and  counteract  the  growing  disaffection 
of  the  barons,  and  while  his  action  has  often  been  denounced  as  ig- 
nominious, it  must  be  remembered  that  the  state  of  vassalage  was  not, 
in  those  times,  regarded  as  degrading.  English  Kings  since  the  Con- 
quest had  held  their  continental  possessions  as  fiefs  of  France,  and  even 
the  lion-hearted  Richard  had  agreed  to  yield  all  England  in  fief  to  the 
Emperor.  It  was  the  getting  into  the  difficulty  rather  than  the  way 
he  extricated  himself  that  was  most  detrimental  to  King  John,  and, 
in  some  respects,  to  his  successors:  it  furnished  the  Papacy  with  a 
precedent  for  interfering  in  disputed  elections,  while  the  ill-usage  of  the 
clergy  alienated  a  class  hitherto  generally  on  the  side  of  the  Crown. 
Nevertheless  his  submission  to  Rome  was  a  confession  of  defeat,  and 
he  had  been  forced  to  admit  as  Archbishop  a  man  who  shortly  became 
the  guiding  spirit  of  the  opposition.  Still,  Ascension  Day  passed  safe- 
ly, and  poor  Peter  was  hanged.  Now  that  John  was  a  vassal  of  the 
Holy  See,  Innocent  prohibited  Philip  from  waging  war  on  him,  while 
Langton,  arriving  in  July,  solemnly  absolved  him  from  his  excommu- 
nication, though  the  interdict  was  not  yet  lifted,  since  the  vacant 
benefices  were  still  unfilled  and  the  compensation  due  the  clergy  had 
yet  to  be  settled. 

III.  The  Opening  of  the  Struggle  with  the  Barons  (1213^.  — John's 
efforts  to  revenge  himself  against  Philip  brought  to  an  issue  the  third 
and  final  crisis  of  the  reign.  Directly  after  his  submission,  he  began 
to  prepare  an  expedition  to  Poitou.  Most  of  the  barons  refused  to 
follow,  mainly  on  the  ground  that  he  was  excommunicated,  and  when 
the  ban  was  removed  they  took  the  ground  that  their  tenures  did  not 


THE  REIGN  OF  JOHN  93 

bind  them  to  serve  abroad.  While  there  seems  to  have  been  no  legal 
ground  for  this  latter  contention,  they  had  many  and  excessive  causes 
of  discontent;  they  got  promises  in  plenty,  but  little  else.  There 
were  the  grievances  purely  feudal,  some  dating  from  the  past,  such  as 
(forcing  heiresses  into  unequal  marriages,  extorting  excessive  reliefs, 
and  abusing  the  right  of  wardships.  Others  bore  on  the  non-feudal 
classes  as  well :  taxes  were  excessive  and  arbitrary,  while  assessments 
on  lands  and  movables  increased  in  frequency  and  amount,  and  there 
were  exactions  from  the  Jews,  and  fines,  some  without  a  shadow  of 
justice.  Demands  for  foreign  service  were  not  unusual,  though 
Henry  II  had  usually  provided  mercenaries  paid  from  the  scutage. 
Three  reasons  led  to  the  resistance  under  John.  In  the  first  place, 
his  demands  were  more  frequent.  In  the  second  place,  men  were 
alienated  by  his  capriciousness  and  futility.  In  1201,  and  again  in 
1205,  he  had  levied  men  for  foreign  service  and  then  dismissed  them 
with  a  fine ;  in  1 202-1 203 ,  he  had  failed  to  accomplish  anything  with  the 
force  he  took  abroad ;  moreover,  the  interest  of  Englishmen  in  foreign 
service  was  growing  less  and  less.  Additional  discontent  arose  from 
the  fact  that  John  had  allowed  his  royal  baronial  supporters  to  oppress 
the  people,  while,  in  spite  of  the  recent  reconciliation  with  the  Papacy, 
the  Church  could  not  forget  what  it  had  suffered  while  the  fight  was 
raging.  In  short,  England  was  suffering  under  "  all  the  evil  customs 
which  the  King's  father  and  brother  had  raised  up  for  the  oppression 
of  the  Church  and  the  realm,  together  with  that  which  the  King  him- 
self had  added  thereto." 

The  Winning  of  Magna  Carta.  —  Such  was  the  situation  when  John, 
gathering  such  forces  as  would  follow  him,  started,  February,  1214, 
to  invade  Poitou.  After  gaining  a  few  momentary  successes  he  was 
obliged  to  retreat  before  the  French  forces,  since  the  Poitevin  barons 
would  not  fight  for  him  in  the  open  field.  While  he  was  planning  his 
next  move  his  hopes  were  utterly  dashed  by  the  news  that  a  great 
army,  combined  according  to  his  plans  under  his  nephew  Otto, 
the  German  Emperor,  had  been  met  and  defeated,  27  July,  by  Philip 
as  it  was  hastening  down  to  attack  France  on  the  northern  border. 
John  was  obliged  to  make  peace,  18  September,  1214,  and,  isolated 
.and  humiliated,  he  returned  to  England  on  the  following  month. 
Unmindful  of  his  precarious  situation  he  brought  matters  to  an  issue 
by  ^demanding  a  scutage  from  the  barons  who  had  refused  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Poitou!)  Thereupon,  the  hardier  spirits  united,  it  is  said,  at 
St.  Edmunds  under  pretense  of  a  pilgrimage,  demanded  the  confirma- 
tion of  Henry  I's  Charter,  and  took  an  oath  to  wage  war  on  the  King 
in  case  he  refused  their  terms.  All  through  the  winter  the  negotia- 


94     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

lions  went  on.  John  put  off  a  definite  answer  as  long  as  he  could  and 
employed  the  interval  in  trying  to  circumvent  his  adversaries  by  vari- 
ous subterfuges ;  but  all  his  twist  ings  and  doublings  availed  him  noth- 
ing. The  barons,  when  he  finally  rejected  their  terms,  decided  to  wage 
war  and  renounced  their  allegiance,  on  the  ground  that  the  King  had 
ceased  to  observe  his  feudal  obligations,  and  marched  down  and  oc- 
cupied London.  John,  finding  that  almost  no  one  but  his  mercenaries 
would  stand  by  him  and  that  Stephen  Langton,  really  in  sympathy 
with  the  baronial  cause,  would  not  excommunicate  his  enemies,  was 
forced  to  yield.  After  some  further  parley  the  barons  met  him,  15 
June,  1215,  at  Runnymede,  where  he  set  his  seal  to  the  Great  Charter. 

Magna  Carta  and  Its  Meaning.  —  The  importance  of  Magna  Carta 
is  due  rather  to  the  use  that  was  afterwards  made  of  it  by  the  cham- 
pions of  popular  rights  than  to  what  was  actually  desired  by  the  men 
who  framed  it.  Actually  it  was  secured  by  the  barons  primarily  in 
the  interests  of  their  own  order,  to  safeguard  their  feudal  privileges 
against  the  encroachments  of  John  and  his  royal  predecessors ;  and 
many  guarantees  of  popular  government  and  popular  liberty  subse- 
quently traced  back  to  it  are  not  to  be  found  among  its  provisions. 
For  example,  it  does  not  say  that  there  shall  be  no  taxation,  except 
by  the  voice  of  the  people,  because  Parliament,  as  the  representative 
of  all  classes  of  the  realm,  did  not  yet  exist.  Moreover,  the  two  most 
effective  means  by  which  the  common  man  is  protected  against  legal 
injustice  to-day,  trial  by  jury  and  habeas  corpus — the  latter  a  device 
to  prevent  holding  a  man  in  prison  without  "cause  shown  —  are  not 
worked  out  in  anything  like  their  modern  form.  Another  notable 
fact  is  that  although  five  sixths  of  the  population  at  that  time  were 
villeins  whose  chief  grievances  were  at  the  hands  of  the  manorial  lords, 
very  little  is  done  for  themd^Certain  great  general  principles  were 
indeed  embedded  in  the  momentous  document,  namely  that  property 
shall  not  be  taken  from  the  subject  for  public  use  without  compensa- 
tion, that  punishments  shall  not  be  cruel  or  unusual,  that  fines  were 
not  to  be  excessive,  and  that  justice  was  to  be  open  to  all,  freely  and 
fairly  administered ;  nevertheless,  machinery  had  later  to  be  devised 
to  make  these  principles  operative,  and  there  were  long  stretches  when 
they  were  practically  forgotten.1 

The  Real  Significance  of  Magna  Carta.  —  In  what  then  does  its 
significance  consist  ?  ^Not  so_  much  in  any  oLits  particular  provisions 
as  in  imposing  restrictions  upon  royal  absolutisnvand  in  establishing 
the  principle  that  Kings  jmusL-ahserve- the JaWjjeven  though  the  law 

1  Shakespeare  in  his  great  drama  King  John  does  not  mention  Magna  Carta 
at  all. 


THE  REIGN  OF  JOHN  95 

which  the  barons  had  in  mind  was  the  feudal  law,  to  which  they  and 
the  King  were  the  contracting  parties.  The  principle  of  contract,  or 
of  reciprocal  obligation  definitely  defined  between  the  parties  to  an 
agreement,  is  an  essentially  feudal  principle ;  and  it  is  noteworthy 
that  that  dying  feudalism  left  this  priceless  contribution  to  the  cause 
of  English  liberty.  While  the  barons  led  the  movement  primarily 
in  their  own  interest,  they  united  with  them  the  Church,  they  kept  the 
mass  of  freemen  from  supporting  the  Sovereign,  and  consequently, 
to  some  degree,  undertook  the  business  of  these  two  classes  as  well  as 
their  own. 

Summary  of  the  Provisions  Relating  to  Each  of  the  Three  Estates 
Separately.  —  The  provisions  of  Magna  Carta  have  been  most  con- 
veniently grouped  under  two  main  heads :  first,  provisiojis-*elatiHg--to 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  three  separate  estates  or  political  classes 
into  which  society  was  divided ;  secondly,  provisions  relating  to  these 
classes  as  a  whole. 

I.  The  following  provisions  relate  to  the  Church,  the  barons,  and 
the  commons  respectively,     i.   The  Church  is  to  be  free  and  to  hold 
its  rights  entire  and  its  liberties  uninjured,  particularly  in  the  election 
of  bishops.     2.   The  baronage  are  promised  many  concessions.     Feudal 
abuses  in  the  matter  of  reliefs,  wardships,  marriages,  and  the  collection 
of  debts  shall  be  renounced.     No  scutage  or  aid  beyond  the  three 
customary  aids  shall  be  imposed  except  by  the  Common  Council  of 
the  tenant  in  chief.     The  same  conditions  which  the  King  agrees  to 
observe  toward  his  immediate  vassals  shall  be  observed  by  them  in 
dealing  with  their  mesne  or  under-tenants.     3.    Concessions  to  the 
commons1  refer  to  all  freemen  or  freeholders  below  baronial  rank. 
Ancient  liberties  and  free  customs  are  guaranteed  to  London  and  other 
towns.     The  ancient  rents  of  the  counties  were  not  to  be  increased. 
Merchants  are  to  come  in  and  go  out  of  the  kingdom,  free  from  all 
evil  tolls  and  by  the  ancient  and  rightful  customs.     All  goods  seized 
for  the  King's  use  are  to  be  paid  for. 

II.  Summary  of  Provisions  Relating  to  the  Three  Classes  as  a  Whole. 
-The  provisions  relating  to  the  kingdom  as  a  whole  have  mainly^p  do 

wjUyju^ygJjjreforms,  of  which  the  two  most  celebratecfprovisions  are 
those  contained  in  clauses  xxxix  and  XL.  The  former  provides  that 
"  no  freeman  shall  be  arrested,  or  detained  in  prison,  or  deprived  of 
his  freehold,  or  outlawed,  or  banished,  or  in  any  way  molested,  and 
we  will  not  set  forth  against  him,  nor  send  against  him,  unless  by  the 
lawful  judgment  of  his  peers  and  by  the  law  of  the  land."  It  is  gen 

1  On  the  Continent  the  term  was  restricted  to  the  members  of  organized  civic 
communities. 


96     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

erally  thought  by  modern  scholars  that  the  provision  concerning  judg- 
ment of  peers  was  introduced  by  the  barons  to  secure  their  exemption 
from  accountability  to  the  King's  judges.  This  has  survived  in  the 
right  of  peers  in  certain  cases  to  be  tried  by  the  law  of  the  land,  hence 
it  was  reactionary  rather  than  progressive;  nor  does  the  clause 
guarantee  trial  by  jury,  for  the  law  of  the  land  at  that  time  recognized 
forms  of  trial  other  than  and  quite  different  from  jury  trial.  Clause 
XL  declares :  "  _to_n.o.  one  will  we  sell,  to  no  one  will  we  deny  or  delay 
right  or  justice" ;  but  was  centuries  before  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 
which  was  to  make  this  clause  fully  operative,  was  developed.  Never- 
theless, the  germ  of  great  principles  is  to  be  found  in  this  and  the  pre- 
ceding provisions. 

Means  of  Enforcement  and  Future  Importance  of  Magna  Carta.  — 
To  insure  the  enforcement  of  the  terms  of  the  Charter  a  committee  of 
twenty-four  barons  and  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London  was  appointed, 
who  were  authorized  to  levy  war  on  the  King  until  any  transgression 
of  which  he  may  have  been  guilty  should  have  been  amended.  This 
machinery  for  securing  its  observance  was  the  weakest  thing  about 
Magna  Carta,  for  there  could  be  no  peaceful  progress  under  any  such 
arrangement ;  indeed,  it  was  soon  given  up,  and  in  due  course  of  time 
the  maintenance  of  the  Charter's  great  principles  was  intrusted  to 
Parliament. 

Such  was  Magna  Carta :  "in  form  a  grant  from  the  King  to  his 
people,  in  reality  a  treaty  extorted  from  him  by  his  barons,  acting 
with  the  clergy  and  the  commons."  One  great  cause  of  its  enduring 
significance  is  that  it  dealt  with  actual  conditions,  it  aimed  not  so 
much  to  create  new  liberties  and  privileges  as  to  define  those  already 
existent  and  to  guard  against  their  infraction.  As  a  wise  historian 
has  said,  the  Great  Charter  is  "  not  the  foundation  of  English  liberty 
but  the  first,  clearest,  and  historically  the  most  important  enuncia- 
tion in  it  "  and  "  the  maintenance  of  the  Charter  was  henceforth  the 
watchword  of  English  liberty." 

The  Baronial  War  and  the  Death  of  John  (1216).  — Although,  for 
the  moment,  steps  were  taken  to  carry  out  its  provisions,  John  had 
made  concessions  which  he  could  not  afford  and  did  not  intend  to 
keep.  Moreover,  certain  of  the  extremists  among  the  northern  barons 
had  refused  to  enter  into  the  agreement  at  Runnymede  and  continued 
in  arms.  In  August  John  prepared  to  renew  the  war,  whereupon  the 
barons  made  ready  to  depose  him.  The  Pope  who,  since  John's 
submission,  was  on  his  side,  had  already,  before  the  sealing  of  the 
Charter,  ordered  the  excommunication  of  the  disturbers  of  the  king- 
dom :  now,  in  August,  he  issued  a  bull  declaring  the  Charter  null  and 


THE  REIGN  OF  JOHN  97 

void  on  the  ground  that  it  had  been  extorted  by  force.  Also,  he  sus- 
pended Stephen  Langton  for  refusing  to  carry  out  his  sentence  of  ex- 
communication. The  leaders  of  the  baronial  opposition  thereupon 
took  the  extreme  step  of  transferring  their  allegiance  to  Louis  of  France 
"  begging  him  "  to  come  and  "  pluck  them  out  of  the  hand  of  the 
tyrant."  This  drove  John  into  one  of  his  spasms  of  energy,  and  during 
the  winter  of  1215-1216  he  harried  the  land  from  the  south  of  the 
Thames  to  the  Scottish  border.  In  spite  of  papal  prohibition,  Louis 
landed  at  Thanet,  21  May,  while  John,  who  had  returned  from  the 
north,  retreated  before  the  invader  to  the  borders  of  Wales  where  he 
remained  inactive  until  the  end  of  August,  when  he  marched  into  the 
east  midlands  ravaging  as  he  went.  On  19  October,  he  died  at 
Newark  of  an  illness  brought  on  partly  by  his  recent  exertion,  partly 
by  an  excess  of  eating  and  drinking.  No  King  of  England  has  since 
borne  his  name,  yet  his  very  vices  and  incapacity  precipitated  the 
downfall  of  absolutism  and  the  rise  of  constitutional  liberty. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  The  most  recent  detailed  account  of  the  reign  of  John  is 
Kate  Norgate,  John  Lackland  (1902).  Other  accounts  may  be  found  in 
Ramsay,  G.  B.  Adams,  and  Davis. 

For  a  discussion  of  the  constitutional  significance  of  the  reign  of  John 
and  Henry  III,  see  G.  B.  Adams,  "The  Critical  Period  of  English  History," 
American  Historical  Review,  July,  1900.  This  is  developed  in  his  Origin 
of  the  English  Constitution  (1902).  Edward  Jenks,  "The  Myth  of  Magna 
Carta,"  Independent  Review,  November,  1904,  pp.  260-273,  is  stimulating 
but  exaggerated.  The  standard  work  on  Magna  Carta  is  W.  S.  McKechnie's 
Magna  Carta:  A  Commentary  (1913).  It  contains  an  historical  introduc- 
tion, also  the  text  of  the  Great  Charter,  both  in  Latin  and  in  English  trans- 
lation, and  an  elaborate  commentary  on  each  clause.  See  also  Magna 
Carta  Commemoration  Essays  (1917).  The  text  of  Magna  Carta  may  be 
found  also  in  translation  in  Adams  and  Stephens,  no.  29. 


CHAPTER  X 

HENRY  HI.  THE  STRUGGLE  OF  THE  BARONS  TO  MAINTAIN  THE 
CHARTER,  TO  EXPEL  FOREIGN  INFLUENCE,  AND  TO  CONTROL 
THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  KINGDOM.  CONDITIONS  AT 
THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REIGN 

Henry's  Minority  (1216-1227). — Less  than  two  weeks  after  his 
father's  death,  Henry,  a  boy  of  nine,  was  crowned  at  Gloucester.  Under 
a  capable  Regent  the  new  reign  opened  with  the  brightest  of  prospects. 
The  King's  very  youth  and  innocence  were  a  source  of  strength,  for 
the  barons  had  risen  not  against  the  royal  office  but  against  an  un- 
popular and  oppressive  King,  and  now  that  he  was  no  more,  most  of 
them  turned  gladly  from  a  foreign  invader  to  a  native  ruler.  Louis — 
against  whom  the  papal  legate  proclaimed  a  crusade  —  was  defeated 
and  forced  to  leave  the  country.  The  fair  prospects  under  which 
the  new  reign  opened  did  not  remain  long  unclouded.  In  1219  the 
Regency  ended  with  the  death  of  William  Marshall,  a  fine  type  of 
the  medieval  soldier-statesman,  who  had  labored  effectively  to  re- 
store peace  and  good  government,  and  it  fell  to  Hubert  de  Burgh,  a 
faithful  Minister  and  leader  of  the  loyal  English  party,  to  combat  on 
the  one  hand  such  of  the  barons  as  were  still  unreconciled  to  the  Crown, 
on  the  other,  foreign  favorites  and  military  adventurers.  After  some 
futile  risings  the  restless  barons  were  for  the  time  being  suppressed, 
and,  in  1224,  the  most  aspiring  of  the  leaders  of  John's  mercenary 
troops  was  forced  to  leave  the  country. 

However,  Hubert  had  many  other  perplexing  complications  to  face. 
In  Gascony  —  a  division  of  the  ancient  Aquitaine  —  the  commons, 
although  they  preferred  English  to  French  rule,  resented  any  inter- 
ference with  their  municipal  liberties,  and  while  they  were  unwilling 
to  spend  money  on  defense,  expected  the  English  governors  to  protect 
them  in  their  quarrels  with  the  neighboring  barons  who  were  very 
turbulent.  One  governor  after  another  threw  up  the  office  in  despair. 
Moreover,  the  young  Henry  was  burning  to  retrieve  the  French  pos- 
sessions which  his  father  had  yielded.  After  Hubert  proclaimed  him 


HENRY  III  99 

of  age,  in  1227,  he  steadily  lost  control  over  his  vain  and  unstable 
master.  Thus,  much  against  his  will,  he  had  to  fit  out  an  expedition 
which  the  King  in  person  led,  in  1230,  to  aid  certain  Norman  barons 
who  had  risen  in  revolt.  After  an  inglorious  campaign,  in  which  the 
English  soldiers  performed  greater  feats  in  deep  drinking  than  in  fight- 
ing, he  returned  home,  in  September,  having  accomplished  nothing. 

Beginning  of  Henry's  Personal  Rule  (1232).  —  Instigated  by  a  wily 
foreign  counselor,  Henry  made  Hubert  the  scapegoat  for  all  his  troubles 
and  miscarriages,  as  well  as  for  the  bad  state  of  the  finances  —  due  to 
his  own  extravagance  and  military  vainglory  —  and  dismissed  him 
in  1232.  The  common  people  were  loud  in  their  sympathy  and  a 
courageous  smith,  who  was  ordered  to  fetter  him,  refused  to  touch  one 
to  whom  the  country  owed  so  much.  But  part  of  Hubert's  property 
was  taken  from  him  and  he  had  to  spend  some  years  in  captivity.  For 
the  next  quarter  of  a  century  Henry's  personal  government  was  un- 
hampered by  any  wise  or  effective  control  and  was  marked  by  favor- 
itism for  foreigners  and  inept  caprice. 

Increasing  Abuses  and  Futile  Opposition.  —  Henry's  marriage  to 
Eleanor  of  Provence,  in  1236,  brought  swarms  of  foreigners  to  England 
including  needy  kinsmen  to  be  provided  for.  Although  more  than 
one  attempted  the  task,  there  seemed  to  be  for  many  years  no  leader 
in  England  capable  of  withstanding  these  aliens.  In  addition,  the 
country  had  to  bear  the  burden  of  heavy  papal  exactions.  At  Henry's 
request  the  Pope,  in  1237,  sent  a  cardinal  legate,  who,  it  is  said,  during 
a  four  years'  sojourn  took  away  as  much  gold  and  silver  as  he  left  in 
the  country,  claiming  besides  for  his  master  the  right  to  fill  three  hun- 
dred livings  with  Italians,  while  the  spiritless  King  declared :  "  I 
neither  wish  nor  dare  to  oppose  the  lord  Pope  in  anything."  Truly 
"  England  was  a  like  vineyard  with  a  broken  hedge  so  that  all  who 
went  by  could  steal  of  her  grapes."  Finally,  there  arose  as  leader  of 
a  national  clerical  party  one  of  the  most  notable  men  of  the  century  — 
Robert  Grosseteste,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  whose  first  achievements  were 
in  theology,  science,  and,  what  was  most  rare  in  those  days,  in  Greek. 
After  he  became  Bishop,  late  in  life,  he  turned  his  attention  to  politics, 
striving  to  unite  the  Church  and  the  baronage  in  the  defense  of  their 
common  liberties  and  in  resistance  to  papal  encroachment.  Particu- 
larly did  he  set  himself  against  foreign  nominees  to  English  livings, 
whom  he  described  as  intruders  "  who  not  only  strive  to  tear  off  the 
fleece,  but  do  not  even  know  the  features  of  their  flock."  But,  wedded 
to  the  theory  of  the  superiority  of  the  Church  over  the  State  and  a 
stanch  advocate  of  cleridal  immunity,  he  proved  not  to  be  the  man  to 
lead  most  effectively  the  popular  cause. 


100     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Baronial  Demand  for  Elected  Ministers.  —  In  April,  1243, 
after  Henry  had  led  a  futile  expedition  to  assist  the  Poitevin  barons 
and  the  Gascon  towns  in  a  rising  against  the  French  King,  he  was 
obliged  to  consent  to  the  incorporation  of  Poitou  into  the  French 
dominions.  The  situation  grew  steadily  darker.  London  became 
disaffected  and  another  papal  agent  came  to  glean  after  his  predeces- 
sor's harvest.  The  King  fell  into  sore  financial  straits,  and  the  barons, 
taking  advantage  of  his  needs,  began  to  demand  that  Ministers  be 
appointed  of  native  birth  and  acceptable  to  the  country.  Soon  they 
went  further,  and,  in  1244,  as  one  of  the  conditions  of  a  money  grant, 
stipulated  that  the  Justiciar,  the  Chancellor,  and  the  Treasurer  should 
be  chosen  in  the  Great  Council.  It  was  some  years  before  they  were 
able  to  carry  their  point.  Henry  might  yield  to  the  Pope  but  he 
maintained  a  lofty  attitude  toward  his  subjects.  Since  they  persisted 
attaching  conditions,  which  he  would  not  accept,  to  all  money  grants, 
all  sorts  of  expedients  were  resorted  to  for  supplying  the  royal  neces- 
sities. Curiously,  the  barons  were  at  length  to  find  a  leader  among  the 
very  foreigners  they  were  seeking  to  oppose. 

Simon  de  Montfort  Becomes  Leader  of  the  National  Party.  —  Si- 
mon de  Montfort  was  a  Norman  by  birth  who  first  came  to  England 
in  1229.  Beginning  as  an  adherent  of  the  royal  party,  he  married 
Henry's  sister  Eleanor,  and,  in  1248,  was  sent  to  rule  Gascony  on  the 
express  condition  that  he  should  enjoy  full  powers,  including  control 
of  the  Gascon  revenue,  for  seven  years.  In  the  face  of  unrest,  intrigue, 
and  revolt  he  adopted  such  drastic  methods  in  restoring  order  that  he 
reaped  a  harvest  of  discontent,  whereupon,  yielding  to  bitter  com- 
plaints, Henry,  in  spite  of  the  Governor's  protests,  finally  dismissed 
him.  Whoever  was  at  fault,  the  fact  remains  that  on  the  eve  of  the 
great  crisis  of  his  reign,  the  King  forced  into  the  enemy's  camp  the 
most  remarkable  man  of  his  generation,  a  man  destined  to  become  one 
of  the  most  notable  figures  in  English  history. 

The  Baronial  Opposition  Comes  to  a  Head  (1254).  —  In  1254,  two 
years  after  this  event,  Henry  culminated  his  impolicy  by  an  act  of 
extravagant  folly  which  brought  to  a  focus  all  the  forms  of  opposition 
which  had  been  slowly  converging  against  his  internal  misgovernment, 
his  futile  foreign  policy,  and  his  abject  submission  to  papal  exaction. 
He  accepted  for  his  second  son  Edmund  the  crown  of  Sicily,  which  the 
Pope  had  long  been  striving  to  wrest  from  the  Imperial  house  of  Hohen- 
staufen.  Edmund  never  attained  the  Sicilian  throne  but  the  efforts 
which  his  father  made  in  his  behalf  were  none  the  less  momentous. 
He  pledged  himself  to  provide  an  army  and  140,000  marks,  and  applied 
to  his  Great  Council  for  supplies  to  redeem  his  bond.  They  refused, 


HENRY  III  101 

in  1255,  and  again  in  1257,  when  Henry  brought  his  little  son  before 
them,  and  sought  to  work  on  their  sentiments.  Everything  combined 
to  foster  discontent.  Rain,  flood,  bad  harvests,  cattle-murrain,  and 
high  prices  were  estranging  the  poor.  In  1256  the  Pope  had  added 
another  exaction  by  demanding  for  the  first  time  annates  or  first  fruits 
—  the  first  year's  annual  revenue  from  clergy  newly  inducted  into 
benefices.  Aside  from  the  new  grievances,  old  ones  continued  from 
the  previous  reign,  for,  although  the  charters  had  been  frequently 
confirmed,  their  concessions  had  been  disregarded.  Many  castles 
were  in  the  hands  of  foreigners,  sheriffs  and  itinerant  judges  were  per- 
verting justice  and  levying  excessive  fines,  and  the  forest  laws  were 
unmitigated  in  their  severity.  The  storm  burst  in  1258. 

The  Provisions  of  Oxford  (1258).  —  On  28  April,  1258,  a  Great 
Council  of  magnates,  reenforced  by  representative  knights  from  the 
shires,  assembled.  When  the  King  in  the  face  of  the  gathering  dis- 
content ventured  again  to  ask  for  money  for  the  Sicilian  campaign, 
the  barons  and  knights  in  full  armor,  though  they  laid  their  swords 
aside,  crowded  into  the  royal  presence  chamber  and  presented  their 
terms.  They  demanded  the  dismissal  of  all  aliens  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  committee  of  twenty-four  —  half  from  the  royal  party,  half 
from  the  baronial  —  to  draw  up  a  scheme  of  reform  to  present  at  the 
next  meeting  of  the  Great  Council.  The  King  was  forced  to  assent. 
To  an  assembly  which  met  in  June  at  Oxford,  known  as  the  "  Mad 
Parliament,"  the  committee  submitted,  not  only  a  list  of  grievances, 
but  a  plan  of  government  by  which  all  authority  was  to  be  transferred 
from  the  Crown  to  representative  bodies  of  the  baronage.  Chief 
among  them  was  a  permanent  committee  of  fifteen  which  was  to  have 
complete  control  of  the  administration  to  which  the  King's  Ministers 
were  to  be  answerable.  Three  times  a  year  it  was  to  meet  with  another 
committee  of  twelve  chosen  from  the  Great  Council  to  transact  the 
business  formerly  in  the  hands  of  the  latter  body.  Other  committees 
still  were  to  undertake  the  work  of  financial  and  Church  reform.  Such 
were  the  Provisions  of  Oxford.  Their  merit  was  in  putting  a  check 
on  the  absolutism  of  an  unpatriotic  and  incompetent  King ;  yet  they 
are  open  to  serious  criticism  in  that  they  aimed  to  put  in  his  place  an 
oligarchy  that  would  tend  to  become  equally  self-seeking  and  ineffec- 
tive and  would  be  far  more  likely  to  hamper  the  executive  and  to  fo- 
ment discord  than  to  advance  the  welfare  of  the  Kingdom. 

Preparation  for  War  (1263).  — No  sooner  were  the  Provisions  ac- 
knowledged than  the  baronial  party  split  into  two  factions.  One 
was  led  by  Simon  de  Montfort  who  seems  to  have  been  honestly  de- 
sirous of  securing  the  interests  of  all  classes.  The  other  was  selfishly 


102     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

concerned  with  the  interests  of  its  own  order.  Simon  secured  a  mo- 
mentary ascendancy  by  attaching  Prince  Edward  to  his  cause,  and, 
in  1259,  carried  the  passage  of  a  series  of  measures  known  as  the  Pro- 
visions of  Westminster,  by  which  the  powers  and  profits  of  the  private 
feudal  courts  were  greatly  curtailed.  For  a  time  the  King  worked 
loyally  with  the  new  council ;  nevertheless,  before  many  months,  he 
shook  himself  free  from  the  baronial  shackles,  he  made  an  alliance 
with  Louis  IX,  King  of  France,  he  drew  the  baronial  faction  opposing 
Simon  to  his  side,  he  reconciled  himself  with  Edward,  and,  finally, 
appealed  to  Pope  Alexander  IV  to  release  him  from  his  oath  to  observe 
the  Provisions.  This  last  request  was  granted  by  a  bull,  dated  13 
April,  1261,  which  annulled  the  whole  legislation  of  1258-1259.  With 
his  hand  thus  strengthened,  Henry  returned  to  his  old  courses.  The 
renewal  of  danger  drew  the  two  factions  of  the  barons  together  again, 
and  civil  war  broke  out  in  1263  ;  but  the  opposing  forces  proved  so 
evenly  balanced  that  they  decided  to  arbitrate  and  appealed  to  Louis 
IX  to  settle  the  points  at  issue.  However,  when  the  French  King,  in 
1264,  decided  almost  every  question  in  favor  of  the  Crown,  Simon, 
whose  chief  following  was  now  among  the  lesser  folk,  refused  to  be 
bound  by  the  award. 

Simon's  Victory  at  Lewes  (1264).  His  Famous  Parliament  (1265). 
—  In  the  civil  war  which  followed  he  was  able  to  win  a  great  victory  over 
the  royal  forces,  14  May,  1 264,  at  Lewes,  as  a  result  of  which  Henry 
was  forced  to  agree  to  uphold  the  Great  Charter,  the  Charter  of  the 
Forests,  and  the  Provisions  of  Oxford,  while  Edward  was  to  be  a  hos- 
tage for  the  good  behavior  of  the  "  Marchers,"  or  men  of  the  Welsh 
border  who  were  bitterly  hostile  to  the  baronial  leader  for  having 
called  in  the  Welsh  as  allies.  During  the  period  of  his  triumph  de 
Montfort  had  the  King  issue  writs,  summoning  a  notable  assembly 
which  sat  from  January  to  March,  1265.  This  has  often  been  spoken 
of  as  the  first  Parliament  in  English  history,  because  it  was  the  first 
body  in  which  both  knights  of  the  shire  and  representatives  from  the 
towns  sat  with  the  Great  Council,  but  it  was  a  partisan  body  and  far 
from  being  completely  representative  in  other  respects.  De  Mont- 
fort's  Parliament,  however,  is  not  without  constitutional  significance 
as  a  stage  in  the  development  from  the  Great  Council  to  the  institution 
which  came  to  represent  the  three  estates  of  the  realm.  More  than 
once,  already,  knights  from  the  shires  had  sat  with  the  barons,  but 
never  before  had  they  been  reenforced  by  representatives  from  the 
towns. 

Defeat  and  Death  of  Simon  (1265).     His  Character  and  Work.  - 
In  April,  1265,  war  broke  out  again,  the  standard  of  revolt  being 


HENRY  III  103 

raised  by  the  Marchers,  whereupon  discontented  members  of  Simon's 
party  and  old  royal  adherents  nocked  to  the  western  country.  Prince 
Edward,  who  had  escaped  from  his  keepers  while  hunting,  soon  ap- 
peared as  leader  and,  4  August,  he  succeeded  in  entrapping  the  bar- 
onial army  at  Evesham,  on  a  narrow  tongue  of  land  formed  by  an 
abrupt  bend  of  the  Stratford  Avon,  where  Simon  fell  bravely  fighting. 
By  the  victory  of  Evesham  and  the  death  of  Simon  the  royal  party 
was  again  triumphant.  "  Sir  Simon  the  righteous  "  was  not  a  hero 
without  blemish ;  he  started  life  as  an  adventurer,  nor  did  he  begin 
his  opposition  as  a  disinterested  advocate  of  popular  liberty,  but  be- 
cause of  quarrels  with  Henry,  culminating  in  the  Gascon  affair.  Even 
after  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  national  party  he  was  at  times 
shifty  and  cruel,  and  always  masterful  and  impatient  of  restraint; 
yet  whether  from  interest  or  conviction,  he  threw  himself  on  the  sup- 
port of  the  people,  worked  sincerely  for  their  interests,  and  secured  them 
a  more  complete  representation  in  the  National  Council  than  they  had 
ever  enjoyed.  Consequently  they  adored  their  departed  leader  as  a 
saint,  and  miracles  were  worked  at  his  tomb. 

Final  Submission  of  the  Barons  (1267).  Results  of  the  Struggle.  — 
A  fragment  of  the  barons  held  out  stubbornly  at  -Kenilworth  until 
December  of  1266  when  disease  and  famine  compelled  them  to  sur- 
render. By  way  of  concession  the  reenactment  of  the  Charters  was 
promised,  as  well  as  the  redress  of  some  of  the  grievances  mentioned 
in  the  Provisions  of  1258  and  1259,  but  another  revolt  had  to  be  faced, 
and  some  minor  risings  had  to  be  put  down  before  the  country  was 
really  at  peace.  The  barons  had  failed  to  secure  the  supremacy  at 
which  they  aimed  and  it  was  well  for  England  that  they  did ;  but  they 
had  broken  the  power  of  absolutism,  they  had  aroused  and  kept  alive 
the  national  opposition  against  foreign  favorites,  they  had  made  the 
Charters  a  reality,  they  had  taken  steps  to  make  the  Great  Council 
a  popular  representative  body.  The  result  of  their  work  was  to  mani- 
fest itself  in  the  next  reign  and  to  live  in  time  to  come. 

Death  of  Henry  (1272).  —While  his  sons,  Edward  and  Edmund, 
were  away  on  a  crusade  Henry  died,  16  November,  1272  in  his  sixty- 
sixth  year.  Personally  he  had  many  commendable  qualities.  His 
private  life  was  blameless,  he  was  religious,  he  had  a  refined  mind  and 
cultivated  tastes.  A  generous  patron  of  art,  his  most  enduring  monu- 
ment is  Westminster  Abbey,  the  foundation  of  Edward  the  Confessor 
which  he  caused  to  be  rebuilt.  As  to  his  faults  they  are  manifest  in 
the  history  of  his  reign ;  he  lacked  moral  courage,  he  was  timid,  evasive, 
weak,  and  obstinate.  Worst  of  all  he  had  no  talent  for  administration 
or  grasp  of  politics,  and  was  quite  un-English  in  feeling. 


104     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

England  and  the  Intellectual  and  Religious  Movements  of  the  Time. 
—  One  good  side  there  was  to  the  un-English  policy  of  Henry  III, 
it  helped  to  open  the  country  to  the  best  fruits  of  Continental  civiliza- 
tion. By  a  strange  contradiction  the  period,  in  spite  of  maladminis- 
tration and  turbulence,  was  one  of  high  achievement  in  art,  in  reli- 
gious revival,  and  intellectual  progress.  In  England,  as  elsewhere,  two 
antagonistic  tendencies  were  at  work :  politically  there  was  a  tend- 
ency to  accentuate  national  differences,  which  ran  counter  to  the 
other  great  tendency  of  the  Middle  Ages,  that  toward  unity  or  uni- 
versality. The  Catholic  Church  with  the  Pope  at  the  head  was  the 
church  of  all  Christendom,  its  clergy,  its  monks,  and  friars  were  sub- 
jects of  no  country,  but  citizens  of  heaven  —  as  they  sometimes  pleased 
to  call  themselves.  The  academic  system  was  a  universal  one, 
famous  scholars  were  equally  at  home  in  England,  France,  and  Italy, 
while  Latin  was  the  language  of  the  learned  in  every  Christian  land. 
The  Crusades,  too,  offered  a  common  enterprise  which  brought  to- 
gether men  without  distinction  of  boundary.  The  friar,  the  knight- 
errant,  the  scholar,  and  the  merchant  tended  to  maintain  and  foster  a 
union  which  a  growing  sense  of  nationality  threatened  to  break. 

The  Franciscan  and  Dominican  Friars.  —  Perhaps  the  most  potent 
factor  in  the  revised  intellectual  and  religious  life  of  the  age  is  to  be 
found  in  the  new  orders  —  the  friars.  Two  of  these  orders  of  brothers 
(Latin  fratres)  came  into  being  at  about  the  same  time,  and  they  sup- 
plemented each  other.  That  of  the  Spanish  St.  Dominic  was  strong 
in  organization  and  the  defense  of  orthodoxy,  that  of  the  Italian,  St. 
Francis,  in  spiritual  impulse  and  ideals  of  pure  living.  Shortly  before 
Henry  III  of  England  was  born,  a  young  merchant  of  the  little  town 
of  Assisi  felt  prompted  by  a  divine  voice  to  renounce  his  past  life  and 
to  devote  himself  to  the  service  of  God  and  his  fellow  man.  In  one 
direction  particularly  there  was  an  abundant  field :  the  towns  had 
scant  regard  for  the  poor  who  lived  on  their  outskirts;  the  parish 
priest  proved  unequal  to  the  situation,  while  the  monk  was  a  recluse 
and  fled  from  the  crowded  haunts  of  men.  St.  Francis,  for  so  he  came 
to  be  known,  taking  literally  the  words  of  Christ :  "  provide  neither 
gold  nor  silver  ...  in  your  purses,  neither  scrip  for  your  journey," 
renounced  his  worldly  prospects  and  went  forth  to  teach  and  preach 
and  minister  to  the  simple  and  needy.  After  some  years  he  went  to 
Rome,  hatless  and  barefoot,  and  obtained  from  Innocent  III  permis- 
sion to  establish  a  rule  of  life  from  which  grew  his  famous  order  of 
mendicant  friars  —  formally  recognized  in  1223.  In  three  respects 
the  Franciscans  grew  away  from  the  original  intention  of  their  founder : 
he  started  with  the  idea  of  wandering  missionaries,  with  no  formal 


HENRY  III  105 

organization,  who  should  not  concern  themselves  with  theology; 
however,  even  in  his  own  lifetime  they  came  to  center  chiefly  in  cities, 
they  were  constituted  into  a  regular  order,  and  as  time  went  on,  they 
became  famous  for  their  learned  scholars.  Meantime,  in  southern 
France,  the  son  of  a  noble  Castilian  house,  trained  in  the  best  academic 
traditions  of  the  day,  was  devoting  his  rare  talents  and  pitiless  zeal 
to  combating  heresy  and  schism.  This  was  the  redoubtable  St. 
Dominic  who  founded  the  order  of  preaching  friars  which  adopted  the 
Franciscan  principle  of  poverty,  and  was  formally  recognized  in  1220. 

The  Coming  of  the  Friars  to  England.  —  In  1221  a  band  of  thirteen 
Dominicans  landed  in  England.  Establishing  themselves  in  London, 
they  proceeded  to  Oxford,  where  they  set  up  schools  and  gathered 
disciples  about  them  whom  they  trained  as  preachers.  The  Domini- 
cans were  followed  two  years  later  by  a  small  group  of  nine  Franciscans, 
who  grew  and  spread  until  within  five  years  they  were  domiciled  in 
almost  every  considerable  town  in  England;  but  their  houses  were 
held  for  them  in  trust,  for  they  could  possess  no  property.  Settling 
down  outside  the  city  walls,  among  the  destitute  and  lowly,  they  taught 
and  ministered  with  heroic  devotion,  preaching  to  the  people  in  a 
homely  style  and  spicing  their  sermons  with  merry  jests  and  tales. 
What  with  their  humor  and  their  zeal  they  gained  a  wonderful  hold 
wherever  they  went.  Moreover,  the  English  Franciscans  produced 
some  of  the  most  famous  scholars  of  the  age.1  As  time  went  on,  how- 
ever, so  many  unworthy  recruits  entered  the  ranks  that  by  Chaucer's 
day  friars  had  come  to  be  generally  regarded  as  beggarly  rogues. 

The  Parish  Priest. — The  earlier  friars,  as  well  as  doing  their  peculiar 
work  in  the  towns  and  the  universities,  acted  as  evangelists  conducting 
revivals  in  the  rural  districts.  Nevertheless,  the  parish  church  was 
still  the  center  of  village  life,  though  the  gilds,  too,  had  a  very  marked 
religious  aspect,  for  they  provided  masses  for  the  souls  of  deceased 
members  and  had  their  patron  saints  and  funds  for  charity.  The 
parish  priests  were  simple  men  of  very  scanty  learning,  with  just  enough 
Latin  to  say  mass.  They  were  forbidden  to  accept  any  secular  office, 
such  as  that  of  steward  or  bailiff,  or  any  judicial  function  involving 
power  to  inflict  capital  punishment,  and  were  also  prohibited  from 
dressing  in  military  fashion  or  from  taking  part  in  "  scot  ales  "  or 
public  feasts  where  there  were  competitions  in  drinking.  While  there 
were  frequent  complaints  of  ignorance,  of  negligence  in  teaching  and 
in  visiting  the  sick,  of  hurrying  through  the  service,  and  of  too  fre- 
quent absence  from  the  parish,  some  performed  their  duties  excellently 
and  many  others  did  their  best  according  to  their  lights.  Riotous 

1  The  most  famous  Dominican  scholars  were  not  Englishmen. 


106     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

sports,  gluttony,  and  heavy  drinking  were  among  the  chief  offenses 
of  the  laity. 

The  Popular  Religion.  —  The  religion  of  the  age  was  very  real. 
The  people,  though  rude  and  boisterous,  were  simple  and  childlike 
and  ready  to  atone  for  their  sins  by  crusades  and  pilgrimages,  by  con- 
tributing to  the  building  of  churches  and  monasteries,  and  by  gifts 
at  shrines  and  altars.  Anchorites,  living  in  caves  and  on  the  banks  of 
lonely  streams,  were  visited  by  pilgrims  marveling  at  their  faith  and 
holiness.  Worship  was  chiefly  a  matter  of  outward  form.  Though 
the  people  were  generally  instructed  in  the  creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer, 
and  the  ten  commandments,  they  blindly  worshiped  images  and  relics 
and  sought  to  approach  God  mainly  through  the  medium  of  the  saints. 
Belief  in  witchcraft,  charms,  and  spells  was  practically  universal.  Some 
erf  their  superstitions  were  very  touching  and  pretty.  A  story  is  told 
of  the  appearance,  one  harvest  time  in  East  Anglia  "  no  man  knew 
whence,"  of  a  boy  and  girl  "  completely  green  in  their  person  and  clad 
in  garments  of  strange  color  and  unknown  materials."  These  strange 
visitors  were  most  kindly  welcomed,  baptized  into  the  fellowship  of 
the  Church,  and  cherished,  "  till  at  length  they  changed  their  natural 
color  through  the  natural  effect  of  our  food." 

The  Universities.  —  At  the  beginning  of  Henry's  reign  the  two 
essentials  of  a  university  were  the  masters  and  the  scholars,  who  might 
migrate  wherever  they  would.  A  great  step  in  advance  was  taken 
when  men  began  to  found  colleges,  or  houses  with  a  master  and  scholars 
or  fellows,  with  the  object  of  providing  shelter  for  poor  students  and 
of  encouraging  systematic  study.  John  Ballioi's  foundation  at  Ox- 
ford, in  1260,  was  hardly  more  than  an  almshouse  for  needy  scholars ; 
but  Walter  de  Merton's,  three  years  later,  was  well  organized  and 
furnished  a  model  for  subsequent  college  benefactors.  The  univer- 
sities were  far  from  being  centers  of  secluded  calm,  for  we  hear  of  fre- 
quent riots  among  the  students ;  moreover,  they  exercised  a  profound 
and  active  influence  on  the  politics  and  government  of  the  time,  and 
produced  men  who  took  prominent  places  at  court  or  on  the  episcopal 
bench.  Grosseteste  and  Adam  Marsh,  lecturers  to  the  Franciscans, 
were  famous  scholars,  but  their  fame  has  been  eclipsed  by  that  of 
Roger  Bacon  (1214-1294).  The  prevailing  interest  of  the  learned  had 
been,  since  the  eleventh  century,  to  elaborate  the  great  philosophical, 
theological  system  known  as  Scholasticism,  the  aim  of  which  was  to 
defend  the  authority  of  the  Church  by  weapons  of  logic  supplied  by 
Aristotle.  There  were  two  schools,  the  Realists  who  asserted  that 
general  ideas,  "  Universal s  "  as  they  called  them,  alone  were  real; 
opposed  to  them  were  the  Nominalists  insisting  that  they  had  no  real 


HENRY  III  107 

existence  but  were  only  names.  The  dominant  method  of  the  School- 
men was  deductive,  that  is  they  proceeded  from  general  principles 
to  particular  cases.  Bacon,  who  mastered  all  the  scientific  learning 
of  the  time  and  who  knew  Greek  and  Hebrew  as  well,  sought  to  in- 
troduce the  experimental  or  inductive  method  by  which  general  prin- 
ciples are  discovered  or  framed  from  particular  facts.  Unfortunately 
he  was  ahead  of  his  time,  he  was  suspected  of  being  a  heretic  and  ma- 
gician, and  spent  years  of  his  life  in  exile  and  confinement.  Although 
the  age  was  a  learned  one,  the  tendency  was  toward  formalism  and 
speculative  philosophy  rather  than  toward  elegant  culture,  broad 
human  interests,  and  graceful  literary  expression. 

Literature  and  Language.  —  In  this  period  the  only  historian  to 
compare  with  William  of  Malmesbury  and  William  of  Newburgh  was 
Matthew  Paris,  who  set  himself  not  only  to  record  events  but  to  com- 
ment on  their  significance  and  to  discuss  the  motives  and  character 
of  the  men  who  took  part  in  them.  Furthermore,  his  knowledge  was 
not  confined  to  purely  English  affairs,  but  included  those  of  the  Con- 
tinent as  well.  The  chronicles  were  of  course  written  in  Latin  which 
was  still  the  language  of  the  learned.  French  remained  the  elegant 
language  of  the  Court  and  upper  classes,  and  of  the  romances  by  which 
they  were  diverted.  It  was  used,  too,  in  pleadings  in  the  law  courts 
and  in  the  debates  in  the  Great  Council.  However,  because  of  the 
growing  national  sentiment,  English,  the  tongue  of  the  yeoman  and 
the  lower  classes,  was  steadily  developing  as  a  vehicle  of  literary  ex- 
pression. There  are  a  few  fine  poetic  pieces,  while,  in  village  ale- 
houses and  fairs,  strolling  minstrels  sang  of  the  early  heroes,  Arthur 
and  Merlin,  Alexander  and  Charlemagne. 

Architecture.  —  "  Architecture,  the  great  art  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
was  in  its  perfection  "  in  this  reign.  The  transition  from  the  Norman 
to  the  early  English  style  with  its  delicate  spires  and  pointed  arches 
was  complete  by  the  reign  of  John  and  under  his  successor  the  latter 
style  reached  its  maturity.  King  Henry's  chief  architectural  interest 
was  in  the  rebuilding  of  Westminster  Abbey,  though,  curiously 
enough,  this  national  monument  is  French  rather  than  English  both 
in  structure  and  in  decoration.  Very  few  castles  were  built  in  this 
period  except  along  the  frontier  districts  facing  the  Welsh  border,  and 
although  increasing  attempts  were  made  to  render  them  habitable 
by  the  addition  of  fireplaces  and  other  comforts,  the  fortified  manor 
houses  were  being  more  and  more  preferred  as  dwellings  for  the  great, 
while  the  poor  folk  still  lived  in  simple  wooden  houses. 

Foreign  Trade.  —  Merchants,  except  during  the  intervals  of  war 
with  France,  were  allowed  to  come  and  go  freely.  English  staples 


108     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

were  mainly  agricultural,  grain,  flesh,  and  dairy  produce.  Such  sur- 
plus as  was  raised  was  sold  at  local  markets  and  fairs.  Wool,  wool- 
fells,  and  hides  had  come  to  be  the  chief  articles  of  export,  along  with 
tin,  lead,  and  iron.  The  crusaders  had  given  a  great  impulse  to  inter- 
course with  the  East,  and  the  great  nobles,  lay  and  clerical,  imported 
fine  cloths,  silks,  furs,  and  jewels,  wax,  spices,  and  wines.  While  the 
best  cloth  came  from  the  looms  of  Flanders  and  the  north  of  France, 
where  most  of  the  English  wool  found  a  market,  the  Rhine  cities  sup- 
plemented the  Gascon  ports  as  sources  for  the  wine  supply,  and  the 
Hanseatic  League  controlled  the  Baltic  trade  and  brought  in  furs, 
tar,  and  fish.  The  Italian  cities  were  for  two  centuries  to  come  the' 
chief  carriers  for  the  Oriental  traffic.  Although  the  foreign  trade  was 
mainly  in  the  hands  of  foreign  merchants,  English  shipping  was  stead- 
ily increasing.  The  Cinque  Ports1  were  coming  into  importance  and 
securing  peculiar  privileges  because  of  the  ships  which  they  furnished 
for  the  royal  navy ;  as  a  matter  of  fact  they  were  still  little  better  than 
"  nests  of  chartered  sea  robbers  "  and  many  complaints  were  brought 
against  them  on  this  score ;  but  they  rendered  indispensable  serv- 
ice on  more  than  one  occasion.  Henry's  reign  is  notable  in 
many  ways  as  a  stage  in  the  progress  of  maritime  affairs;  for  ex- 
ample, licenses  to  privateers  were  first  issued,  and  the  magnet 
began  to  be  used. 

Internal  Trade.  Markets  and  Fairs.  —  The  danger  and  difficulty 
of  traveling,  as  well  as  the  innumerable  and  vexatious  charges  for  tolls 
and  ferries,  hampered  internal  trade.  There  were  some  good  roads, 
the  survival  of  Roman  times,  particularly  that  from  Dover  to  London ; 
but  many  were  almost  impassable  during  certain  seasons  in  the  year, 
and  off  the  beaten  path  the  country  was  infested  by  robbers.  Outside 
the  local  markets  and  the  towns,  trading  centered  in  the  great  annual 
fairs,  the  most  famous  of  which  were  at  Stourbridge  and  Winchester. 
The  Stourbridge  fair  —  opening  annually  18  September  for  three 
weeks  —  controlled  the  trade  of  the  eastern  counties  and  the  Baltic 
Sea,  though  every  trade  and  nationality  was  represented.  More  im- 
portant still  was  the  Winchester  fair.  Lying  between  Southampton 
and  London  it  was  the  great  mart  for  the  southeast,  and  opened  every 
year  on  the  eve  of  St.  Giles  (31  August)  for  sixteen  days.  During  the 
session  of  the  fair,  all  trade  was  suspended  in  the  neighborhood  and 
weights  and  measures  were  carefully  scrutinized ;  in  return  for  priv- 
ileges and  protection  the  merchants  paid  heavy  toll  to  the  lords  who 
controlled  the  fairs. 

1  Originally  five  port  towns  in  Sussex  and  Kent  (Hastings,  Rommey,  Hythe, 
Dover,  and  Sandwich)  to  which  two  were  subsequently  added. 


HENRY  III  109 

Native  Industries,  Towns,  and  Gilds.  —  The  progress  of  the  native 
industries  was  not  as  yet  very  great.  Agriculture,  fishing,  and  mining 
were  the  chief  pursuits.  Such  cloth  as  was  manufactured  went  to 
supply  the  needs  of  the  household,  except  in  certain  towns  where  the 
Flemish  weavers,  dyers,  and  fullers  were  established.  Each  village 
had  its  own  tanner  and  bootmaker,  smith,  carpenter,  and  miller,  and 
usually  a  professional  hunter  of  wolves,  cats,  and  otters,  and  moles 
whose  skins  were  mainly  used  for  hats.  The  towns,  however,  were 
developing  steadily,  even  the  smaller  ones  were  no  longer  the  homes 
of  agriculturists  but  contained  flourishing  organizations  of  trade  and 
handicraftsmen.  A  very  pronounced  feature  was  the  division  of 
labor.  For  instance,  in  connection  with  the  production  and  distribution 
of  each  of  the  staple  commodities,  wood  and  leather,  we  find  ten  or  a 
dozen  separate  gilds  or  companies,  each  with  its  special  quarters  or 
market.  Houses  were  arranged  with  the  dwelling  rooms  at  the  top, 
the  workshop  below,  while  the  goods  were  exposed  for  sale  under  the 
overhanging  porch  on  the  edge  of  the  street.  The  gilds  were  exercis- 
ing an  increasing  influence  on  the  town  government,  for  their  members 
occupied  the  most  important  offices,  and  municipal  affairs  were  regu- 
lated in  their  interests. 

Rural  Life.  —  After  all,  however,  England  was  still  mainly  an  agri- 
cultural country.  The  long  vacations  of  the  universities  and  the  law 
courts  are  a  survival  of  this  time  when  the  students  and  the  practi- 
tioners were  needed  at  home  to  work  on  the  harvest.  All  evidences 
point  to  a  quiet  steady  improvement  of  conditions.  Landlords  de- 
voted more  and  more  personal  attention  to  their  estates.  Though 
the  tenant  farmer  had  appeared,  he  as  yet  played  little  part  in  rural 
economy.  The  status  of  the  cultivator  continued  to  improve  and, 
more  and  more,  serfs  became  free  agricultural  laborers.  The  clergy, 
however,  were  constantly  preaching  to  the  tillers  of  the  soil  to  remain 
where  God  had  placed  them,  comparing  the  ambitious  to  the  worm 
that  thought  it  had  wings  or  the  rat  who  wished  to  marry  the  sun's 
daughter.  Owing  to  the  faulty  communications  which  made  it  nec- 
essary for  each  district  to  be  so  far  as  possible  self-sufficing,  the  waste- 
ful system  of  mixed  farming  persisted.  Wheat,  rye,  and  stock  were 
all  raised  together  without  regard  to  the  fitness  of  the  special  locality 
for  one  or  the  other,  except  in  certain  parts  of  Yorkshire  where  the 
Cistercians  devoted  themselves  to  wool  growing.  Because  of  the 
difficulty  of  transportation,  the  lords  and  even  the  kings  wandered 
about  from  manor  to  manor  to  consume  the  supplies  belonging  to  them. 
Some  magnates  had  as  many  as  ten  or  eleven  estates  scattered  over 
different  counties,  each  with  a  bailiff  to  keep  its  accounts  and  under 


no    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  general  supervision  of  a  steward  whose  duties  were  mainly  legal. 
It  was  still  practically  impossible  to  keep  any  considerable  amount  of 
stock  over  the  winter.  Aside  from  a  heavy  famine,  during  the  years 
1257-1259,  the  period  was,  in  general,  one  of  plenty  and  prosperity. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Davis;  Sir  J.  H.  Ramsay,  The  Dawn  of  the  Constitution 
(1908) ;  and  T.  F.  Tout,  Political  History  of  England  (1905),  an  interesting 
and  scholarly  account  of  the  period  from  the  accession  of  Henry  III  to  the 
death  of  Edward  I.  Stubbs,  Early  Plantagenets  (1886),  owing  to  its  group- 
ing of  topics,  gives  perhaps  the  best  brief  account  of  the  reign  of  Henry  III. 
Kate  Norgate,  The  Minority  of  Henry  III  (1912)  is  the  fullest  and  most 
recent  narrative  of  the  early  years  of  Henry  III. 

Constitutional  and  Legal.  Taylor;  A.  B.  White;  Taswell-Langmead ; 
Stubbs,  Constitutional  History ;  Pollock  and  Maitland. 

Social,  industrial,  and  intellectual  conditions.  Traill ;  Bateson ;  Davis ; 
Moody  and  Lovett ;  Taine ;  Cambridge  History  of  Literature;  Jusserand ; 
and  A.  G.  Little,  Roger  Bacon  (1914). 

Biography.  G.  W.  Prothero,  Simon  de  Montfort  (1877) ;  F.  S.  Stevenson, 
Robert  Grosseteste  (1899),  "the  most  complete  life  of  Grosseteste " ;  M. 
Creigtiton,  Historical  Lectures  and  Addresses  (1903),  three  brief  excellent 
lectures  on  Grosseteste  and  his  times. 

The  Church.  Wakeman;  Stephens;  also  F.  A.  Gasquet,  Henry  III  and 
the  English  Church  (1905),  from  the  Roman  Catholic  standpoint;  and  A. 
Jessopp,  The  Coming  of  the  Friars  (1890). 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  30-36. 


CHAPTER  XI 

EDWARD  I  AND  EDWARD  II  (1272-1327).  THE  COMPLETION  OF 
THE  FOUNDATIONS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  CONSTITUTIONAL 
SYSTEM 

Edward  I  (1272-1307),  Accession  and  Early  Life.  —  Henry  III  had 
been  dead  for  nearly  two  years  before  Edward  I  returned  from  the 
Holy  Land,  in  the  prime  of  his  young  manhood.  The  son  of  the  pet- 
tiest of  the  Angevins  and  of  a  foreign  mother,  he  seemed  far  from  fitted 
to  lead  a  people  whose  national  and  patriotic  aspirations  were  rapidly 
awakening.  Nor  did  his  childhood  or  early  youth  promise  much.  At 
fifteen  he  was  married  to  a  foreign  princess,  Eleanor  of  Castile,  and 
jousts,  tournaments,  and  the  pleasures  of  the  chase  caused  him  for  a 
time  to  neglect  graver  occupations.  The  baronial  revolt,  however, 
brought  him  for  a  season  under  the  influence  of  de  Montfort :  although 
his  royal  instincts  and  his  affection  for  his  father  soon  drew  him  from 
the  ranks  of  revolt,  he  had  learned  lessons  in  military  and  political 
affairs  which  deeply  influenced  his  future,  and  he  came  to  be  recognized 
as  the  first  truly  English  King  since  the  Norman  Conquest. 

Personal  Traits.  —  Yet,  in  spite  of  his  ancestry  and  some  unpromis- 
ing signs  in  his  youth,  Ed  ward  was  well  qualified  both  in  mind  and  body 
to  become  the  representative  of  English  hopes.  His  ^  fair  hair  and 
ruddy  cheeks  were  typically  Anglo-Saxon.  So  tall  that  he  got  the 
name  of  "  Long-shanks,"  his  commanding  presence,  united  to  skill 
in  chivalrous  exercises  and  military  ability,  were  bound  to  impress 
the  medieval  Englishman.  While  prompt  to  resist  encroachments 
of  the  Church  or  the  Papacy,  he  was  genuinely  religious;  he  was 
devout  in  visiting  shrines,  he  made  vows  in  time  of  stress,  and  when 
delivered  from  danger  and  difficulty  never  failed  to  offer  public  thanks. 
Though  he  prided  himself  on  his  truthfulness,  adopting  as  his  motto, 
Pactum  serva  ("  keep  troth  "),  yet  he  was  not  above  legal  evasions 
when  he  kept  the  letter  of  his  agreement  at  the  expense  of  the  spirit 

The  Subjugation  of  Wales  (1277-1282). — The  first  serious  problem 
that  the  King  had  to  face  was  the  conquest  of  Wales.  The  Celtic 
peoples  occupying  the  strip  of  coast  to  the  north  and  south  of  the 


112     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

peninsula  now  known  as  Wales  had  been  isolated  from  their  kinsmen 
and  had  been  conquered  and  absorbed  before  the  Conquest,  and  the 
Normans  had  set  up  earldoms  to  protect  the  Marches,  or  border, 
from  the  fierce  mountaineers  who  remained  unsubdued.  During  the 
reigns  of  John  and  Henry  III,  Llywelyn,  and  his  grandson  of  the  same 
name,  succeeded  in  extending  their  authority  over  all  Wales.  The 
older  Llywelyn  by  making  common  cause  with  the  barons  against 
John  secured  important  concessions  in  Magna  Carta.  The  younger, 
in  alliance  with  Simon  de  Montfort,  took  an  active  part  against 
Henry  III  during  the  Barons'  war,  at  the  close  of  which  the  English 
King  granted  him  extremely  liberal  terms  ;  in  return  for  homage  and 
an  indemnity  he  was  to  be  recognized  as  Prince  of  Wales  and  immediate 
lord  of  all  the  Welsh  chieftains  outside  the  limits  of  the  Marches. 
However,  when  Edward  came  to  the  throne,  Llywelyn  refused  to  per- 
form homage  or  to  pay  indemnity.  A  succession  of  invasions  and 
more  than  five  years  of  intermittent  fighting  were  required  —  during 
which  time  the  unscrupulousness  and  brutality  of  English  administra- 
tive officials  did  much  to  keep  resistance  aflame  —  before  the  defeat 
and  death  in  battle  of  Llywelyn,  1282,  enabled  the  English  King  to 
complete  the  conquest  of  Wales. 

"*•  The  Statute  of  Wales  or  Rhuddlan  (1284).  —  In  1284  the  Statute 
of  Wales  was  issued  at  Rhuddlan  to  provide  for  governing  the  recent 
acquisitions,  which  were  secured  by  fortresses.  Wales  was  formally 
annexed  to  the  English  dominions  and  the  English  shire  system  was 
extended  by  the  creation  of  four  shires  in  the  north  and  by  the  reorgan- 
ization of  two  already  established  in  the  south.  English  law  admin- 
istered by  English  sheriffs  was  introduced,  though,  wherever  possible, 
Welsh  local  customs  were  allowed  to  stand.  In  1301  the  title  of  Prince 
of  Wales  was.  conferred  on  Edward's  oldest  surviving  son,  born  at 
Carnarvon  in  1284.  This  has  been  the  customary  title  of  the  heir 
apparent  to  the  throne  ever  since. 

The  French  and  Scotch  Wars  and  Their  Consequences.  —  Within 
a  few  years  Edward  involved  himself  in  Scotch  complications  that, 
combined  with  a  French  war  which  followed,  led  to  most  significant 
consequences.  Henceforth,  English  Kings  were  constantly  inter- 
fering in  Scotch  affairs,  a  policy  which  threw  Scotland  into  the  arms 
of  France  and  established  a  close  association  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, with  a  consequent  French  influence  on  Scotch  manners  and  cus- 
toms that  left  enduring  marks.  Also  French  intrigue  so  accentuated 
the  natural  hostility  of  the  Scots  that  —  to  say  nothing  of  persistent 
plundering  raids  —  England  had  to  reckon  with  her  northern  neigh- 
bors in  every  crisis,  foreign  and  domestic,  during  the  next  four  cen- 


SCOTLAND 

REIGN  OF  EDWARD   I 

SCALE  OF  ENGLISH  MILES 


EDWARD   I  AND   EDWARD   II 

turies.  Finally,  the  wars  against  the  Scots  and  French  forced  Edward 
to  make  demands  of  money  and  service  from  his  subjects  which  re- 
sulted in  their  securing  from  him  constitutional  concessions  of  great 
and  enduring  value. 

The  Disputed  Succession  in  Scotland.  —  The  country  ruled  by  the 
Scotch  Kings  in  the  thirteenth  century  was  composed  of  many  diverse 
elements.  Although  the  Highlands  and  the  royal  race  were  Celtic, 
the  Lowlands,  forming  the  richest  and  most  populous  part  of  the  realm, 
were  inhabited  by  people  of  English  blood  with  English  institutions 
and  bound  to  England  by  close  feudal  ties.  Ever  since  the  time  of 
Edward  the  Elder,  English  Kings  had  claimed  a  shadowy  overlordship 
over  the  Scots ;  but  its  extent  and  character  had  never  been  clearly 
determined.  Suddenly,  in  1286,  Alexander  III,  the  reigning  King, 
was  killed  by  his  horse  falling,  leaving  as  his  only  direct  heir  a  little 
granddaughter,  who  died  in  1290.  In  1291  Edward  ordered  the 
Scottish  barons  and  clergy  to  meet  him,  and  announced  his  intention, 
as  Superior  and  Lord  Paramount,  to  settle  the  succession.  There 
were  no  less  than  twelve  claimants,  of  whom  the  two  leading  ones 
were  John  Balliol  and  Robert  Bruce.  The  law  of  the  case  was  re- 
ferred to  a  body  of  commissioners,  and  as  a  result  of  their  findings 
Edward  pronounced  in  favor  of  Balliol,  who  swearing  fealty  to  him 
was  crowned  in  1292  at  Scone. 

The  Conquest  of  Scotland  (1296).  The  Deposition  of  John  Bal- 
liol. —  Edward  had  intervened  in  the  interests  of  order,  and  he  ob- 
served the  law,  as  declared  by  the  commissioners,  in  his  award.  At 
the  same  time  he  took  advantage  of  the  situation  to  press  his  claims 
to  overlordship,  and  in  pursuance  of  this  policy  demanded  that  English 
courts  should  decide  cases  which  were  appealed  from  the  courts  of 
Scotland.  Balliol  sought  to  evade  this  requirement,  contracted, 
in  1295,  an  alliance  with  France,  sent  an  expedition  across  the  Border, 
and  ended,  in  1296,  by  renouncing  his  allegiance.  Thereupon,  Edward 
invaded  Scotland,  took  Balliol  prisoner,  and  forced  him  to  renounce 
his  claim  to  the  kingship.  Though  far  from  harsh,  many  of  Edward's 
measures  galled  the  already  irritated  pride  of  the  Scots.  He  made  a 
triumphal  march  through  the  country,  he  declared  the  Kingdom 
forfeited,  placed  most  of  the  great  offices  of  State  in  English  hands, 
and  carried  off  the  ancient  coronation  stone  of  Scone  to  Westminster 
Abbey  where  it  has  remained  ever  since. 

The  War  with  France  (1293).  — A  breach  with  France,  beginning 
in  1293,  arose  out  of  quarrels  between  English  and  French  sailors  due 
to  bitter  commercial  rivalry,  and  the  wily  Philip  IV,  now  King  of  France, 
seized  the  pretext  to  pronounce  the  forfeiture  of  Edward's  Gascon 


114     SHORTER  mSTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

possessions,  a  step  which  led  the  English  King  to  declare  war  in  June, 
1 294.  In  order  to  meet  the  Franco-Scottish  alliance,  concluded  the  fol- 
lowing year,  he  took  the  decisive  step  of  appealing  to  the  whole  body 
of  his  subjects  by  summoning,  in  November,  the  Model  Parliament, 
which  marks  the  culmination  of  the  growth  of  English  representative 
government  and  perhaps  the  most  important  stage  of  its  history. 

The  Beginnings  of  Parliament  to  1265.  —  The  term  "  Parliament  " 
means  literally  a  speaking  or  conferring,  and  came  to  be  applied  to 
the  body  in  which  the  speaking  took  place,  a  general  council  of  the 
realm,  summoned  by  the  King,  to  consult  on  the  affairs  of  the  realm 
and  to  transact  its  business,  to  vote  taxes,  to  enact  and  repeal  laws. 
Matthew  Paris  first  employed  the  name  in  connection  with  an  as- 
sembly of  the  Magnates,  in  1 246,  though  that  particular  body  was  no 
more  representative  or  elective  than  the  Witan  or  the  Great  Council. 
The  origin  of  the  representative  element  may  be  traced  to  the  juries 
first  employed  regularly  under  Henry  II  to  bring  criminals  to  justice, 
to  decide  suits  at  law,  and  to  assess  taxes,  and  who,  during  the  time 
of  Richard's  able  Minister,  Hubert  Walter,  came  to  be  more  and  more 
elective  in  character.  As  the  lesser  nobility  came  to  count  for  less 
in  the  Great  Council  they  began  to  identify  themselves  with  the  landed 
gentry  and  to  serve  on  juries  transacting  local  business.  In  the  course 
of  the  conflicts  under  John  and  Henry  III,  sometimes  the  Crown  and 
sometimes  the  barons  called  these  local  representatives  to  meet  with 
the  Great  Council  until  gradually  they  came  to  form  a  part  of  the  reg- 
ular machinery  of  central  government.  In  1213  it  is  recorded  that 
representatives  from  certain  towns  were  summoned  to  meet  at  St. 
Albans  in  August,  while,  in  November,  four  discreet  knights  of  each 
shire  were  called  to  Oxford  "  to  confer  with  the  King  on  the  affairs 
of  the  kingdom  "  ;  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  the  local  representatives 
appeared  at  either  place,  and  taxes  continued  for  many  years  to  be 
voted  in  councils  of  great  tenants-in-chief  and  assessed  and  collected 
in  the  separate  shires  by  representative  knights.  The  first  clear 
case  of  a  central  assembly  of  representative  knights  came  in  1254, 
when,  upon  the  refusal  of  the  bishops  and  barons  to  vote  supplies 
during  a  Gascon  campaign,  two  knights  from  each  shire  were  sum- 
moned through  the  sheriff  to  declare  what  the  electors  were  willing  to 
grant. 

The  Growth  of  Parliament  from  1265  to  1295.  —  The  next  step  was 
taken  in  1 265  when  Simon  de  Montfort  summoned  to  his  Parliament 
not  only  two  knights  from  each  shire,  but  also  two  citizens  or  burgesses 
from  each  of  twenty-one  cities  and  boroughs  which  he  selected.  This 
has  often  been  called  the  first  English  Parliament ;  but,  while  Simon 


EDWARD   I   AND   EDWARD  II  115 

deserves  credit  for  first  bringing  together  the  two  elements  that  make 
up  the  later  House  of  Commons,  his  was  not  a  completely  representa- 
tive body.  It  consisted  exclusively  of  his  own  supporters,  the  lower 
clergy  were  not  summoned  at  all ;  only  the  barons  of  his  following  were 
present,  and,  in  the  case  of  the  towns,  the  writs  were  directed  to  such 
mayors  as  were  on  his  side,  and  not,  as  came  to  be  the  case  later,  to 
the  sheriffs  of  the  shires  in  which  the  towns  were  situated.  All  one 
can  say  is  that  the  Parliament  of  1265  represented  more  classes  than 
any  which  had  met  up  to  that  time.  While,  moreover,  in  all  the  Parlia- 
ments summoned  during  the  next  thirty  years,  some  one  of  the  three 
estates  —  nobles,  clergy,  commons  —  were  either  absent  or  incom- 
pletely represented,  nevertheless,  Simon  de  Montfort  deserves  credit 
for  initiating  a  very  important  step  in  parliamentary  progress. 

The  Model  Parliament  (1295).  —  Edward's  Parliament  of  1295  was 
the  first  to  represent  all  classes.  Here  were  present  representatives 
from  the  nobility,  earls,  and  barons;  from  the  clergy,  archbishops 
and  bishops,  abbots,  priors,  heads  of  the  military  religious  orders,  deans 
of  cathedrals,  and  proctors  or  delegates  from  the  various  chapters 
and  dioceses ;  from  the  commons,  two  knights  from  each  shire  and 
representatives  from  more  than  a  hundred  cities  and  boroughs.  In 
spite  of  a  reference  in  the  writ  of  summons  to  the  "  most  righteous 
law  .  .  .  that  what  touches  all  shall  be  approved  by  all,"  Edward 
was  more  interested  in  getting  money  for  his  wars  with  France  and 
Scotland  than  in  perfecting  the  constitution  of  Parliament.  While 
some  incomplete  assemblies  met  after  1295,  the  assembly  of  that  year 
furnished  the  model  for  time  to  come.  It  was  the  work  of  the  next 
century  to  determine  how  the  estates  now  represented  should  arrange 
themselves.  The  lower  clergy  soon  dropped  out  and  transacted  their 
business  in  representative  bodies  of  their  own,  known  as  Convocations, 
of  which  there  were  two,  one  under  Canterbury  and  one  under  York, 
each  divided  into  two  houses,  an  upper  and  a  lower.  The  higher 
clergy  had  seats  both  in  the  upper  house  of  Convocation  and  in 
Parliament.  In  the  latter  body  they  soon  came  —  in  1332  —  to 
be  organized,  together  with  the  temporal  peers,  into  the  House  of 
Lords,  while  the  knights  of  the  shire  and  the  representatives  of  the 
cities  and  boroughs  united  to  form  the  House  of  Commons.1 

The  Opposition  of  the  Clergy,  the  Barons,  and    the  Merchants 

1  However,  it  was  a  long  time  before  the  Commons  came  to  appreciate  their 
privilege,  and  for  various  reasons :  it  was  a  hard  and  expensive  journey  to  West- 
minster ;  they  were  usually  called  only  to  vote  supplies,  at  first  counting  for  little 
in  the  deliberations  of  the  prelates  and  nobles ;  and  local  centers  had  to  pay  the 
salaries  of  such  representatives  as  they  sent. 


Il6     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

(1296).  —  From  the  money  granted  by  the  Model  Parliament  Edward 
was  able  to  conquer  Scotland  in  1296,  but  an  expedition  to  Gascony 
led  by  his  brother  Edmund  was  a  dismal  failure.  While  the  barons, 
knights,  and  burgesses,  assembled  in  a  new  Parliament,  November, 
1296,  made  liberal  grants  for  another  campaign  against  Philip  the 
Fair,  the  clergy  took  their  stand  on  a  bull  known  as  Clericis  laicos 
recently  issued  by  Boniface  VIII,  which  forbade  the  lay  authorities, 
under  pain  of  excommunication,  to  collect  taxes  from  the  clergy 
without  the  Pope's  consent.  Edward  replied  by  putting  them  out- 
side the  protection  of  the  law  so  that  any  man  might  plunder  them  at 
will,  and  all  lay  fiefs  of  clerks  in  the  see  of  Canterbury  who  refused  to 
pay  were  seized  by  royal  order.  Increased  necessity  soon  forced  Ed- 
ward into  conflict  with  both  the  barons  and  the  merchants.  In  a 
stormy  baronial  assembly,  the  former,  led  by  the  Marshal,  the  Earl 
of  Norfolk,  and  the  Constable,  the  Earl  of  Hereford,  refused  to  serve 
in  Gascony  unless  the  King  commanded  in  person,  and  collected  men 
at  arms  to  support  their  resistance.  The  King  embittered  the  mer- 
chants by  seizing  a  portion  of  their  wool  and  subjecting  the  remainder 
to  a  heavy  tax.  Disaffection  was  further  spread  by  requisitions  for 
grain  and  salt  throughout  the  Kingdom. 

Edward's  Expedition  to  Flanders.  Wallace's  Rising  in  Scotland 
(1297).  —  Edward's  courage  and  resource  and  the  loyalty  of  his  sub- 
jects in  the  face  of  danger  enabled  him  to  tide  over  the  crisis.  The 
clergy  grudgingly  yielded  their  quota ;  the  merchants  were  satisfied 
with  a  promise  that  they  would  be  compensated  for  their  wool  when 
peace  was  restored ;  while  the  King  paid  for  his  requisitions  and 
agreed  to  pay  for  the  services  of  all  who  would  respond  to  his  "  affec- 
tionate request."  Leaving  Prince  Edward  as  Regent,  he  departed 
for  Flanders  in  the  summer  of  1297  with  a  goodly  following.  Though 
the  Gascon  expedition  was  dropped,  Norfolk  and  Hereford  resigned 
their  offices  and  held  sullenly  aloof.  Meantime,  a  formidable  rising 
broke  out  in  Scotland  headed  by  Sir  William  Wallace,  one  of  the  Low- 
land knights.  Edward  refused  to  be  diverted  from  Flanders,  though 
he  sent  some  of  his  best  warriors  to  the  North ;  but  the  English  forces 
were  overcome  at  the  Battle  of  Stirling  Bridge,  n  September,  and 
Scotland  passed  for  the  moment  out  of  English  hands. 

The  Confirmation  of  the  Charters  (1297). — After  Edward's  departure 
for  Flanders,  those  barons  who  still  remained  disaffected  took  advan- 
tage of  the  Scotch  crisis  to  renew  their  demands.  Coming  to  Parlia- 
ment armed,  they  threatened  to  vote  no  more  supplies  and,  12  Octo- 
ber, the  Regency  was  forced  to  give  way.  The  concessions  were  em- 
bodied in  a  famous  document  known  as  the  Confirmatio  Cartarum, 


EDWARD  I  AND  EDWARD  II  117 
/• 

providing  that  the  Charter  of  Liberties  and  the  Forests  should  be 
confirmed,  that  the  King's  recent  exactions  should  not  be  made  prece- 
dents, and,  most  important  of  all,  it  was  enacted  that,  "  no  aids,  tasks 
or  prises  were  to  be  taken,  but  by  the  common  consent  of  the  realm 
and  for  the  common  profit  thereof,  saving  the  ancient  aids  and  prises 
due  and  accustomed."1  The  Confirmatio  was  ratified  by  the  King  at 
Ghent.  By  specifying  "aids,  tasks,  and  prises"  the  barons  sought  to 
cover  all  forms  of  taxes  known  to  them,  and  the  King  recognized  the 
principle  that  no  new  or  extraordinary  taxes  should  be  levied  without 
the  consent  of  Parliament.  At  least  twice  afterwards  Edward  evaded 
the  spirit  of  his  concessions;  moreover,  in  1305,  he  secured  from  the 
Pope  a  solemn  absolution  from  the  engagement  of  1297.  Yet,  in  spite  * 
of  all  wriggling,  a  principle  had  been  formulated  and  recognized  which 
was  to  influence  profoundly  the  course  of  English  constitutional 
history. 

Peace  with  France  (1299).  Defeat  and  Execution  of  Wallace 
(I3°5)-  — Edward  accomplished  little  in  Flanders,  and,  as  Philip  IV 
was  not  anxious  to  continue  fighting,  a  peace  was  arranged  in  1297  — 
concluded  in  1299  —  by  which  each  party  was  to  retain  what  he  had 
at  the  beginning  of  the  war.  Thus  the  English  King  was  free  to  take 
the  field  against  the  Scots,  and,  22  July,  1298,  met  and  defeated  the 
forces  of  Wallace  at  Falkirk.  In  spite  of  his  victory,  Edward,  owing 
to  desertions,  and  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  had  to  march  south  in 
the  early  winter  of  1299,  leaving  southern  Scotland  still  unconquered. 
Two  campaigns,  in  1300  and  1301,  were  equally  inconclusive,  indeed, 
it  was  not  till  1304  that  Edward  was  able  to  strike  a  decisive  blow. 
William  Wallace,  who  held  out  after  the  bulk  of  his  countrymen  had 
submitted,  was  betrayed  by  a  Scot  in  the  King's  service,  was  taken  to 
London,  and  executed. 

Robert  Bruce.  Edward's  Last  Campaign  against  the  Scots 
(1307).  — In  spite  of  wise  laws  which  Edward  framed  for  them,  the 
Scots  remained  unreconciled.  A  leader  arose  in  Robert  Bruce,  the 
grandson  of  Balliol's  old  rival,  who  was  crowned  at  Scone,  25  March, 
1306. 2  Edward,  regardless  of  the  infirmities  of  age,  hastily  made 
preparation  and  started  north ;  but  died,  7  July,  1307,  before  he  reached 
the  Border.  The  approach  of  death  did  not  diminish  his  hatred  toward 
his  opponents.  By  his  order,  Edwardus  Primus,  Scotorum  Malleus, 
Pactum  Serva,  was  inscribed  on  his  tomb,  while  he  further  ordered 

1  The  Statutum  De  Tallagio  non  concedendo,  formerly  accepted  as  a  statute,  was 
probably  a  preliminary  draft  of  the  baronial  demands. 

2  Every  one  has  heard  how  in  one  of  his  discouraging  moments  when  he  was  a 
fugitive  in  the  lonely  wastes  a  spider  taught  him  patience. 


Il8     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

that  his  bones  should  be  carried  with  the  army  whenever  the  Scots 
rebelled,  and  only  buried  after  their  defeat.  His  was  a  noble  idea  to 
unite  the  various  races  of  Britain  into  a  single  nation ;  but  to  seek  to 
carry  it  out  in  the  teeth  of  such  intense  opposition  was  criminal  folly 
and  involved  England  and  Scotland  in  untold  losses  of  men  and  money. 
Elsewhere,  beyond  the  English  borders,  Edward's  management  of 
affairs  was  not  unsuccessful.  He  had  reduced  Wales ;  to  Ireland,  in 
spite  of  bristling  difficulties,  he  was  able  to  give  a  fairly  satisfactory 
rule ;  also  he  frustrated  Philip's  attempt  to  seize  Gascony,  and  admin- 
istered the  country  with  few  complaints  from  either  barons  or  com- 
mons. 

V  His  Work  as  Administrative  Organizer  and  Lawgiver.  —  It  was  as 
an  administrative  organizer  and  lawgiver  that  Edward  did  his  most 
enduring  work.  His  task  was  to  resume  what  Henry  II  had  begun, 
to  preserve  what  was  best  and  adapt  it  to  new  conditions,  to  accept  at 
the  same  time  the  most  beneficial  and  necessary  of  the  reforms  which 
had  been  forced  on  the  Crown  under  John  and  Henry  III,  and  to  fuse 
the  old  and  the  new  into  the  structure  of  the  Constitution.  Although 
he  adapted  and  supplemented  rather  than  originated,  he  completed 
the  ground  plan  of  the  English  government  as  it  exists  to-day.  Those 
who  came  after  had  only  to  complete  the  edifice  on  the  foundations 
which  he  had  reared.  By  the  end  of  his  reign  the  principle  was  ac- 
cepted that  the  King  was  in  general  bound  to  respect  the  privileges  of 
his  subjects  and  to  observe  the  laws  of  the  land ;  that  the  voice  of  the 
people  should  be  declared  in  Parliament,  a  body,  which  for  the  first 
time  completely  represented  all  three  classes  of  the  realm,  and  that 
all  taxes,  except  those  sanctioned  by  custom,  should  be  granted  by 
this  body.1  Moreover,  the  common  man  was  protected  more  securely 
than  ever  before  by  the  law  of  the  land  against  the  feudal  lord ;  the 
three  common  law  courts,  the  King's  Bench,  the  Common  Pleas, 
and  the  Exchequer,  had  taken  shape  each  with  its  distinct  records ; 
the  circuits  and  functions  of  the  itinerant  justices  had  been  carefully 
marked  out,  and  the  Council,  to  assist  the  King  in  his  deliberations, 
had  become  a  recognized  institution ;  and  a  body  of  officials  under  the 
Chancellor  was  emerging  which  was  to  judge  suits  on  their  merits 
by  right  or  "  equity  "  when  the  common  law  was  too  inelastic  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  an  individual  case.  All  this  and  more  was  brought 
about  largely  by  a  series  of  laws  or  statutes  so  comprehensive,  and  so 
superior  in  numbers  and  importance  that  the  reign  can  almost  be  said 
to  mark  the  beginnings  of  English  legislation. 

1  These  principles  were  often  violated  in  subsequent  centuries  to  come ;   but  it 
was  much  to  have  secured  their  recognition  thus  early. 


EDWARD   I  AND   EDWARD   II  119 

The  First  and  Second  Statutes  of  Westminster  (1275,  1285).  — 
Edward  was  determined  to  correct  the  abuses  of  officials  acting  in 
his  name,  as  well  as  to  enforce  the  royal  rights :  to  that  end,  ordinances 
were  issued  to  prevent  extortion.  The  royal  attitude  is  manifest  too, 
in  the  first  and  second  Statutes  of  Westminster,  enacted  in  1275  and 
1285  respectively,  which  aimed  "  to  redress  the  state  of  the  Realm  in 
such  things  as  required  amendment  .  .  .  that  Common  Right  be 
done  to  allT-a&-well  Poor  as  Rich,  without  respect  to  Persons."  These 
two  Statutes  are  mainly  a  summary  restatement  of  previous  enact- 
ments such  as  Magna  Carta  and  the  Provisions  of  Westminster,  and 
of  the  best  features  of  the  administrative  measures  of  Henry  II,  and 
his  successors.  While  their  main  aim  is  to  deal  with  existing  abuses  ' 
in  royal  and  feudal  jurisdiction  and  to  regulate  the  procedure  of  the 
courts  rather  than  to  formulate  new  general  principles,  the  second 
Statute  contains  one  important  new  provision  —  "  concerning  con- 
ditional gifts,"  de  donis  condiiionalibus.  It  established  entailed 
estates ;  that  is,  estates  that  should  be  handed  down  in  an  order  of 
succession  established  by  the  original  donor,  failing  which  they  should 
go  back  to  him  and  his  heirs.  The  measure  was  acceptable  both  to 
the  King  and  to  the  great  nobles,  to  the  former  because  it  enabled 
him,  when  the  conditions  were  not  fulfilled,  to  get  back  lands  originally 
granted  by  the  Crown,  to  the  latter  because  it  prevented  their  estates 
from  being  diminished  by  division  among  heirs  or  in  payment  of  debt. 

The  Statute  of  "Mortmain"  or  de  Religiosis  (1279).  —  In  1279 
Edward  attempted  to  deal  with  another  grievance.  The  Church  had 
gradually  absorbed  fully  a  third  of  the  lands  of  the  kingdom,  and 
these  Church  lands  were  said  to  be  held  in  "Mortmain,"  as  if  by  a 
dead  hand  that  never  relaxes  its  grasp,  for  corporations,  unlike  fam- 
ilies, never  died.  Moreover,  ecclesiastical  holdings  were  exempt  from 
most  of  the  military  obligations  and  other  services,  such  as  wardships, 
marriages,  and  reliefs.  In  consequence,  the  custom  arose  for  those 
who  wished  to  evade  those  obligations  to  grant  their  lands  to  the 
Church  on  condition  of  enjoying  part  of  the  income.  In  order  to  check 
this  abuse  Edward  enacted  his  famous  statute  De  Religiosis,  or  Mort- 
main, prohibiting  such  grants  without  royal  license.1 

The  Statute  of  Winchester  (1285).  —  By  the  Statute  of  Winchester 
the  King  sought  to  revive  and  reorganize  the  old  institutions  of  na- 
tional police  and  defense.  Every  district  was  to  be  responsible  for 
the  robberies,  murders,  burnings,  thefts,  and  other  crimes  committed 
within  its  borders.  In  walled  towns  the  gates  were  to  be  shut  from 

1  The  effect  was  regulative  rather  than  prohibitive,  for  many  licenses  for  aliena- 
tion were  given. 


120     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

sunset  to  sunrise,  and  during  the  summer  months  the  inhabitants 
were  to  set  a  watch  at  each  gate,  strangers  were  to  be  arrested  and 
examined,  and  those  who  escaped  were  to  be  followed  by  the  watch, 
with  hue  and  cry,  "  from  town  to  town  until  that  they  be  taken  and 
delivered  to  the  sheriff."  It  was  further  enacted  that  every  man,  in 
proportion  to  his  lands  and  goods,  was  to  provide  himself  with  arms 
and  armor,  according  to  the  ancient  Assize  of  Henry  II.  View  of 
armor  was  to  be  made  twice  every  year,  and  in  every  hundred  and 
franchise  two  constables  were  to  be  chosen  to  perform  this  task, 
and,  likewise,  to  report  to  the  justices  all  failures,  in  their  district, 
to  keep  arms  and  armor,  to  punish  crime,  to  follow  the  hue  and 
cry,  as  well  as  all  illegal  harboring  of  strangers,  while  the  justices 
were  in  their  turn  to  report  such  information  to  the  King  at  every 
Parliament. 

Expulsion  of  the  Jews  (1290).  —  One  step  backward  taken  by  Ed- 
ward was  his  expulsion  of  the  Jews,  in  1290.  Welcomed  by  the  Con- 
queror and  his  sons  as  agents  for  extorting  money  from  their  subjects, 
they  were  carefully  protected  by  Henry  II.  Although  legally  chattels 
of  the  Crown,  practically  they  became  masters  of  the  resources  of  the 
kingdom.  Especially,  since  usury,  or  the  taking  of  interest,  was  for- 
bidden by  the  law  of  the  Church,  the  bulk  of  the  business  of  money 
lending  fell  into  Jewish  hands.  Cruel  massacres  at  the  opening  of 
Richard's  reign  indicate  the  popular  hatred  against  them,  due  to 
their  exemption  from  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  to  their  extortion  for 
which  they  were  not  altogether  to  blame.  Also  they  were  accused  of 
openly  mocking  at  the  belief  and  ceremonies  of  the  Church,  and  wild 
stories  were  circulated  of  their  buying  Christian  boys  to  crucify  them. 
The  old  accusations  were  repeated  in  the  reign  of  Edward  with  many 
more  besides ;  for  example,  they  were  charged  with  playing  into  the 
hands  of  the  rich  by  making  over  small  mortgages  to  great  landowners 
and  even  of  forgery  and  money  clipping.  Edward  was  prejudiced 
against  them,  and  his  mother  and  the  clergy  were  even  more  so ; 
consequently,  he  readily  agreed  to  drive  them  out  in  return  for  a 
parliamentary  grant.  By  his  bigotry  he  deprived  himself  of  useful 
servants,  and,  no  doubt,  seriously  retarded  the  financial  development 
of  the  country.  It  was  centuries  before  the  Jews  were  allowed  to 
return  to  England. 

The  Statute  of  Westminster  III.  Quia  Emptores,  1290. — The 
same  year,  1290,  is  notable  for  the  passing  of  the  third  Statute  of  West- 
minster, otherwise  known  as  Quia  Emptores,  from  the  opening  words : 
"  For  as  much  as  purchasers  of  land."  It  aimed_to  prevent  thejro- 
cessofjncreasing sub-infeudation,  whereby  services  due  to  great  land- 


EDWARD  I  AND  EDWARD  II  121 

owners  were  becoming  so  divided  and  confused  that  it  was  difficult 
to  keep  track  of  them.  Henceforth,  lands  granted  by  a  tenant  ceased 
to  be  under  his  control  and  passed  to  that  of  his  lord.  In  other  words, 
the  grantee  was  not  the  vassal  of  the  grantor ;  but  of  the  grantor's 
lord.  As  the  Statute  expressly  authorized  the  sale  or  alienation  of 
lands  under  such  conditions,  many  landowners  from  financial  necessity 
took  advantage  of  the  authorization,  in  spite  of  the  restriction,  and 
since  the  King  was  in  many  cases  the  overlord,  the  number  of  small 
freeholders  was  greatly  increased. 

Edward  as  a  Ruler.  Significance  of  his  Reign.  —  Edward  I  was  a 
masterful  man  who  sought  to  be  every  inch  a  King,  but  he  had  the 
good  of  his  subjects  at  heart  and  spent  his  life  in  their  service.  While 
claiming  all  that  was  due  him,  he  was  wise  enough  to  recognize  the 
limitations  put  upon  the  royal  authority  in  the  struggles  of  the  century 
by  admitting  the_two  great^jrinciples  that  Parliament  should  represent 
all  classes  and  that  it  -  should  have  a  voice  in  granting  all  revenues 
over  and  above  those  belonging  to  the  King  by  law  and  ancient 
usage.  When,  in  addition,  his  legislative  activity,  his  judicial  and 
administrative  reforms  and  all  his  other  work  is  taken  into  account, 
it  is  evident  that  his  reign  is  one  of  the  most  notable  in  the  annals  of 
the  country. 

Edward  II  (1307-1327).  The  Ordinances  of  1311.  —  Edward  of 
Carnarvon,  the  unworthy  son  of  a  worthy  father,  had  been  carefully 
trained  in  the  business  of  war  and  state ;  he  had  acted  as  Regent  in 
1297,  and  accompanied  his  father  on  his  later  Scotch  campaigns; 
nevertheless,  he  had  no  inclination  or  aptitude  for  business,  and  was 
so  yielding  in  temper  that  he  was  the  victim  of  unscrupulous  favorites, 
unhappily  choosing  the  worst  when  he  needed  the  best.  In  the  in- 
cessant conflicts  which  plagued  the  country  from  his  very  accession, 
the  political  issues,  if  they  can  be  called  such,  were  on  a  distinctly  lower 
level  than  those  of  the  last.  The  King  was  opposed,  not  as  a  strong 
man  seeking  to  solve  national  problems  in  his  own  way,  but  because 
he  was  extravagant,  frivolous,  and  incapable,  while  on  the  other  hand, 
the  men  who  led  the  fight  against  him  were,  even  more  than  those  of 
the  preceding  generation,  seeking  personal  and  class  privileges. 

Edward's  heavy  exactions  and  misgovernment  received  their  first 
check  and  the  first  acute  crisis  came  to  a  head,  when  in  March,  1310, 
the  barons,  in  the  teeth  of  the  royal  prohibition,  assembled  fully  armed, 
and  forced  the  King  to  assent  to  the  appointment  of  a  body  of  twenty- 
one  commissioners  to  reform  the  administration.  These  Lords 
Ordainers,  as  the_y_  were  called,  drew  up  a  body  of  "Ordinances" 
which  aimed  not  only  to  reform  the  whole  system  of  finance  and  ad- 


122     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

ministration  of  justice,  but  to  transfer  the  governing  power  from  the 
Crown  to  a  narrow  baronial  oligarchy.  In  a  frantic  effort  to  save 
his  favorite,  Piers  Gaveston  —  a  greedy  adventurer  and  trifler  whose 
mocking  tongue  had  contributed  to  estrange  many  of  the  royal  oppo- 
nents—  Edward  put. off  ratifying  the  Ordinances  till  October,  1311, 
and  then  broke  his  pledge.  Thereupon  the  barons  took  up  arms, 
captured  Gaveston  and,  after  a  trial  which  was  but  a  farce,  beheaded 
him,  19  May,  1312. 

The  Scotch  Victory  at  Bannockburn  (1314).  —  Although  this 
brought  him  to  time,  Edward  failed  to  profit  by  the  lesson.  In  con- 
sequence of  his  inability  to  attach  his  opponents  to  his  service,  the 
Scots  were  able  to  inflict  on  the  English  the  most  disastrous  defeat-in 
the  centuries  of  conflict  between  the  two  countries.  In  the  early 
summer  of  1314  Edward  marched  to  relieve  Stirling  Castle  which  the 
Scots  were  besieging.  Though  the  hostile  barons  refused  to  follow  in 
person  and  only  grudgingly  sent  their  legal  contingents,  the  English 
army  was  the  greatest  ever  yet  sent  to  invade  the  north  and  outnum- 
bered the  enemy  more  than  two  to  one.  The  battle,  fought  24  June, 
in  the  royal  park  between  Bannockburn  and  Stirling  Castle  ended  in 
a  complete  rout  for  the  English.  Edward  fled  to  Dunbar,  whence  he 
took  to  the  sea  and  never  stopped  until  he  reached  his  own  kingdom. 
During  the  remainder  of  the  reign  the  northern  border  suffered  one 
inroad  after  another.  In  1323  Edward,  though  he  still  refused  to 
acknowledge  Bruce  as  King  of  the  Scots,  concluded  a  truce  which  was 
still  in  force  at  the  close  of  the  reign. 

Temporary  Triumph  and  the  Declaration  of  1322.  —  Edward 
subsequently  found  new  favorites  in  the  two  Despensers,  father  and 
son,  who  although  "  neither  foreigners  nor  upstarts,"  were  regarded 
with  envy  by  the  barons  because  of  their  greed  and  ambition.  Even- 
tually they  broke  into  armed  revolt  in  1322 ;  _but_th_is  timejdraard 
was  able  to  raise  a  force  strongjenough  to  gain  a. .victory.  As  a  result, 
the  Ordinances  were  revoked  in  a  Parliament  held  the  same  year  and 
the  important  principle  enunciated  that :  "  matters  which  are  to  be 
established  for  the  estate  of  our  Lord  the  King  and  his  heirs,  and  for 
the  estate  of  the  realm  and  the  people,  shall  be  treated,  accorded,  and 
established  in  Parliament  by  the  King  and  by  the  Council  of  the  prel- 
ates, earls,  and  barons,  and  the  commonality  of  the  realm."  How- 
ever, nothing  came  of  this  bid  for  popular  support;  the  flighty  Ed- 
ward proved  incapable  of  winning  the  people  anymore  than  the  barons. 
For  four  years,  from  1322  to  1326,  he  ruled  completely  subject  to  the 
Despensers.  Disorder,  failure,  treachery  were  the  results.  To  cap 
all,  ths  Despensers  affronted  Queen  Isabella,  a  passionate,  unscrupu- 


EDWARD   I  AND   EDWARD   II  123 

lous  woman  embittered  by  humiliation  and  neglect,  who  eagerly  seized 
an  opportunity  which  presented  itself  to  overthrow  the  hated  coun- 
selors, and,  as  it  turned  out,  her  Consort  as  well. 

Overthrow  and  Deposition  of  the  King  (1326-1327).  —  In_r^S 
Isabella  found  a  pretext  for  going  to  Prance,  where,  aided  by  Roger 
Mortimer,  one_of_th_e_disaf|ected  lords,  she  gathered  a  party  about  her. 
In_^eptejiLbex  shei-. invaded,  England,  and  before  the  close  of  the  year 
both  the  Despensers,  against  whom  she  had  proclaimed  war,  fell  into 
her  hands  and  were  put  to  death.  For  the  King,  who  was  also  taken 
prisoner,  a  longer  period  of  debasement  and  suffering  was  reserved. 
Parliament  assembled,  January,  1327.  In  a  tumultuous  meeting  Prince 
Edward,  a  boy  of  fourteen,  was  chosen  King.  Then  six  articles  were 
framed  to  justify  the  deposition  of  his  father.  They  declared  in 
substance :  "  that  he  was  incompetent  to  govern,  that  he  had  neglected 
the  business  of  the  kingdom  for  unbecoming  occupations,  that  he  had 
lost  Scotland  .  .  .  that  he  had  imprisoned,  exiled,  and  put  to  death 
many  of  the  noble  men  of  the  land,  that  he  had  broken  his  coronation 
oath,  especially  in  the  matter  of  doing  justice  to  all,  that  he  had  ruined 
the  realm,  and  there  was  no  hope  of  his  correction."  After  he  had, 
with  much  weeping,  accepted  the  decree,  homage  and  fealty  were 
solemnly  renounced.  Even  yet,  the  furious  Queen  pursued  him  with 
unrelenting  ferocity  until  finally  he  was  murdered,  at  Berkeley  Castle, 
21  September,  1327.  The  folly  of  Edward  of  Carnarvon  brought  upon 
him  a  terrible  retribution,  though  the  instruments  of  his  downfall  were 
most  unworthy.  Yet  one  step  in  their  procedure  was  fraught  with 
significance.  They  took  a  long  stride  in  the  direction  of  popular 
liberty  when  they  called  upon  Parliament,  as  the  voice  of  the  people, 
to  declare  the  great  principle  that  allegiance  to  a  King,  who  had  ceased 
to  govern  in  the  interest  of  his  subjects,  might  be  renounced. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Tout;  Ramsay,  The  Dawn  of  the  Constitution  and  The 
Genesis  of  Lancaster  (1913) ;  K.  H.  Vickers,  England  in  the  Later  Middle 
Ages  (1913) ;  and  E.  Jenks,  Edward  Plantagenet  (1902),  particularly  good 
for  the  legislation  of  Edward  I. 

Constitutional.  White,  Taylor;  Taswell-Langmead ;  and  Stubbs, 
Constitutional  History;  Maitland,  Constitutional  History  of  England  (1908) 
gives  (pp.  18-164)  an  excellent  account  of  the  public  law  in  the  time  of 
Edward  I ;  Medley's  Manual  contains  a  good  summary  of  the  origin  and 
development  of  Parliament.  C.  S.  Mcllwain,  The  High  Court  of  Parliament 
and  its  Supremacy  (1910)  is  an  able  discussion  of  the  boundaries  between 
legislative  and  judicial  powers.  L.  0.  Pike,  The  Constitutional  History  oj 


124     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  House  of  Lords  (1894)  the  standard  work  on  the  subject.  For  a  full 
account  of  the  origin  and  development  of  the  law  courts,  see  W.  S.  Holds- 
worth,  History  of  English  Law  (1903),  I. 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  37-55. 

Scotland.  P.  H.  Brown,  History  of  Scotland  (3  vols.,  1899-1909)  is  the 
best  brief  history. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  III  (1327-1377)-  THE  BEGINNING  OF 
THE  HUNDRED  YEARS'  WAR.  CHIVALRY  AT  ITS  HEIGHT. 
THE  GROWING  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  COMMONS.  THE  IN- 
CREASE OF  NATIONAL  SENTIMENT.  FIRST  ATTACKS  ON 
THE  POWER  OF  ROME 

The  Misgovernment  of  Isabella  and  Mortimer  (1327-1330).  —  Al- 
though Parliament  appointed  a  guardian  for  young  Edward  and  a 
Council  to  carry  on  the  government  during  his  minority,  the  real  power 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Queen  Mother  and  Mortimer,  who  shamelessly 
appropriated  two  thirds  of  the  royal  revenue  and  were  so  high-handed 
that  "  no  one  dared  to  open  his  mouth  for  the  good  of  the  King  or  of 
the  kingdom."  This  continued  till  1330,  when  Edward,  now  eight- 
een, determined  to  put  an  end  to  their  intolerable  rule.  With  a 
trusty  follower  and  a  body  of  men-at-arms  he  seized  the  guilty  pair, 
and  issued  a  proclamation  that  henceforth  he  would  govern  himself. 
Heavy  charges  were  framed  in  Parliament  against  Mortimer,  who 
was  condemned  without  a  hearing,  and  hanged  29  November,  while 
Isabella  was  allowed  to  live  in  honorable  retirement  till  her  death, 
assuming  a  nun's  habit  in  her  later  years. 

Character  of  the  New  King.  —  Edward,  now  truly  King,  shone  dur- 
ing most  of  a  long  and  eventful  reign  as  the  typical  hero  of  chivalry. 
Generous  to  a  fault,  with  a  bearing  at  once  courtly  and  winning,  he 
excelled  in  "  beautiful  feats  of  arms,"  both  in  the  tournament  and  in 
war.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was  ambiticLUS,  prodigal,  and  ostentatious, 
having  no  interest  in  his  people  except  in  so  far  as  they  contributed 
resources  for  his  pleasures  and  his  warlike  designs.  Hence,  while  he 
dazzled  them  for  a  time  by  the  glories  he  achieved,  he  failed  in  the 
long  run  to  .win -their  hearts,  and  reverses  in  his  later  years  left  him  a 
broken,  deserted  man.  Spending  most  of  his  life  fighting,  now  with 
France,  now  with  Scotland,  he  brought  England  into  a  prominence 
that  she  had  never  before  enjoyed,  but  the  price  was  a  heavy  one,  and 
the  ultimate  result  was  failure.  Other  aspects  of  his  reign,  less  dra- 

125 


126     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 


matic,  were  enduring.  Parliament  shaped  itself  into  the  modern 
of  Lords  and  House  of  Commons,  while  the  Lower  House  began  to 
assert  rights  which  point  the  way  to  its  later  position  as  mouthpiece 
of  the  nation.  Commerce  advanced  with  tremendous  strides,  feu- 
dalism and  chivalry  yielded  to  the  rising  importance  of  the  middle 
class,  and  ajnew  literature  in  the  national  tongue  made  its  appearance. 
Significant  religious  changes  manifested  themselves,  forerunners  of  a 
movement  which  was,  in  less  than  two  centuries,  to  overthrow  the 
universal  supremacy  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Finally,  labor  and  capital 
began  a  conflict  which*  has  continued  with  varying  intensity  even  to 
this  day. 

The  Hundred  Years'  War  and  its  Significance.  —  In  April,  1328, 
Robert  Bruce  died,  leaving  a  little  son  David  as  his  heir.  Thereupon, 
Edward  Balliol  set  himself  up  as  king,  and,  with  the  support  of  an 
expedition  sent  by  Edward  III,  overcame  the  party  of  Bruce  at  Hali- 
don  Hill.  The  little  David  was  sent  to  France,  and  the  determination 
of  Philip  IV  to  assist  him  plunged  England  into  a  war  which  lasted 
well  into  the  next  century. 

"  The  Hundred  Years'  War,"  as  it  is  called,  profoundly  affected 
many  aspects  of  English  history.  Socially,  it  brought  the  middle 
and  lower  classes  to  the  front,  for  it  demonstrated  in  battle  the  su- 
periority of  the  yeoman  archer  over  the  mailed  knight,  and  it.pro-^ 
duced  poverty  and  discontent  which  contributed  much  to,  labor  risings 
of  peasants  against  their  lords.  Politically,  it  resulted  in  notable 
concessions  wrung'from  the  King  as  a  result  of  his  need  of  money  for 
carrying  on  campaigns.  Moreover,  owing  to  a  considerable  degree 
to  the  fact  that  the  Papacy  fell  temporarily  under  the  control  of  France, 
a  conflict  with  Rome  was  developed  which  culminated  in  the  Reforma- 
tion. Finally,  the  war  created  a  spirit  of  nationality  in  the  two  coun- 
tries ;  England  as  purely  English  and  France  as  purely  French  are  a 
product  of  this  struggle. 

Causes  of  the  Hundred  Years'  War.  —  In  the  first  year  of  the  war, 
7  October,  1337,  Edward  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  France.  Al- 
though this  was  a  mere  pretext,  although  other  and  more  complex 
causes  made  the  conflict  inevitable,  it  is  necessary  to  understand  the 
grounds  on  which  he  based  his  claims.  On  the  death  of  Charles  IV, 
in  1328,  it  was  maintained,  in  behalf  of  Edward,  that  his  mother,  sister 
of  the  late  King,  was  the  next  lineal  heir.  The  peers  of  France,  how- 
ever, decided  in  favor  of  Philip,  an  uncle  of  Charles  IV,  on  the  ground 
that,  by  the  law  of  the  Salian  Franks  —  one  of  the  ancestral  tribes  of 
the  modern  Frenchmen  —  women  could  neither  inherit  estates  nor 
transmit  them  to  a  son.  After  some  negotiations,  Edward  accepted 


THE  REIGN  OF   EDWARD   III    (1327-1377)  127 

the  situation  and  did  homage  to  the  new  monarch,  Philip  VI,  for  his 
possessions  in  France.  Philip,  however,  burning  to  extend  his  sway 
over  Guyenne,  irritated  him  by  constant  encroachments.  Then  came 
Philip's  espousal  of  the  cause  of  the  Scots.  While  these  were  the  two 
main  causes  which  led  to  Edward's  resumption  of  his  pretensions  to 
the  French  succession  and  his  subsequent  invasion,  other  reasons 
contributed  to  urge  him  on.  Chief  among  them  was  the  English  King's 
desire  to  get  a  foothold  in  the  County  of  Flanders  where  the  Flemings, 
the  great  cloth  makers  of  the  period,  h#d  recently  revolted  against  their 
overlord,  Count  Louis,  who  suppressed  them  with  French  aid,  and 
sought  to  prevent  Edward  from  entering  into  negotiations  with  his 
disaffected  cities  by  prohibiting  all  commercial  intercourse  with  the 
English,  and  by  seizing  their  merchants  and  confiscating  their  goods. 
The  Opening  of  the  War  (1337),  and  Edward's  First  Campaigns 
(1338-1340).  —  Before  embarking  on  a  campaign  Edward  sought  alli- 
ances abroad,  of  which  the  most  imposing  was  with  the  Emperor  Louis, 
the  Bavarian.  Philip  VI,  who  formed  counter-alliances,  began  war,  24 
May,  1337,  bypronouncing  the  seizure  of  Guyenne  where  several  castles 
were  besieged  and  capitulated.  The  people  of  Ghent^  embittered  by 
the  interference  with  their  trade,  put  at  their  head  Jacques  Van  Arte- 
veld,  a  rich  cloth  merchant.  The  leading  Flemish  cities  joined  with 
Ghent,  and,  in  June,  1338,  concluded  a  treaty  of  commerce.  In_Jijlv_ 
Edward  sailed  for  Flanders ;  but  while  the  Emperor  Louis,  as  temporal 
Tiiead  of  Christendom,  solemnly  guaranteed  his  title  to  the  crown  of 
France,  his  allies  were  slow  in  coming  to  his  aid,  his  finances  were  in- 
adequate, and  it  was  months  before  he  was  ready  to  face  his  enemy. 
Finally,  in  October,  1339,  he  invaded  France.  Philip,  who  had  a  glori- 
ous array,  sent  a  herald  with  a  formal  challenge  to  a  pitched  battle ; 
yet  when  the  English  King  eagerly  accepted  his  challenge,  he  sud- 
denly turned  about  and  started  for  Paris.  Edward  returned  to  Flan- 
ders, and,  in  February  1340,  crossed  over  to  England  leaving  hostages 
to  the  Flemings  for  his  enormous  debts.  The  campaign  had  been  little 
more  than  a  grand  parade,  though  the  poor  folk  along  his  line  of  march 
suffered  bitterly,  for  flaming  towns  and  villages  marked  the  wake  of 
his  progress  through  a  fertile  and  populous  district.  To  the  knightly 
class  war  was  a  noble  pastime;  to  the  peasantry  it  was  a  gruesome 
reality.  Equipped  with  new  supplies,  Edward  started  on  a  second 
expedition  22  June,  1340.  Brushing  aside  the  French  fleet  lurking  to 
intercept  him  along  the  Flemish  coast,  he  made  himself  master  of  the 
narrow  seas ;  but  the  land  campaign  was  fully  as  futile  and  inglorious 
as  that  of  the  previous  year.  Philip  cautiously  refused  io  fight ;  Ed- 
ward's allies  proved  as  apathetic  as  ever,  and  his  debts  accumulated 

TV 


128     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

steadily.  So  he  patched  up  a  truce,  and,  in  November,  stole  "  away 
privately  for  England  to  elude  his  creditors."  One  by  one  his  allies 
dropped  off,  the  last  to  go  being  the  Flemish  cities,  after  the  murder 
of  their  leader,  Van  Arteveld,  in  a  popular  rising  in  1345. 

The  Campaign  of  1346  and  the  Battle  of  Crecy  (26  August).— 
Largely  owing  to  lack  of  funds,  Edward  was  unable  to  resume  active 
hostilities  till  1346,  when  the  first  notable  triumph  in  the  Hundred 
Years'  War  was  achieved.  Landing^ on  the  Norman  coast,  12  July,  he 
had  intended  to  march  south  and  join  another  English  force  which  had 
been  operating  in  Gascony  since  the  previous  year,  but  finding  that  the 
main  French  army  under  Philip's  son  John  blocked  his  way,  he  turned 
north  and  made  for  the  Flemish  coast.  Philig,  who  had  hastily  gath- 
ered additional  forces,  sent  detachments  ahead  and  made  vain  efforts 
to  intercept  him  first  at  the  .Seine  and  then  at  the  Somme.  Edward, 
having  successfully  forded  the  latter  river  — for  the  bridges  were  all 
destroyed  or  securely  guarded  —  halted  aj  CVAy  and  disposed  his 
forces  on  the  slope  of  a  hillside,  his  men-at-arms  dismounted  and  pro- 
tected on  both  flanks  by  archers,  to  give  battle  to  Philip  and  the  bulk 
of  his  army  hurrying  in  pursuit.  ThejML  Philip  jtttacked^zb  August, 
with  a  force  estimated  at  60,000,  or  three  tunes  the  number  of  the 
English.  However,  his  crossbowmen,  his  men-at-arms  and,  finally, 
his  mailed  knights  in  successive  charges  were  stopped,  riddled,  and 
routed  by  the  deadly  flight  of  the  arrows  of  the  English  longbowmeji. 
Night  ended  the  carnage,  when  Philip,  after  leading  a  final  vain  charge, 
was  persuaded  to  withdraw.  Edward's  son,  the  Black  Prince,  a  youth 
of  sixteen,  won  his  spurs  in  the  brunt  of  the  battle.  At  Crecy,  Edward 
completed  successfully  a  foolhardy  campaign  by  a  victory  due  to  splen- 
did tactics,  to  the  choice  of  a  strong  position,  and  a  skillful  combination 
of  archers  and  men-at-arms.  The  ultimate  consequences  were  mo- 
mentous ;  for  the  very  foundations  of  medieval  society  were  shaken 
when  the  flower  of  French  mailed  knighthood  had  to  yield  to  yeomen 
archers,  and  to  Welsh  and  Irish  serfs  armed  with  knives  and  spears. 
It  was  a  mortal  blow  at  the  old  system  of 'warfare  and  the  social  and 
political  structure  built  on  it. 

The  Siege  and  Capture  of  Calais  (1346-1347).  —  On.  2$  August, 
Edward  started  for  Calais,  which  he  was  anxious  to  secure.  Not  only 
was  it  a  refuge  for  pirates  and  privateers  who  devastated  English 
shipping,  but  it  commanded  the  Channel,  and  offered  an  easy  means 
of  communication  with  Flanders  as  well  as  a  basis  of  operations  against 
France.  Finding  the  place  too  strong  to  carry  by  assault,  he  prepared 
for  a  siege.  Throughout  the  long  winter,  and  until  well  into  the  fol- 
lowing summer,  the  inhabitants  held  out.  Efforts  to  relieve  them  by  sea 


THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD   III  129 

failed,  and  ilnally  Pfeilip  appeared  with  an  army ;  but  he  suddenly  de- 
parted, declaring  it  was  better  to  lose  the  town  than  to  put  the  lives 
of  his  men  in  jeopardy.  Thus  deserted  and  with  the  garrison  starving 
the  Governor  consented  to  treat.  According  to  a  familiar  story,  Ed- 
ward required  six  leading  burgesses  to  come  forth  with  halters 
around  their  necks  and  the  keys  of  the  town  in  their  hands,  and 
was  only  persuaded  from  putting  them  to  death  by  the  tears  of  his 
Queen.  At  any  rate,  he  did  spare  the  lives  of  the  whole  garrison, 
though  he  replaced  the  old  population  by  English  settlers.  For  two 
hundred  years  Calais  was  held  as  an  English  market  and  fortress. 

English  Magnificence  and  Ostentation.  —  The  capture  of  Calais 
was  the  turning  point  in  the  career  of  Edward  III.  Although  only 
thirty-five  years  old  he  withdrew  almost  entirely  from  the  war,  and 
occupied  himself  with  domestic  concerns,  with  hunting  and  hawking 
tournaments.  For  eight  years  hostilities  were  nominally  suspended ; 
but,  while  the  truce  was  frequently  renewed,  it  was  frequently  broken 
in  Guyenne  where  the  "  unhappy  citizens  had  hardly  more  quiet  in 
peace  than  in  war."  In  England,  on  the  other  hand,  it  seemed  as  if  a 
"  new  sun  had  risen  on  account  of  the  abundance  of  peace,  the  plenty, 
and  the  glory  of  the  victories."  What  with  constant  plays  and  tourna- 
ments the  upper  classes  seemed  to  live  only  for  pleasure.1  Dress  was 
gorgeous  and  extravagant ;  that  of  the  women  is  described  "as  diverse 
and  wonderful,"  even  the  clergy  adorned  themselves  magnificently, 
more  like  soldiers  and  men  of  fashion  than  servants  of  God. 

Causes  for  Popular  Discontent.  —  However,  the  picture  had  its 
reverse  side.  While  the  war  brought  much  booty  it  involved  great 
expense,  and  the  exactions  levied  to  meet  it  aroused  stout  opposition. 
Edward  was  ever  copious  with  promises  which  he  did  not  observe. 
When  he  sought  the  advice  of  the  Commons  it  was  only  to  put  them 
under  the  obligation  of  paying  for  the  policy  in  which  they  acquiesced. 
In  order  to  evade  responsibility,  they  professed  themselves,  in  1348, 
too  ignorant  and  simple  to  advise  him  in  military  affairs ;  at  the  same 
time  they  presented  no  less  than  sixty  petitions  complaining  of  abuses, 
such  as  monopolies  of  wool  and  tin,  and  an  unauthorized  impost  on 
manufactured  cloth.  In  view  of  the  King's  usual  assurances,  they 
granted  supplies ;  but  the  growing  discontent  was  to  come  to  a  head 
before  the  close  of  the  reign. 

The  Black  Death  (1348-1349).  —  Moreover,  the  country  was  visited 
by  a  frightful  scourge  from  which  it  was  never  again  wholly  free  for 

1  It  was  probably  in  this  period  that  Edward  founded  the  celebrated  Order  of 
the  Garter,  in  imitation  or  memory  of  Kin';  Arthur's  Round  Table,  an  order  which 
still  remains  the  most  exalted  in  England. 


130     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

more  than  three  centuries.  The  Black  .Death,  as  it  was  called,  ap- 
peared first  in  Asia,  whence  it  spread  along  the  trade  routes  to  Europe, 
reaching  England  in  the  late  summer  of  1348.  While  its  appearance 
was  foretold  by  all  manner  of  signs  and  wonders  :  "an  extraordinary 
dreadful  comet " ;  showers  of  blood,  and  the  appearance  of  strange 
monsters,  as  a  matter  of  fact  famine  —  due  to  floods,  droughts,  and  the 
devastations  of  war  —  and  the  unhealthful  conditions  of  ventilation 
and  drainage  prepared  the  way  for  ravages  of  the  plague.  It  was  a 
most  loathsome  and  contagious  disease.  Among  its  symptoms  were 
boils,  vomiting  of  blood,  fever,  and  black  patches  all  over  the  body  - 
whence  its  name;  it  created  the  greatest  havoc  in  the  overcrowded 
parts  of  cities,  but  there  was  little  chance  of  escape  for  such  as  had 
once  breathed  the  tainted  air.  Those  who  fled  to  the  fields  and  woods 
fell  dead  and  spread  the  contagion  on  the  way,  and  ships  were  found 
at  sea  with  not  a  living  soul  on  board.  The  administration  of  justice 
ceased  for  lack  of  judges  ;  and,  in  many  places,  divine  service  stopped 
because  the  priests  had  died  or  fled.  Numbers  of  villages  were  wholly 
deserted,  and  the  grass  grew  long  in  the  flourishing  port  of  Bristcl. 
The  Scots,  who  mocked  at  the  "foul  death"  of  the  English,  caught 
the  infection  and  lost  a  third  of  their  population. 

Moral  and  Religious  Effects  of  the  Black  Death.  —  The  approach- 
ing end  of  the  world  was  predicted.  Some  gave  themselves  over  to 
excesses  of  drinking  and  reveling ;  but  the  greater  number,  regarding 
the  plague  as  a  divine  visitation  for  their  sins,  sought  to  avert  the  wrath 
of  God  by  exaggerated  religious  observances.  For  example,  a  queer 
sect  known  as  the  "  Brotherhood  of  the  Flagellants  "  (the  "  whippers  ") 
was  revived ;  passing  over  to  Ejigland  from  Hungary  and  Germany 
they  went  about  from  town  to  town  scourging  one  another  with  iron- 
tipped  scourges  and  chanting  mournful  hymns.  Multitudes  on  the 
Continent  and  not  a  few  in  England  joined  their  ranks.  The  Pope, 
who  regarded  such  fanatical  excitement  as  dangerous  to  established 
order,  issued  a  bull,  in  1349,  for  their  suppression,  though  it  was  only 
with  the  return  of  quieter  times  that  they  gradually  disappeared. 

Social  and  Economic  Effects.  —  In  England  the  Black  Death  pre- 
cipitated a  social  and  industrial  crisis.  Losing,  it  is  estimated, 
from  a  third  to  a  half  of  its  population,  the  number  of  laborers  in  the 
country  was  so  diminished  that  they  began  to  demand  excessive  wages 
and  the  value  of  land  fell  steadily  from  lack  of  cultivation.  "  Sheep 
and  cattle  strayed  through  the  fields  and  corn,  and  there  was  none 
who  could  drive  them  "  ;  harvests  rotted  on  the  ground ;  then,  to  make 
matters  worse,  a  murrain  among  the  cattle  accompanied  the  plague. 
While  some  landlords  remitted  rents  of  their  tenants  and  actually  re- 


THE  REIGN  OF   EDWARD   III  131 

duced  the  service  due  from  villeins  to  hold  them  on  the  land,  others 
sought  vainly  to  get  their  lands  cultivated  by  resorting  to  all  sorts  of 
antiquated  claims  of  service,  or  at  least  by  claiming  strictly  such  as 
were  actually  due.  On  18  June,  1349,  the  King  issued  an  Ordinance 
ordering  that  all  unemployed  persons  should  be  compelled  to  work  at 
wages  prevalent  before  the  recent  calamity.  Penalties  were  fixed  for 
those  who  refused,  and  also  for  those  who  offered  higher  wages,  or  gave 
anything  by  way  of  charity  to  idle  beggars.  As  an  offset,  it  was  pro- 
vided that  fish,  flesh,  and  fowl  should  be  sold  at  a  reasonable  price. 
The  Ordinance  proved  ineffective,  and,  in  1351,  Parliament  reenacted 
its  measures  in  the  Statute  of  Laborers,  one  of  the  long  series  to  follow. 
The  laborers,  however,  were  so  "  puffed  up  and  quarrelsome  "  that 
they  would  riot  obey,  and  the  landlords  had  to  leave  their  crops  un- 
gathered  or  violate  the  law  by  paying  increased  rates.  It  must  be 
said  that  the  laws  of  supply  and  demand  and  the  decreased  purchasing 
power  of  money  to  some  extent  justify  the  laborers.  The  result  of 
the  new  conditions  was  to  change  the  whole  system  of  farming ;  great 
landlords  ceased  to  farm  their  estates  with  the  aid  of  stewards,  and 
leased  them  to  tenant  cultivators  or  else  turned  them  into  sheep  pas- 
tures. Still  it  should  be  emphasized  that  the  Black  Death  only 
accentuated  changes  already  in  progress,  for  the  growth  of  manufac- 
tures, the  spread  of  commerce,  and  the  attraction  of  military  service 
drew  many  from  the  land,  and  the  landlords  would  have  suffered  had 
there  been  no  plague.  Laws  to  turn  back  the  hands  of  the  clock  were 
unavailing. 

A  Decade  of  Important  Legislation.  —  Parliament,  during  the  dec- 
ade following  the  Black  Death,  was  uncommonly  active.  In  1351 
.it_passed  the  celebrated  Statute,  of- Pro  visors,_  which  declared  invalid 
all  appointments  or  provisions  made  by  the  Pope  to  English  benefices, 
and  punished  with  imprisonment  all  who  accepted  such  appoint- 
ments. Two  years  later,  1353,  the  Statute  of  Praemunire  l  enacted, 
that  any  one  carrying  suits  to  foreign  courts  should  be  liable  to  for- 
feiture of  lands  and  chattels,  imprisonment  of  person,  and  outlawry, 
though  the  Pope  and  clergy,  against  whom  these  provisions  are  clearly 
aimed,  are  not  mentioned  in  the  Act.2  More  than  once  reenacted, 
neither  of  the  two  above  Statutes  were  obeyed  during  the  fourteenth 
century.  The  Act  of  Treasons,  1352,  is  important  as  the  first  legis- 
lative attempt  to  define  the  crime.  Seven  offenses  were  enumerated 
—  including  the  compassing  the  death  of  the  King  or  his  consort  or 

1  A  corruption  of  the  Latin  praemonere  —  to  be  forewarned. 

2  In  the  reenactments  of  these  respective  Statutes  in  1391  and  1393,  however, 
they  are  distinctly  mentioned. 


132     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

his  heir ;  adhering  to  his  enemies ;  slaying  his  Ministers  or  his  judges ; 
and  counterfeiting  the  Great  Seal  or  the  royal  coins.  In  1363  the 
Chancellor  opened  Parliament  with  a  speech  in  English.  In  the  pre- 
vious year  it  had  been  enacted  that  English  should  be  the  language  of 
the  law  courts,  for  the  reason  that  the  "people  have  no  knowledge  nor 
understanding  of  that  which  is  said  for  or  against  them,"  and  that  the 
court  records  should  be  in  Latin.1  By  an  act  of  1362,  renewed  in  1371, 
it  was  provided  that  no  subsidy  on  wool  should  be  laid  without  the 
consent  of  Parliament.  In  1363  a  sumptuary  law  regulated  very 
minutely  matters  of  diet  and  dress  to  prevent  the  impoverishment  of 
the  country  exhausted  by  plague  and  war.  If  part  of  the  people  were 
intent  on  fighting  and  display,  there  was  a  class  who  were  grappling 
with  the  realities  of  life. 

The  Battle  of  Poitiers  (16  September,  1356).  —  In  1355  war  was  re- 
newed in  real  earnest.  When,  July,  1356,  the  Black  Prince,  who  had 
been  in  Aquitaine  since  the  previous  year,  started  from  Bordeaux  for 
a  raid  through  central  France,.  King  John,  who  had  suceeded  his  father 
Philip  VI,  in  1350,  marched  south  to  defend  his  threatened  territories. 
Eventually  the  two  armies  met  near  the  town  of  Poitiers,  and,  in  the 
battle  which  followed,  as  at  Crecy,  the  French  outnumbered  tJie  Eng- 
lish three  to  one.  Again  the  mailed  knight  was  overcome  by  the  Eng- 
lish longbow,  while  King  John,  struggling  manfully,  was  taken  prisoner, 
together  with  his  young  son  Philip.  The  Black  Prince,  however,  was 
able  to  make  little  immediate  use  of  his  victory  in  a  military  way.  Too 
weak  to  attempt  to  capture  the  city  whither  most  of  the  vanquished 
fled  for  refuge,  he  hurried  on  to  Bordeaux  with  his  booty  and  his  more 
important  prisoners.  On  23  March,  1357,  a  truce  was  arranged  for 
two  years,  and,  in  May,  John  was  taken  a  captive  to  London.  While 
his  people  were  ground  with  taxes  and  pillaged  by  roving  soldiery,  both 
English  and  French,  he  spent  his  captivity  pleasantly  in  the  chase  and 
tournament. 

The  Peace  of  Bretigny  (1360).  —  Another  invasion  led  by  King  Ed- 
ward and  his  four  sons  failed  to  achieve  any  notable  success,  since  the 
French  shut  themselves  up  in  their  strong  towns  and  castles  and  it 
was  practically  impossible  to  support  the  English  army  in  the  wasted 
country.  Accordingly,  terms  of  peace  were  finally  arranged  in  1360. 
By  the  Treaty  of  Bretigny  it  was  tacitly  understood  that  Edward 
should  renounce  his  claims  to  the  French  throne.  In  return  he  re- 

1  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  cases  continued  to  be  argued  and  reported  in 
French  till  well  into  the  seventeenth  century ;  the  language  of  the  Statutes  was 
French  till  Henry  VII,  and  Latin  did  not  cease  to  be  the  language  of  writs,  charters, 
and  records  until  1731. 


THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  III  133 

ceived  all  of  the  ancient  Aquitaine,1  with  many  smaller  districts  in 
the  south,  and  certain  territories  including  Calais  in  the  north.  Also 
the  French  renounced  their  alliance  with  the  Scots  and  the  English 
renounced  theirs  with  the  Flemings.  "  Good  brother  France,"  said 
Edward,  "you  and  I  are  now,  thank  God,  of  good  accord."  Such 
rejoicings  proved  premature,  for  in  spite  of  the  sincere  efforts  of  King 
John,  the  French  nobles  in  the  ceded  districts  stoutly  resisted  the  trans- 
fer of  their  allegiance,  and  towns  were  even  more  stubborn.  Some 
districts  refused  to  submit  at  all.  Moreover,  the  French  were 
unable  to  pay  the  installments  of  John's  ransom,  whereupon  he  re- 
turned to  England,  where  he  died  in  1364. 

The  Tide  Begins  to  Turn  against  England.  —  Two  years  before, 
King  Edward  had  erected  Gascony  and  Guyenne  into  a  separate  prin- 
cipality and  conferred  it  upon  the  Black  Prince.  In  view  of  the  Prince's 
past  successes  and  the  disordered  condition  of  France,  the  prospects 
of  the  English  seemed  as  bright  as  those  of  the  French  seemed  dark ; 
but  the  tide  was  on  the  turn.  John's  successor,  Charles  V,  greatly 
aided  by  Bertrand  du  Guesclin,  who  came  to  be  recognized  as  the 
greatest  general  of  the  age,  was  able  to  win  back  ground  that  his  more 
martial  father  had  lost.  Moreover,  the  Black  Prince  played  into  his 
hands  by  taking  up  the  cause  of  Pedro  the  Cruel,  a  faithless  and  blood- 
thirsty creature,  who  had  been  driven  from  the  throne  of  Castile.  The 
Prince  afterwards  complained  that  the  devil  had  dragged  him  into 
mixing  in  the  affair  —  and  well  he  might ;  for  it  involved  fighting  in 
Spain  where  he  contracted  a  disease  that  caused  his  premature  death, 
and  it  compelled  him  to  levy  taxes  from  his  Gascon  subjects  which 
aroused  them  to  revolt. 

Renewal  of  the  War  (1369).  —  Charles  V  had  taken  advantage  of 
the  situation  to  make  ready  for  war  and  to  cultivate  the  disaffected 
among  the  Gascon  nobles.  When  they  appealed  to  him  against  the 
burden  of  taxation,  he  seized  the  opportunity,  although  he  had  no  right 
to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  Aquitaine,  and  actually,  15  January,  1369, 
summoned  the  Prince  to  Paris  to  answer  the  complaints  of  his  own  sub- 
jects. A  defiant  refusal,  which  he  received,  together  with  the  con- 
tinued pillaging  of  his  territories  by  English  companies,  prompted  him 
to  send  the  King  of  England  a  formal  declaration  of  war,  29  April, 
and  Edward  replied  by  resuming  the  arms  and  title  of  the  King  of 
France.  The  war  which  followed  "  never  rose  above  a  series  of  raids, 
skirmishes,  and  sieges,"  in  which  the  English,  notwithstanding  a 
few  successes,  met  with  one  reverse  after  another  and  continually 
lost  ground.  Many  causes  contributed  to  this  result.  Edward  III, 

1  It  included  Guyenne  and  Gascony. 


134     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

grown  prematurely  old,  had  withdrawn  from  active  fighting,  the  Black 
Prince  was  suffering  grievously  from  dropsy,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
the  English  army  had  deteriorated  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  depleted 
ranks  of  the  archers,  who  had  won  the  earlier  battles,  were  filled  by  a 
motley  throng  of  foreign  auxiliaries.  Moreover,  the  French  tactics 
steadily  exhausted  their  adversaries.  On  the  English  approach  they 
wasted  the  land  round  about  and  took  refuge  in  a  castle  or  walled  town, 
while  Bertrand  du  Guesclin,  constantly  appearing  and  attacking  re- 
mote and  ill-defended  garrisons,  never  stayed  to  face  a  relieving  force 
and  wore  out  the  defenders  of  the  land  in  futile  marches  and  pursuits. 
In  January,  1371,  the  Black  Prince,  completely  shattered  in  health, 
was  succeeded  by  his  brother  John  of  Gaunt,1  who,  however,  was  unable 
to  improve  the  situation.  At  length  a  truce  was  concluded  which, 
by  renewal,  lasted  till  the  end  of  the  reign,  when  all  that  remained  of 
the  former  vast  conquests  of  the  English  were  Bordeaux,  Bayonne, 
Calais,  and  Brest. 

The  Good  Parliament  (1376).  —  Owing  to  the  burden  of  taxation, 
the  ill  success  of  the  war,  and  general  maladministration,  public  dis- 
content grew  steadily.  The  Black  Prince  recovered  his  health  suffi- 
ciently to  head  the  opposition,  which  was  directed  against  the  Court 
party,  particularly  against  John  of  Gaunt  and  Alice  Perrers,  an  un- 
worthy favorite,  to  whom  the  King  was  devoted.  The  crisis  came  to 
a  head  in  the  "  Good  Parliament,"  called,  in  1376,  to  obtain  money  for 
continuing  the  war.  For  the  first  time  the  House  of  Commons  strik- 
ingly asserted  their  growing  power  —  they  demanded  an  audit  of 
accounts,  and  proceeded  to  lay  bare  the  iniquities  of  the  King's  coun- 
selors, to  whom  they  attributed  the  national  poverty.  The  leading 
offenders  were  mentioned  by  name  and  brought  to  account.  Lord 
Latimer,  the  King's  chamberlain,  was  accused  of  buying  up  debts, 
of  extorting  huge  sums,  of  selling  strong  places  to  the  enemy,  and  of 
intercepting  fines  which  should  have  been  paid  into  the  royal  treasury. 
Richard  Lyons,  a  London  merchant  and  former  farmer  of  the  customs, 
had  been  associated  with  him  in  various  frauds  —  lending  the  King 
money  at  a  usurious  rate,  forestalling  the  markets  at  ports,  and 
raising  the  price  of  foreign  imports.  In  bringing  them  to  account 
a  new  process  was  employed,  impeachment,  which  consists  of  a 
trial  by  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  basis  of  an  accusation  brought  by 
the  Commons  against  a  public  official  for  a  public  offense.  Both 
were  convicted  and  were  sentenced  to  imprisonment  and  forfeiture, 
though  Latimer,  released  on  bail,  managed  to  elude  the  execution  of 
his  sentence. 

1  So  called  from  Ghent,  his  birthplace. 


THE   REIGN  OF  EDWARD   III  135 

The  Reforms  of  the  Good  Parliament  Frustrated  by  John  of  Gaunt. 
—  Although  the  reform  party  attempted  some  important  work  during 
the  remaining  weeks  of  the  session,  the  work  of  the  Good  Parliament 
practically  terminated  with  the  death  of  the  Black  Prince,  6  June,  1376. 
His  chivalry  was  of  the  prevailing  artificial  type,  without  real  gentle- 
ness or  humanity ;  he  had  little  military  genius,  but  he  was  a  brave 
dashing  leader,  and  his  patience  in  suffering  and  his  manful  fight  against 
corruption  and  misgovernment,  even  if  impelled  by  hostility  against 
his  brother,  made  him  deservedly  popular.  John  of  Gaunt  gained 
the  ascendancy,  and  caused  the  late  Parliameni  to  be  declared  no 
Parliament.  A  new  one,  which  met  27  January,  1377,  wholly  under 
his  influence,  was  the  first  of  the  "packed  parliaments,"  so  called  be- 
cause composed  largely  of  members  pledged  to  do  the  will  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, the  necessity  of  such  an  expedient  being  a  striking  evi- 
dence of  the  growing  power  of  the  Commons.  Alice  Perrers,  who  had 
been  driven  from  Court,  was  allowed  to  return  and  the  acts  against 
her  and  Lord  Latimer  were  reversed. 

John  Wiclif  (?-i384). — John  of  Gaunt,  head  of  a  corrupt  Court 
clique,  was  opposed  to  clerical  ascendancy,  and,  in  his  struggle  against 
it,  took  to  himself  a  curious  ally  — -^John  Wiclif,  the  first  English  re- 
former. Born  sometime  about  1324,  in  Yorkshire,  Wiclif  had  passed 
most  of  his  life  at  Oxford  as  a  student  and  teacher  of  theology,  though, 
in  course  of  time,  he  came  to  supplement  his  academic  work  with  that 
of  a  parish  priest.  John  of  Gaunt,  finding  that  Wiclif,  whom  he  first 
came  to  know  in  1374,  had  beerTtor-seme  time  occupied  in  framing 
views  on  the  relations  between  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal  power  of 
the  Church,  undertook  to  make  use  of  him  in  his  battle  against  ec- 
clesiastical influence  in  political  affairs.  Wiclif's  first  appearance  in 
public  affairs  was  shortly  before  the  meeting  of  the  Good  Parliament, 
when  he  published  a  treatise  against  the  papal  claim  to  collect  arrears 
of  the  annual  tribute  promised  by  King  John.  However,  no  payment 
had  been  made  since  the  accession  of  Edward  III,  and  he  was  but  voic- 
ing protests  made  in  Parliament  as  early  as  1366  against  its  renewal. 
Convocation,  which  met  with  Parliament  in  the  winter,  determined  to 
call  the  reformer  to  account,  primarily  to  strike  a  blow  at  his  champion. 
On  19  February,  1377,  he  appeared  before  the  assembled  Bishops  at 
St.  Paul's  accompanied  by  Duke  John  and  the  Earl  Marshal ;  but 
the  trial  broke  up  owing  to  a  fierce  quarrel  between  his  notable  sup- 
porters and  the  Bishop  of  London ;  the  London  mob,  who  hated  John 
and  the  Marshal  because  of  encroachments  on  the  privileges  of  the 
City,  taking  the  side  of  their  Bishop.  The  next  day  the  uproar  be- 
came so  great  that  John  of  Gaunt  had  to  flee.  The  enemies  of  Wiclif 


136     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

then  applied  to  the  Pope,  who,  in  May,  issued  a  series  of  bulls  against 
him,  but  they  did  not  arrive  till  the  beginning  of  the  new  reign. 

Death  of  Edward  III  (1377).  —  Since  Christmas,  1376,  the  old  King 
had  remained  in  retirement.  When  it  was  certain  that  the  end  was 
near,  Alice  Ferrers  stripped  the  rings  from  his  fingers  and  fled,  the  cour- 
tiers about  him  followed  suit,  and  Edward  III,  once  the  glory  of  his 
generation,  passed  away  21  June,  deserted  except  for  a  single  priest, 
who  remained  out  of  compassion  to  minister  the  last  offices  of  the 
Church.  The  pomp  and  circumstance,  the  chivalrous  ideal,  the  strong 
personal  power  of  the  Monarch  had  faded  away  before  Edward's  body 
passed  to  the  grave.  New  forces,  economic  discontent,  political  op- 
position, religious  revolt,  and  the  birth  of  a  new  literature  were  already 
struggling  into  being ;  but  how  they  grew  and  what  they  meant  was 
not  left  for  him  to  see. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  In  addition  to  Tout,  Ramsay,  Vickers  and  Stubbs,  William 
Longman,  The  Life  and  Times  of  Edward  III  (2  vols.,  1869) ;  James  Mac- 
kinnon,  The  History  of  Edward  III  (1900) ;  and  C.  H.  Pearson,  English 
History  in  the  Fourteenth  Century  (1876).  A  good  brief  account  of  the 
period  is  William  Warburton,  Edward  III  (1887).  S.  Armitage  Smith, 
John  of  Gaunt  (1904)  and  R.  P.  Dunn-Pattison,  The  Black  Prince  (1910) 
are  both  scholarly  biographies.  G.  M.  Trevelyan,  England  in  the  Age  of 
Wycliffe  (1899)  gives  an  interesting  survey  of  political,  social,  and  religious 
history  in  the  last  years  of  Edward  III  and  the  early  years  of  Richard  II. 
There  are  various  translations  of  Froissart's  famous  chronicle ;  the  best  is 
that  of  Lord  Berners  (Tudor  translations,  1901)  and  there  is  a  useful  abridg- 
ment by  G.  C.  Macaulay  and  another  in  Everyman's  Library  (1906). 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  56-83. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

LIFE  IN  ENGLAND  UNDER  THE  FIRST  THREE  EDWARDS 

(1272-1377) 

Parliamentary  Gains  in  the  Fourteenth  Century.  —  Before  the  end 
of  the  thirteenth  century  the  two  principles  had  been  recognized  that 
the  three  estates  of  the  realm  should  be  represented  in  Parliament, 
and  that  all  taxes,  except  those  sanctioned  by  custom,  should  be  granted 
by  the  representative  body.  In  the  fourteenth  century  the  estates 
were  grouped  into  two  houses,  and  steps  were  taken  to  prevent  the 
King  from  evading  the  general  limitations  placed  on  his  taxing  power 
and  to  assert  the  rights  of  Parliament  in  legislation.  The  prevention 
of  the  royal  practice  of  collecting  tallages  and  subsidies  on  wool  has 
already  been  noted.  Other  gains  remain  to  be  pointed  out.  In  1373 
Parliament  began  to  grant  the  King  tonnage  and  poundage,  i.  e. 
customs  on  wine  and  merchandise,  which  for  nearly  three  centuries 
furnished  an  important  supplement  to  tenths  and  fifteenths,1  the  usual 
direct  taxes,  also  granted  by  Parliament.  By  a  tight  hold  on  the 
purse-strings  Parliament  managed  to  secure  many  liberties  and  privi- 
leges, since,  even  in  ordinary  times,—  to  say  nothing  of  war  and 
other  crises  —  the  regular  Crown  revenues  were  insufficient  without 
special  grants.  While  the  King,  after  his  immediate  need  was  supplied, 
repudiated  many  concessions  that  were  wrung  from  him,  they  never- 
theless furnished  valuable  precedents  in  future  struggles.  One  great 
step  in  advance  was  the  share  which  the  Commons  gained  in  making 
the  laws.  At  first  they  were  only  asked  to  give  their  consent  to  bills 
framed  by  the- King  and  Council,  and  not  infrequently,  royal  ordi- 
nances were  issued  which  had  the  force  of  law  without  Parliamentary 
sanction.  However,  since  subjects,  either  individually  or  collectively, 
enjoyed  the  right  of  presenting  petitions,  such  petitions  began  to  be 
framed  and  presented  by  their  representatives  in  Parliament.  The 

1  So  called  because  originally  they  consisted  of  a  tenth  of  the  revenues  or 
chattels  from  burgesses  and  a  fifteenth  of  those  from  the  landholders  of  shires. 
After  1334  the  amount  of  a  tenth  and  fifteenth  was  a  fixed  sum  —  £39,000. 

137 


138     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND    AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

advantage  was  twofold  :  action  was  concerted,  and  Parliament  could 
enforce  its  demands  by  its  control  over  money  grants.  By  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fifteenth  century  it  had  become  a  fixed  practice  for  the 
Commons  to  vote  supplies  only  at  the  end  of  the  session.  Less  than 
fifty  years  later,  their  claim,  asserted  in  the  previous  century,  was 
finally  recognized,  that  answers  to  petitions  should  be  enacted  as  law 
in  the  exact  words  in  which  they  were  first  presented.  Altogether, 
the  f ouil££rith_century_j^as^  a  time  of  great  advance  for  Parliament. 
Its  form  of  organization  was  determined ;  it  had  greatly  curtailed  the 
right  of  arbitrary  taxation;  it  had  come  to  be  consulted  in  public 
business ;  it  had  claimed  a  voice  in  the  appointment  of  Ministers  and 
the  right  to  call  them  to  account;  it  had  deposed  one  King;  before 
the  close  of  the  century  it  deposed  another  and  even  established  a  new 
line  of  succession.  Later  events  were  to  show  that  most  of  the  gains 
were  premature,  but  as  precedents  they,  nevertheless,  contributed 
powerfully  to  the  ultimate  progress  of  the  English  Constitution. 

Trade  and  Industry.  Passage  from  Local  to  Central  Control.  — 
The  commercial  and  industrial  advance  of  this  period  is  equally  note- 
worthy, in  the  growth  of  the  wool  trade,  in  English  shipping,  and  in 
the  remarkable  development  of  the  English  cloth  manufacture.  Up 
to  the  time  of  Edward  I,  regulation  and  control  of  trade  were  largely 
local,  and  \^bre  hampered  by  vexatious  restrictions.  Privileged  towns 
and  local  magnates  levied  tolls  on  all  goods  bought  and  sold  at  markets 
and  fairs  that  entered  city  gates,  that  unloaded  at  wharves,  or  that 
passed  along  certain  roads.  Merchants  of  chartered  boroughs,  banded 
together  in  their  gilds,  enjoyed  exclusive  privileges  of  trading  within 
their  district,  while  alien  merchants,  in  addition  to  other  handicaps, 
were  forbidden  to  engage  in  retail  trade  at  all.  Aside  from  certain 
royal  enactments  regulating  the  price  of  bread,  ale,  and  cloth  there 
was  no  central  control  whatever.  The  regulations  of  Edward  I,  made 
"  with  the  counsel  and  consent  of  the  Commons  of  England,"  mark  an 
epoch ;  for  the  towns,  which  had  hitherto  treated  separately  with  the 
Crown,  were  now  united  in  Parliament  to  secure  measures  for  their 
class  as  a  whole.  Edward  "  laid  the  foundations  of  a  system  of  na- 
tional regulation  of  commerce  and  industry,"  and  by  his  work  made  it 
possible  for  his  grandson  to  develop  an  international  commerce.  In 
1275  he  agreed  with  his  Parliament  to  accept  a  fixed  toll  on  wools, 
wool-fells,  leather,  and  upon  wine;  he  appointed  officers  called  cus- 
tomers to  collect  revenue  and  to  put  down  smuggling,  and,  to  aid  in 
this  work,  he  named  certain  staple  towns  to  which  all  trade  in  wool, 
the  chief  commodity  of  the  kingdom,  should  be  confined.  In  order 
to  encourage  and  protect  those  engaged  in  traffic,  he  enacted  better 


LIFE  IN  ENGLAND   UNDER  THE  FIRST  THREE   EDWARDS     139 

and  more  general  police  regulations,  and  by  the  Statute  of  Merchants 
provided  security  for  creditors.  Finally,  he  took  measures  for  a  purer 
and  more  reliable  currency,  and  had  tables  set  up  at  Dover  where  all 
merchants  and  pilgrims  should  exchange  the  money  and  plate  they 
brought  in  for  the  coin  of  the  realm.  Edward  III  supplemented  these 
efforts  by  selecting  twenty  ports  where  such  exchanges  could  be  made. 
Both  Edward  I  and  his  grandson  favored  the  Gascon  merchants  who 
imported  wine  and  the  Flemings  who  exported  wool.  While  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Jews  by  Edward  I  and  the  ruin  of  the  Italians  under 
the  burden  of  Edward  Ill's  debts  threw  much  business  into  the  hands 
of  the  natives,  and  while  great  efforts  were  made  to  exclude  foreigners 
from  the  English  retail  trade,  the  bulk  of  the  foreign  commerce  was 
carried  on  by  the  latter  till  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  There  is  much 
confusion  and  contradiction  in  the  commerce  legislation  of  the  period, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  as  yet  no  general  theories  on  the  subject  had 
been  evolved  and  each  measure  enacted  was  largely  experimental. 
The  main  aim,  however,  was  to  make  exports  dear  and  imports  cheap 
rather  than  to  build  up  English  shipping  and  industry. 

The  Wool  Trade  and  Shipping.  —  By  the  close  of  the  thirteenth 
century  England  had  come  to  be  the  great  wool  producing  country  of 
Europe,  witn  her  chief  market  alliung  Lite  FluiiLlTweavefs.  Various 
attempts  were  made  to  fix  the  towns  or  staples  where  the  wool  should 
be  sold;  sometimes  they  were  in  England,  sometimes  in  the  Low 
Countries,  while,  for  a  short  period  in  the  reign,  trade  was  free  and  the 
staple  towns  were  done  away  with  altogether.  In  1362  the  staple  was 
removed  to  Calais,  where  it  remained,  except  for  short  intervals,  till  the 
town  passed  back  to  the  French,  in  1558.  The  native  shipper  in  the 
early  part  of  the  reign  of  Edward  III  had  to  contend  against  great- 
obstacles.  The  foreigner  and  the  King's  agent  were  greatly  favored  at 
his  expense  and  he  was  generally  prohibited  from  exporting  wool  out 
of  the  country ;  even  when  the  staple  was  fixed  at  Calais  he  could  only 
as  a  rule  take  it  across  the  Channel.  Moreover,  the  North  Sea  was 
swarming  with  pirates  and  the  coast  towns  were  frequently  subject 
to  hostile  raids.  Indeed  the  bold  seamen  of  the  Cinque  Ports  when 
not  engaged  in  the  royal  service  often  preyed  on  the  commerce  of  their 
countrymen.  But  the  sovereignty  of  the  narrow  seas  asserted  by 
Edward  I  was,  for  a  time  at  least,  made  a  reality  by  Edward  III  in 
consequence  of  his  naval  victories  and  the  capture  of  Calais.  For  a 
while  the  seas  were  better  policed  than  ever  before.  Piracy,  however, 
did  not  altogether  disappear.  With  the  decline  of  Edward's  vigor 
the  navy  fell  into  decay,  and  the  English  shipping  and  port  towns  be- 
gan once  more  to  suffer.  The  reign  of  Richard  II  was  even  more  dis- 

\ 


140     SHORTER  HISTORY  CF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

astrous  from  the  naval  and  commercial  point  of  view.  An  attempt 
to  build  up  English  shipping  by  Navigation  Acts  came  to  nothing.  The 
ships  of  merchants  were  seized  for  the  royal  necessities,  yet  the  navy 
was  even  more  neglected  than  in  the  last  years  of  Edward  III.  Dis- 
cipline was  lax,  trade  was  unprotected,  the  country  was  in  constant 
danger  of  invasion,  and  the  most  brilliant  achievements  on  the  sea 
were  due  to  the  patriotism  and  gallantry  of  individuals. 

Regulation  of  Native  Industry  and  the  Advent  of  New  Industries. 

—  Careful  provision  was  made  to  prevent  fraud  in  particular  callings ; 
for  instance,  a  royal  proclamation  of  1340  prohibited  the  London 
butchers  from  sewing  the  fat  of  good  beef  on  joints  of  lean.     In  1363 
merchants  were  required  to  deal  in  one  sort  of  merchandise  only,  and 
handicraftmen  to  keep  to  one  "  mystery  "  or  craft,  except  women  who 
were  engaged  in  such  callings  as  brewing,  baking,  spinning,  and  the  like. 
Edward's  frequent  prohibition  of  the  export  of  wool  did  much  to  en- 
courage the  native  manufacture,  which  he  fostered  also  by  encourag- 
ing the  Flemish  weavers  to  come  over  to  exercise  their  craft  and  to 
teach  others.     There  had  been  migrations  from  Flanders  ever  since 
the  Conquest,  but  the  weavers  now  came  in  such  numbers  as  to  mark 
a  new  era  in  the  development  of  English  cloth  manufacture. 

Sumptuary  Legislation.  —  Edward  III  enacted  various  sumptuary 
laws  which  were  aimed  partly  to  protect  native  industries  against 
foreign  importations,  partly  to  check  extravagance  and  promote  thrift, 
and  had  reference  particularly  to  the  lesser  folk  who  had  begun  to 
imitate  the  upper  classes  in  elaborate  dress  and  costly  meats,  even 
before  the  temporary  enrichment  of  the  country  from  the  loot  of  the 
French  wars.  Such  excesses  "  sore  grieved  "  the  great  men  of  the 
realm,  who  saw  "  evil  therein  ...  as  well  to  the  souls  as  bodies  " 

—  a  most  serious  one  in  their  eyes,  no  doubt,  was  that  it  impoverished 
the  subjects  so  that  they  were  "  not  able  to  aid  themselves  nor  their 
1  iege  lord  in  time  of  need . ' '    Sumptuary  laws  were  as  old  as  the  Romans , 
and  were  not  unprecedented  in  England ;  but  Edward's  were  frequent 
and  far  reaching.     They  regulated  the  amount  and  quality  of  food  a 
man  should  eat,  they  forbade  any  but  members  of  the  royal  family  to 
wear  cloth  except  of  English  manufacture,  and  regulated  the  apparel 
of  every  class  in  the  community  from  the  servant  and  the  handicrafts- 
man to  the  noble. 

Gilds.  —  The  artisan  in  the  fourteenth  century  seems  to  have  been 
in  a  very  prosperous  state.  To  a  considerable  degree  this  was  due 
to  the  protection  of  the  Crown  and  Parliament,  faulty  and  inadequate 
as  it  was.  Concurrently  with  this  central  regulation  that  of  the  local 
organizations  survived  to  some  extent.  But  the  gild  merchants  were 


LIFE  IN  ENGLAND  UNDER  THE  FIRST  THREE  EDWARDS     141 

gradually  disappearing,  either  by  merging  with  the  municipal  organi- 
zation or  with  the  various  craft  gilds.  Division  of  labor  was  still 
highly  developed.  In  this  period  London  alone  had  some  fifty  separate 
mysteries.  The  bow  maker  could  not  make  arrows ;  the  cordwainer 
made  shoes  while  the  cobbler  patched  them.  Each  gild  had  its  mas- 
ters, its  journeymen  who  worked  by  the  day,  and  its  apprentices  who 
paid  a  sum  of  money  in  return  for  which  they  were  taught  the  trade 
and  supplied  with  food,  drink,  and  clothing.  Every  craft  had  a  court 
with  elected  officers  to  regulate  trade  disputes.  In  the  craft  as  well  as 
in  the  older  merchant  gilds  the  religious,  benevolent,  and  social  aspects 
were  prominent :  they  had  patron  saints  and  processions  on  holy  days ; 
they  provided  money  for  masses  for  the  souls  of  dead  members ;  they 
maintained  altar  lights  at  the  parish  church  and  often  supported  a 
chaplain ;  they  relieved  the  poverty  of  their  poorer  brethren  and  their 
families;  and  they  contributed  money  for  the  marriage  portion -of  the 
daughters  of  members  or  for  sending  them  into  nunneries ;  moreover, 
periodical  feasts  were  an  essential  part  of  their  organization.  In  a 
word  "  the  gild  in  its  various  forms  supplied  to  the  people  of  the  four- 
teenth century  local  clubs,  local  trade  unions,  and  local  friendly 
societies." 

Ordinances  against  Usury.  —  A  striking  feature  of  medieval  eco- 
nomics is  the  sentiment  against  "usury,"  as  any  lending  of  money  at 
interest  was  called.  An  Ordinance  of  1363  denounces  it  as  a  "  false 
and  abominable  contract,  under  colour  and  cover  of  good  and  lawful 
trading,"  which  "ruins  the  honour  and  soul  of  the  agent,  and  sweeps 
away  the  goods  and  property  of  him  who  appears  to  be  accommodated." 
To  understand  this  attitude  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  business 
conditions  were  quite  different  from  those  of  later  times.  There  were 
no  credit  systems,  or  banks  in  the  modern  sense ;  indeed,  money  was 
seldom  borrowed  except  for  emergencies  —  to  build  a  church  or  a 
monastery,  to  pay  taxes  suddenly  imposed,  to  go  on  a  pilgrimage  or 
crusade,  to  fit  out  a  military  expedition.  Rates  were  too  high  to 
make  borrowing  for  commercial  purposes  profitable,  and  the  usual 
practice  for  a  man  without  capital  who  wanted  to  embark  on  a  venture 
was  to  form  a  partnership  with  another  to  furnish  the  money  and  share 
the  risk.  The  nearest  approach  to  bankers  were  brokers  who  brought 
the  borrowers  and  lenders  together,  and  law  and  public  opinion  long 
frowned  upon  them.  The  medieval  borrower  could  not  see  why,  if 
he  furnished  security  and  paid  his  loan  at  the  appointed  time,  he 
should  render  more  than  he  had  received  to  one  who  had  incurred  no 
risk.  Had  he  caused  his  creditor  inconvenience  by  failing  to  keep 
his  agreement,  then,  and  then  only,  was  he  prepared  to  pay  interest. 


142 

Money  lending,  then,  was  regarded  as  a  barren  employment  of  funds 
which  the  lender  ought  more  properly  to  invest  in  a  partnership  where 
he  shared  in  the  legitimate  gains  and  risks. 

Agriculture  and  Enclosures.  —  The  tendency  to  commute  the  per- 
sonal services  of  villein  cultivators  into  money  rents,  already  evident 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  became  marked  in  the  fourteenth.  Lords 
and  bailiffs  preferred  to  hire  laborers  rather  than  to  depend  upon  un- 
willing service.  Moreover,  the  pomp  and  ceremony  of  chivalry,  the 
increasing  luxury,  and  the  demands  of  building  called  for  ready  money. 
More  and  more,  too,  sheep  raising  began  to  be  substituted  for  tillage. 
This  was  due  to  two  causes :  to  the  widening  market  for  wool  both  at 
home  and  abroad ;  and  to  the  scarcity  of  labor  after  the  Black  Death. 
The  process  is  known  as  "enclosing"  from  the  means  taken  to  prevent 
the  sheep  from  straying.  Both  arable  land  and  the  old  common  fields 
were  appropriated  by  the  lords  for  their  purpose.  As  the  population 
began  to  recover  during  the  next  two  centuries,  enclosing  began  to  be 
regarded  as  a  hardship  because  it  required  much  land  and  few  laborers. 

Life  of  the  People.  Lawlessness.  Justices  of  the  Peace.  —  Con- 
ditions were  still  primitive  when  cows  could  be  strangled  by  wolves  in 
Lincolnshire.  The  state  of  the  country  was  so  lawless  that  merchants 
had  to  travel  in  large  parties  accompanied  by  armed  horsemen  for 
security.  The  woods  were  full  of  outlaws  who  robbed  all  who  came 
their  way,  and  even,  on  occasion,  seized  the  King's  judges  and  held  them 
for  ransom.  Some  were  even  bold  enough  to  force  their  way  into  the 
law  courts  and  overawe  the  justices.  Moreover,  the  nobles  often  kept 
such  ruffians  in  their  pay  and  protected  them,  a  custom  which  soon 
became  widespread  under  the  name  of  livery  and  maintenance.1  One 
means  of  keeping  order  was  the  establishment  of  the  justices  of  the 
peace ;  in  1344  any  two  or  more  were  intrusted  with  limited  judical 
functions,  while,  in  1362,  all  from  the  county  were  empowered  to  hold 
four  sessions  a  year,  known  as  "  quarter  sessions,"  to  try  certain  cases 
less  serious  than  those  reserved  for  the  King's  judges.  They  were 
chosen  from  the  best  county  families  and  from  the  borough  magistrates 
and  served  without  pay.  Besides  keeping  the  peace  and  trying  smaller 
offenders  all  the  duties  of  local  administration  came  to  be  loaded  upon 
them,  such  as  carrying  out  the  statutes  of  Laborers  and  the  later  Poor 
Laws.  Punishments  were  barbarous,  aiming  at  retribution  and  ven- 
geance rather  than  prevention  of  crime.  Prisoners  were  thrown,  some- 

1  "Livery"  comes  from  the  provisions  and  clothes  which  were  delivered  as  pay; 
it  was  later  applied  to  the  badge  worn  by  such  retainers  and  has  survived  in  the 
modern  servants'  uniforms.  "Maintenance"  comes  from  the  lord's  custom  of 
"maintaining"  the  suits  of  his  servants  in  Court. 


LIFE   IN   ENGLAND   UNDER  THE   FIRST  THREE   EDWARDS     143 

times  naked,  into  horrible  dungeons,  dark,  damp,  indescribably  filthy, 
often  partly  filled  with  water  and  swarming  with  rats  and  vermin,  and 
their  usual  fare  was  moldy  bread  and  stagnant  water.  Lesser  offenders 
were  put  in  the  stocks.  Torture  was  common  to  make  the  accused  con- 
fess, or  to  make  him  submit  to  jury  trial.  The  horrible  practice  of 
breaking  on  the  wheel,  where  a  man  was  stretched  out  and  his  limbs 
broken  with  an  iron  bar,  was  not  unknown,  hanging  was  most  common, 
and,  as  towns  and  local  lords  had  this  right,  gallows  were  often  seen, 
gruesome  spots  on  the  landscape.  In  cases  of  treason  a  man  was  cut 
down  while  his  body  was  still  warm,  he  was  drawn  and  quartered,  and 
his  bowels  were  taken  out  and  burned. 

Lack  of  Individual  Freedom.  —  What  with  royal  regulation,  town 
and  gild,  and  Church  regulation,  the  individual  had  very  little  free- 
dom. It  was  natural  that  children  should  not  escape.  "  A  child  were 
better  to  be  unborn,"  it  was  said,  "  than  to  be  untaught,"  and  numer- 
ous rhymed  treatises  were  composed  for  their  guidance.  The  boy  was 
directed  what  to  do  from  the  time  he  got  up  in  the  morning  till  he 
went  to  bed  at  night ;  how  he  should  dress ;  how  he  should  eat ;  how 
he  should  act  on  his  way  to  school  —  he  was  to  greet  passersby,  not 
to  throw  stones  at  hogs  and  dogs,  not  to  run  away  birds-nesting  —  how 
he  should  act  in  school  if  he  got  there.  Equally  minute  were  the  di- 
rections to  girls. 

Eating  and  Drinking  and  Recreations.  —  Eating  and  drinking  were 
most  immoderate,  and  only  the  open-air  life  and  exercise  made  it 
possible  for  medieval  English  folk  to  digest  the  huge  quantities  they 
consumed.  They  had  no  tea  or  coffee  and  little  fresh  meat  or  vege- 
tables, now  regarded  as  necessities.  Yet  their  fare  was  not  coarse 
and  simple.  Medieval  cookbooks  and  kitchen  utensils  show  that 
there  were  all  sorts  of  dishes  highly  spiced,  complicated,  and  delicate. 
Nevertheless,  they  relished  many  things  that  would  hardly  tempt  the 
modern  palate,  such  as  hedgehogs,  swans,  peacocks,  rooks,  porpoises, 
and  sparrows.  Fast  days  meant  merely  a  change  from  meat  to  fish. 
Ale  was  the  drink  of  the  lower  classes,  while  kings  and  nobles  regaled 
themselves  on  costly  wines  from  abroad,  varied  by  numerous  elaborate 
concoctions  such  as  mead  and  posset.  Because  of  defective  means  of 
lighting,  meals  were  still  very  early,  and  owing  to  the  heavy  drinking, 
not  infrequently  were  nothing  more  than  carousals  which  broke  up 
in  fighting  that  sometimes  proved  fatal.  Yet  there  were  many  peace- 
ful diversions :  the  tales  of  knights  who  had  journeyed  or  fought  in 
France  or  the  Holy  Land,  songs  of  minstrels,  feats  of  jugglers,  and 
dancing.  There  were  games  too  for  young  and  old,  though  the  chief 
resource  of  women  was  spinning,  weaving,  embroidery,  and  sewing, 


144     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

while  the  men  devoted  much  of  their  time  to  hunting  and  hawking. 
Chivalry  was  greatly  fostered  by  the  custom  of  sending  young  boys 
and  girls  to  serve  as  pages  or  maids  at  Court  or  at  the  castles  of  great 
nobles.  There  the  page  learned  the  code  of  gentleness  and  courtesy 
which  were  the  ideal  of  the  medieval  knight. 

Warfare.  —  The  two  great  innovations  in  the  method  of  conducting 
war  under  the  Edwards  were  the  long  bow  and  cannon  with  gunpow- 
der :  the  former,  first  used  in  the  Welsh  and  Scotch  wars  of  Edward  I, 
won  a  European  renown  at  Crecy  and  Poitiers.  The  fatal  cloth-yard 
shaft  could  not  only  break  up  a  charging  squadron  by  killing  or  wound- 
ing the  imperfectly  protected  horses,  but  penetrated  the  joints  of  the 
horseman's  armor  or,  if  it  struck  fair,  even  the  plate  itself.  In  seeking 
to  meet  this  danger  by  thickening  the  plate,  the  armor  became  so 
unwieldy  as  to  incapacitate  the  wearer,  for  an  unhorsed  knight  could 
not  rise  without  help  and  often  he  was  stifled  by  the  sheer  weight  of 
his  own  defense.  Gunpowder  supplemented  the  long  bow  in  over- 
throwing the  old  system.  While  the  assertion  that  cannons  were  used 
by  the  English  at  Crecy  has  not  passed  without  question,  Edward  III 
probably  employed  them  at  Calais,  though  it  was  some  time  before 
they  became  effective  in  sieges,  and  still  longer  before  they  played  any 
part  in  field  engagements. 

Travel.  —  In  spite  of  the  badness  of  roads  and  bridges  there  was 
much  traveling  in  fourteenth-century  England.  The  King,  the  nobles, 
and  bishops  made  stately  progresses,  accompanied  by  imposing  reti- 
nues of  horsemen,  and  dealt  havoc  with  the  goods  of  the  lesser  folk, 
who  at  their  approach  fled  to  hide  their  fowls  and  eggs  and  such  other 
produce  as  their  lords  might  seize.  Merchants  traveled  about  to  buy 
and  sell  at  the  various  fairs  and  staple  towns,  and  abbots  and  monks 
journeyed  from  monastery  to  monastery  on  business  connected  with 
their  orders.  Most  of  the  better  sort  rode  on  horseback.  Luggage 
and  goods  too  were  carried  on  horses  and  mules,  though  great  ladies 
were  beginning  to  use  litters  and  carriages,  cumbersome  and  gorgeously 
ornamented,  while  the  mass  of  the  people  traveled  on  foot.  There  were 
peddlers  who  supplied  the  country  folk,  there  were  strolling  players, 
minstrels,  and  jugglers.  On  great  occasions  the  minstrels  flocked 
together  from  every  part  of  western  Christendom  :  at  the  marriage  of 
Edward  I's  daughter,  for  instance,  no  less  than  four  hundred  and 
twenty-six  were  present.  Some,  of  course,  were  regularly  attached  to 
royal  and  baronial  households,  and  in  many  cities  there  were  gilds  or 
brotherhoods,  formed  for  "  well-ordered  gaity,"  with  rules  for  mem- 
bership, singing  contests,  and  processions.  Most  of  the  singers, 
however,  were  wandering  vagabonds  who  combined  tumbling  and 


LIFE   IN   ENGLAND   UNDER  THE   FIRST  THREE   EDWARDS     145 

sleight-of-hand  performances  with  minstrelsy,  and  were  often  news- 
mongers, spies,  and  stirrers  up  of  revolt. 

Beggars,  Friars,  and  Pilgrims.  —  In  addition,  there  were  hosts  of 
beggars  and  wandering  laborers  whom  the  statutes  failed  to  check. 
More  numerous  still  were  those  who  claimed  to  be  servants  of  God  and 
the  Church ;  even  the  hermits  no  longer  sought  solitary  places  but 
settled  along  frequented  roads  to  ask  alms  of  the  passersby.  The 
strolling  friars  were  as  great  a  nuisance  as  any.  Once  they  had  ren- 
dered manful  service  in  the  care  of  the  poor  and  the  formation  of  educa- 
tion ;  but  the  majority  had  become  lazy  and  corrupt :  they  thrust 
themselves  as  guests  on  the  houses  they  passed,  eating  and  drinking, 
immoderately ;  they  acted  as  venders  of  news  and  small  wares ;  and 
encroached  upon  the  parish  priest  by  assuming  the  right  to  confess 
members  of  their  flocks.  Besides  the  friars  there  were  the  pardoners 
who  sold  remission  of  sins  and  supported  their  claims  by  exhibiting 
curious  relics  of  doubtful  pedigree.  The  roads  were  also  crowded 
with  pilgrims  on  their  way  to  or  from  some  holy  place.  The  most 
popular  shrine  in  England  was  that  of  St.  Thomas  at  Canterbury; 
but  many  went  even  to  Rome  or  the  Holy  Land.  While  the  profes- 
sional pilgrim  or  palmer  enjoyed  various  privileges  beside  the  hope 
of  divine  favor  —  he  was  exempt  from  tolls,  his  person  was  protected, 
and  he  received  free  food  and  shelter  along  the  road  —  others  in  course 
of  time  joined  in  pilgrimages  from  varying  motives.  "  Some  went 
like  gypsies  to  a  fair,  to  gather  money;  some  went  for  the  pleasure 
of  the  journey,  and  the  merriment  of  the  road."  They  told  of  the 
marvelous  relics  they  had  seen ;  furthermore,  like  other  strollers  they 
were  welcomed  as  bringers  of  news  and  letters.  In  spite  of  the  super- 
stition and  trickery  which  they  fostered,  pilgrimages  were  of  intense 
value  —  they  drew  people  together,  broke  down  local  prejudice,  spread 
news  and  civilization,  fostered  commerce,  and  gave  a  holiday  to  many 
who  would  have  got  it  in  no  other  way. 

Accommodation  for  Travelers.  —  Travelers  were  accommodated 
in  different  ways.  The  King  and  his  retinue  might  be  billeted  on  the 
inhabitants  of  places  along  their  road.  Monasteries  dispensed  hos- 
pitality to  all  classes,  frequently  having  a  guest  house  outside  the  walls 
for  the  humbler  folk.  In  many  towns  there  were  lodgings,  the  keepers 
of  which  were  employed  by  the  burghers  to  lure  customers  to  them. 
In  the  country  there  were  vacant  buildings  where  merchants  got  shel- 
ter for  the  night,  providing  their  own  food  and  bedding  —  hence  called 
"  cold  harbors."  The  inns  were  patronized  chiefly  by  merchants. 
Although  numerous  enough  they  were  not  overcomf  or  table  or  clean. 
Moreover,  the  landlords  were  not  infrequently  suspected  of  being  in 


146     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

league  with  robbers,  and,  when  not  so  bad  as  that,  were  often  guilty 
of  trickery  and  extortion,  a  favorite  device  being  to  draw  guests  into 
ordering  more  than  they  had  money  to  pay  for  and  then  to  seize  their 
baggage  and  clothes.  The  inns  were  favorite  resorts  for  the  less  repu- 
table classes  who  spent  their  time  drinking,  gossiping,  and  gaming. 
By  the  roadside  and  in  the  smaller  villages  were  alehouses,  advertised 
by  a  stake  or  a  bush  projecting  over  the  door.  They  furnished  no  lodg- 
ing, and  were  often  kept  by  women  —  "  alewives  "  —  who  had  a  bad 
reputation  for  cheating  both  in  money  and  measure.  Under  such 
conditions  hospitality  was  regarded  as  a  great  virtue,  and  was  general, 
from  the  lord  of  the  manor  to  the  poorest  cotter. 

Public  Health,  Medicine  and  Surgery.  —  As  in  the  past,  lack  of 
fresh  food,  unsanitary  conditions,  and  inadequacy  of  transportation 
were  the  cause  of  famine  and  epidemics.  In  1315  heavy  rains  wrought 
destruction  with  the  harvest,  causing  such  pressure  of  hunger  that  not 
only  horses  and  dogs  but,  it  is  said,  children  were  eaten,  and  felons 
in  jail  tore  one  another  to  pieces,  while,  in  1322,  there  was  another  visi- 
tation of  famine  and  disease  when  fifty-five  poor  persons  in  London 
were  crushed  to  death  in  a  scramble  for  food  distributed  at  a  rich  man's 
funeral.  All  this  occurred  while  the  upper  classes  were  living  in  luxury, 
though  there  was  more  splendor  than  comfort ;  for  example,  Edward 
III  dismissed  his  Constable  of  the  Tower  because  he  had  so  neglected 
repairs  that  the  rain  came  in  on  the  bed  of  his  sick  Queen,  and,  in  1357, 
when  his  dead  mother  was  brought  to  London  for  burial,  the  streets 
had  to  be  cleared  of  filth  for  the  passage  of  the  body.  Although  the 
Black  Death  started  a  movement  for  better  sanitation,  the  plague 
came  back  at  least  six  times  before  the  close  of  the  century,  causing 
the  greatest  destruction  and  demoralization,  and  preventing  the  natu- 
ral recovery  from  the  devastation  of  1348-1349.  The  science  of 
medicine  and  surgery  was  still  in  a  primitive  state,  even  if  some  prog- 
ress was  made  during  the  century.  Monks  and  Jews  had  been  the 
first  to  practice  the  art  of  healing  in  England,  and  after  the  expulsion 
of  the  Jews  the  bulk  of  the  practice  fell  to  the  monks,  in  spite  of  pro- 
hibition of  papal  bulls.  Prayers,  ceremonies,  visits  to  shrines,  astrol- 
ogy, charms,  and  spells  were  the  commonly  accepted  means  for 
curing  ills;  and  were  sometimes  employed  as  adjuncts  by  the 
practitioner.  The  incorporation  of  the  Barber  Surgeons  as  gilds 
at  London  and  York,  toward  the  end  of  the  century,  worked  an 
era  in  surgery. 

Military  and  Domestic  Architecture.  —  Castles,  while  they  reached 
their  highest  degree  of  development  in  the  time  of  the  Edwards,  came 
to  be  employed  more  and  more  exclusively  as  governmental  and  mili- 


LIFE  IN  ENGLAND   UNDER   THE   FIRST  THREE   EDWARDS     147 

tary  fortresses;  yet,  curiously  enough,  by  the  time  the  art  of  building 
them  had  been  perfected,  the  introduction  of  cannon  and  gunpowder 
rendered  them  useless.  Fortified  manor  houses  largely  replaced 
the  old  private  castles,  though  the  causes  making  for  this  change  were 
at  work  long  before  the  new  implements  of  war  were  generally  adopted. 
Since  the  time  of  Stephen  the  Crown  had  refused  to  tolerate  private 
castles,  except  in  rare  instances,  and  had  usually  been  strong  enough 
to  enforce  its  prohibitions.  Moreover,  the  cessation  of  feudal  warfare 
made  them  no  longer  necessary,  and  the  upper  classes  preferred  more 
comfortable  dwelling  places  just  strong  enough  to  protect  them  against 
robbers  and  occasional  disorders,  although  these  manor  houses  were 
bare  and  inconvenient  enough  according  to  modern  standards. 

Ecclesiastical  Architecture.  --  The  prevailing  style  of  church 
architecture  during  the  period  of  the  three  Edwards  was  the  so-called 
"  decorated,"  an  elaboration  of  the  pointed  Gothic  or  early  English, 
distinguished  particularly  by  the  ornateness  of  its  window  traceries, 
but,  with  all  its  warmth  and  richness,  lacking  the  dignified  simplicity 
of  the  style  which  it  displaced.  In  the  reign  of  Edward  III  a  new 
style  began  to  appear,  the  perpendicular,  which  became  dominant 
during  the  following  century.  In  general,  it  was  stiff,  formal,  and 
unadorned ;  nevertheless,  while  beautiful  curves  gave  way  to  straight 
lines  and  angularity,  elements  of  beauty  were  not  wholly  lacking. 
Two  notable  features  which  did  much  to  relieve  the  prosaic  bareness 
of  the  perpendicular  were  the  magnificent  roofs,  both  open  timbered 
and  vaulted,  and  the  fine  towers,  even  though  they  do  not  equal  the 
spires  which  they  replaced. 

The  Universities.  —  Following  the  trend  of  the  tunes,  the  univer- 
sities became  more  and  more  national,  and  English  scholars  ceased 
to  migrate  to  the  Continent  in  any  considerable  numbers.  Oxford, 
though  it  long  maintained  its  ascendancy  over  its  younger  rival,  Cam- 
bridge, had  troubles  of  its  own  to  contend  with.  Friction  with  the 
townsmen  was  intense,  often  leading  to  open  fighting;  the  faculty 
were  often  at  odds  among  themselves;  and  the  ill-feeling  between 
students  from  different  parts  of  the  country,  particularly  north  and 
south,  was  so  acute  as  to  lead  to  frequent  secessions.  While  the  higher 
ranks  were  represented  the  majority  were  from  the  lower  walks  of 
life,  the  poorest  of  whom  supported  themselves  by  the  work  of  their 
hands  or  even  begged  on  occasion.  Below  the  universities  there  were, 
in  connection  with  convents,  grammar  schools  presided  over  by  secular 
clerks,  the  convents  receiving  the  fees  and  paying  the  teacher  a  stipend. 
The  Inns  of  Court  at  London  furnished  training  for  the  common 
lawyer. 


148     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Literature :  Chronicles  and  Romances.  —  History  was  still  mainly 
in  the  hands  of  the  monastic  chronicles ;  but  the  man  who  best  voiced 
the  chivalrous  and  martial  ideals  of  the  age  of  Edward  III  was  Jean 
Froissart  (1337-1410),  whose  Chronicle  tells  the  story  of  the  English  feats 
in  the  Hundred  Years'  War  with  a  richness  and  vividness  of  detail  that 
has  made  the  book  a  joy  for  all  time.  French  metrical  romances,  telling 
of  the  wanderings  of  knights,  good  and  valiant,  of  their  deeds  of  daring 
in  overcoming  giants  and  paynims,  of  their  succoring  ladies  in  distress, 
and  of  their  service  to  religion,  continued  to  be  very  popular.  Legends 
which  had  clustered  about  the  names  of  mighty  men  of  old  time, 
Alexander,  Charlemagne,  and  King  Arthur,  and  the  beautiful  story 
of  the  Search  for  the  Holy  Grail  were  among  their  chief  subjects,  most 
of  them  worked  over  from  French  originals  in  the  new  English  speech 
which  was  shaping  itself  during  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries. 

Religious  Literature  and  Plays.  Ballads.  —  Alongside  the  knightly 
romance  there  grew  up  a  mass  of  religious  literature,  mostly  in  verse, 
lives  of  saints,  sermons,  tracts,  and  epics,  some  of  which  aimed  to  en- 
tertain as  well  as  to  instruct  and  edify.  More  popular  still  were  the 
religious"  plays.  The  earliest  were  the  miracle  plays  —  which  drama- 
tized Bible  stories  and  the  wonders  wrought  by  saints.  Beginning 
in  certain  ceremonies  in  the  Church  on  such  feast  days  as  Easter,  the 
mysteries  were  soon  transferred  to  the  churchyard  and  then  to  the 
town  square,  while,  by  the  fourteenth  century,  they  had  passed  from 
the  hands  of  the  priests  to  the  gilds  who  gave  annual  exhibitions  on 
Corpus  Christi  day.  Usually  each  gild  had  a  cart,  drawn  by  appren- 
tices, with  a  stage  erected  upon  it.  Each  of  these  moving  stages  — 
known  as  "  pageants  "  *  —  represented  one  scene  of  the  story,  and 
the  whole  sequence  was  known  as  a  cycle.  Somewhat  later  appeared 
the  morality  plays  which  dealt  with  the  strife  between  good  and  evil 
rather  than  with  theology.  Vice,  greed,  innocence,  indeed  all  sorts 
of  human  traits  were  personified.  To  these  plays  and  to  the  royal 
pageants  representing  scenes  from  classic  and  medieval  legend,  such 
as  the  fight  between  St.  George  and  the  Dragon,  may  be  traced  the 
beginnings  of  the  later  drama.  Christmas  "  mummings,"  too,  were 
very  popular,  in  which  Old  Father  Christmas,  Old  King  Cole,  and  the 
Merry  Andrew  came  to  be  well-known  figures ;  though,  on  other  occa- 
sions, as  well,  mummers  paraded  the  streets  in  grotesque  masks,  rep- 
resenting various  animals,  or  dressed  in  the  garb  of  beasts  or  satyrs 
with  men's  heads.  Among  a  mass  of  ballads,  many  of  them  political 
in  character,  the  best  known  are  those  which  relate  the  deeds  of  the 

1  From  this  original  meaning  the  term  came  to  be  applied  to  the  play  and  then 
to  any  imposing  spectacle. 


LIFE  IN  ENGLAND  UNDER  THE  FIRST  THREE  EDWARDS     149 

legendary  outlaw  Robin  Hood,  who  was  supposed  to  have  dwelt  in 
Sherwood  Forest,  in  the  later  twelfth  century,  protecting  the  poor  and 
robbing  their  oppressors.  His  many  adventures  and  those  of  Little 
John,  Friar  Tuck,  and  Maid  Marian  were  also  worked  up  into  plays. 

Geoffrey  Chaucer  (1340-1400). — The  great  name  in  the  literature 
of  the  age,  indeed  one  of  the  great  names  in  the  literature  of  the  world, 
was  that  of  Geoffrey  Chaucer,  "  the  father  of  English  poetry."  The 
son  of  a  London  vintner,  he  began  life  as  a  page  in  a  princely  household. 
His  residence  at  the  English  court,  the  most  brilliant  in  Europe,  his 
travels  in  many  lands,  his  associations  with  all  sorts  and  conditions  of 
men  gave  him  rare  opportunities  of  which  his  genius  made  the  fullest 
use.  Chaucer's  early  literary  products  appeared  under  the'rspell  of 
the  old  French  courtly  romances.  A  diplomatic  mission  to  Italy  in 
1372-1373  marked  a  crisis  in  the  poet's  life,  for  it  was  then  that  he 
came  into  the  world  of  the  Renascence,  that  marvelous  revival  of 
learning  and  outburst  of  literary  and  artistic  creations  which  came  to 
birth  in  Italian  soil.  There  he  learned  to  know  the  sublime  vision  of 
Dante,  the  exquisite  poetic  forms  of  Petrarch,  and  the  tales  of  Boccac- 
cio. It  was  the  latter  which  may  have  determined  the  form  of  Chau- 
cer's masterpiece  and  furnished  him  with  some  of  the  stories  which  he 
included  in  it.  The  result  of  his  Italian  sojourn  is  seen  in  various 
works  which  he  produced  after  his  return,  among  them  Troilus  and 
Creseide,  described  as  "  the  first  analytical  novel  in  the  English  lan- 
guage." In  his  third  or  English  period  came  the  crowning  achieve- 
ment of  Chaucer's  life,  the  Canterbury  Tales,  told  through  the  mouths 
of  a  body  of  pilgrims  journeying  from  the  Tabard  Inn  in  Southwark 
to  the  shrine  of  Thomas  Becket  at  Canterbury.  The  poet  completed 
less  than  a  quarter  of  his  projected  work ;  but  he  depicted  the  pecul- 
iarities of  individuals  representing  various  walks  of  life,  the  knight, 
the  friar,  the  nun,  the  franklin,  the  physician,  the  Oxford  scholar,  the 
merchant,  the  miller,  and  many  more,  with  a  fidelity,  a  vividness,  and 
a  humor  unsurpassed  by  any  writer  before  or  since.  Writing  in  the 
tongue  of  the  southeast  Midlands  he  stamped  that  form  upon  the  Eng- 
lish to  the  very  borders  c>F  Scotland  and  Wales ;  spreading  as  England 
grew  into  an  Empire,  the  speech  and  writing  of  a  considerable  part  of 
the  world's  population  owes  more  to  Chaucer  than  to  any  other  single 
man. 

John  Gower  and  William  Langland.  —  Of  the  works  of  John  Gower, 
a  contemporary  of  lesser  note,  the  Vox  Clamantis,  containing  an  ac- 
count of  the  Peasant  Revolt,  in  1381,  and  a  severe  denunciation  of 
government  and  society  of  the  time,  is  of  the  most  historic  interest. 
But  the  social  unrest  of  this  age  and  the  outcry  against  the  oppression, 


150     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND  AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

folly,  and  vices  of  the  ruling  classes  is  best  voiced  in  the  Vision  of 
William  Concerning  Piers  the  Plowman,  sometimes  attributed  to 
William  Langland.  In  the  form  of  an  allegory,  written  in  a  revival  of 
the  native  alliterative  verse,  the  Vision  traces  the  exaltation  of  the 
common  man,  pictured  as  a  simple  rustic,  until  he  becomes  a  mystical 
type  of  Christ.  It  lashes  the  sins  of  society  and  the  individual,  and 
preaches  the  gospel  of  man  and  the  glory  of  work.  In  spite  of  its 
allegorical  and  abstract  form,  the  descriptions  are  so  concrete  and  vital 
that  men  and  women  seem  to  live  and  breathe  before  the  reader. 

Wiclif  a  National  Champion.  —  While  Piers  Plowman  aimed  chiefly 
at  men  Wiclif  struck  at  a  system.  It  was  his  work  to  mold  the  griev- 
ances against  the  Church  and  the  Papacy  into  tangible  form.  Since 
the  Popes  from  1305  to  1378  were  settled  at  Avignon  under  French 
control,  his  opposition  had  a  popular  national  color.  Not  only,  how- 
ever, did  he  oppose  papal  demands  for  money  and  papal  claims  to 
provide  for  English  benefices,  but  he  maintained  that  the  Church 
should  hold  no  property,  because  it  hindered  truly  spiritual  work. 
Hence,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  State  to  take  land  and  revenues  which 
hampered  the  Church  in  the  performance  of  its  proper  duties.  More- 
over, he  contended  that  a  Pope,  if  unrighteous  or  unworthy,  lost 
his  right  to  rule ;  and  his  decrees,  if  against  the  will  of  God,  were  of 
no,  binding  force.  When  asked  by  Parliament  whether,  when  the 
Kingdom  was  in  danger  of  invasion,  it  could  refuse,  even  against  a 
papal  order,  to  send  money  out  of  the  realm,  he  replied  that  the  Pope 
could  only  ask  for  money  as  charity,  and,  since  charity  begins  at  home, 
it  would  be  folly  to  give  in  the  present  juncture. 

Early  in  1378,  shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  papal  bulls  against  him, 
he  was  brought  before  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  Bishop  of 
London,  acting  as  papal  commissioners ;  but  the  Queen  Mother,  widow 
of  the  Black  Prince,  who  had  taken  up  his  cause,  sent  a  message  for- 
bidding them  to  pass  sentence  on  him,  while  a  body  of  London  citizens, 
accompanied  by  a  disorderly  rabble,  now  that  his  unpopular  champion, 
John  of  Gaunt,  was  no  longer  in  power  to  support  him,  appeared 
menacingly  before  the  archiepiscopal  palace.  The  upshot  was  a 
simple  request  from  his  judges  that  Wiclif  desist  from  discussing 
the  points  enumerated  in  bulls. 

The  Development  of  Wiclif 's  Views  after  1378.  — This  very  year, 
1378,  marked  an  advance  far  beyond  his  original  position.  Gregory  XI 
had  moved  back  to  Rome  from  Avignon,  and,  on  his  death,  two  rival, 
Popes  were  elected,  one  by  the  Roman  party,  and  one  by  the  French. 
The  resulting  struggle,  known  as  the  Great  Schism,  which  rent  the 
Church  in  twain,  led  Wiclif  to  question  the  authority  of  the  Papacy 


LIFE  IN  ENGLAND  UNDER  THE  FIRST  THREE  EDWARDS     151 

altogether.  Nor  did  he  stop  with  attacking  the  Church's  form  of 
government ;  but  proceeded  to  strike  a  blow  at  her  most  central  dogma, 
the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation.  According  to  the  orthodox  belief 
the  bread  and  wine  used  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  were 
transformed  by  the  consecrating  words  of  the  priest  into  the  very  body 
and  blood  of  Christ.1  Wiclif  did  not  go  so  far  as  some  of  the  later 
Protestants  and  deny  the  Real  Presence  altogether;  he  maintained 
that  after  the  bread  and  wine  were  consecrated  they  did  not  disappear, 
but  that  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  came  and  dwelt  in  them.  In 
other  words,  for  transubstantiation  he  substituted  consubstantiation. 
.His  doctrines,  now  too  extreme  for  many,  were  twice  condemned,  and, 
though  he  was  spared,  his  followers  were  persecuted  rigorously.  Dur- 
ing his  last  years,  spent  in  peaceful  retirement,  he  wrote  nearly  all  of 
his  English  works  and  revised  his  Latin  works,  which  fill  together 
nearly  thirty  printed  volumes.  He  died  30  December,  1384.2 

The  Two  Channels  of  "Wiclif  s  Teachings.  —  Some  years  before  his 
death  Wiclif  had  devised  two  agencies  to  spread  his  teaching  among 
the  humbler  folk.  One  was  his  "  poor  preachers,"  sent  out,  staff  in 
hand  and  clad  in  coarse  russet  gown,  to  preach  the  simple  truths  of 
the  Gospel.  Those  who  accepted  his  teachings  came  to  be  known  as 
Lollards.  As  an  organized  sect  they  did  not  long  survive  Wiclif's 
death :  they  were  accused  of  socialism  and  held  responsible  for  the 
Peasant  Revolt ;  their  doctrines  shocked  the  orthodox ;  and  the  lowly 
character  of  their  following  excited  the  contempt  of  the  great.  Never- 
theless, their  work  lived  after  them  :  they  struck  the  first  mortal  blow 
at  the  Church  of  Rome  in  England,  and  they  infused  a  spirit  of  earnest- 
ness into  English  life  which  reached  its  fruition  in  the  Puritan  Revolu- 
tion nearly  three  centuries  later  ;  and  the  Queen  of  Richard  II  carried 
their  teachings  to  Bohemia,  where  John  Huss,  the  forerunner  of  Martirr 
Luther,  felt  their  influence.  Wiclif's  second  agency  was  the  transla- 
tion of  the  Bible  which  he  perfected,  supervised,  and  assisted  to  carry 
out,  though  the  bulk  of  the  work  was  done  by  an  associate,  and  after 

1  From  the  point  of  view  of  medieval  "realist"  philosophers  the  doctrine  was 
more  rational  than  it  might  seem  to  a  modern  Protestant ;  in  their  minds  the  reality 
or  substance  of  a  thing  was  not  the  visible  attributes  which  could  be  seen,  touched 
and  handled,  but  an  inner  invisible  essence.     That  was  what  was  believed  to  change. 
Two  good  reasons  explain  why  the  Church  fostered  the  belief  in  transubstantiation. 
It  emphasized  the  human  side  of  Christ,  which  certain  of  the  early  sects  denied; 
and  it  exalted  the  priesthood,  who  were  held  in  higher  reverence  from  their  ability 
to  perform  the  miracle.     It  was  to  combat  the  sacerdotal  power  that  Wiclif  framed 
his  view. 

2  In  1428,  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  Council  of  Constance  passed  in 
1415,  his  remains  were  dug  up,  burned,  and  cast  into  a  neighboring  brook. 


152     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Wiclif's  death  was  revised  and  reissued  in  a  completer  form.  Al- 
though not  a  stylist,  Wiclif's  achievements  in  spreading  the  Bible 
among  the  people  exerted  an  influence  which  entitle  him  to  be  called 
the  "  father  of  English  prose,"  for  Chaucer  wrote  in  verse.  By  sup- 
pressing the  Bible  the  Government  not  only  arrested  the  program  of 
true  religious  thought,  but  the  growth  of  English  prose  as  well. 

England  a  National  State.  —  In  the  wars  against  France,  in  the 
struggle  to  control  its  own  commerce  and  to  develop  native  industries, 
in  the  conflict  against  the  power  of  Rome,  in  the  rise  of  a  purely  English 
literature,  one  great  fact  is  evident ;  England  had  become  a  nation. 
As  the  barons,  who,  in  the  tune  of  John  and  Henry  III,  fought  selfishly 
against  royal  despotism  and  the  exploitation  of  their  country  by 
foreigners,  had  unconsciously  prepared  the  way  for  a  constitutional 
monarchy,  so  they  had,  again  unwittingly,  taken  the  first  steps  to 
awaken  a  national  spirit  which  first  came  to  a  full,  conscious  realiza- 
tion in  the  England  of  Edward  III. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

For  the  constitutional  aspects  of  the  period  the  works  already  cited. 
Medley  is  particularly  good  on  the  development  of  Parliament. 

For  social,  industrial  and  intellectual  conditions  in  addition  to  the  works 
already  cited,  e.g.  in  chs.  V,  X,  J.  E.  T.  Rogers,  A  History  of  Agriculture 
and  Prices  (6  vols.,  1866-1867)  and  his  Six  Centuries  of  Work  and  Wages 
(1890)  based  upon  it,  both  valuable  but  not  to  be  relied  upon  implicitly. 
G.  G.  Coulton,  Social  Life  in  Britain  from  the  Conquest  to  the  Reformation 
(1918) ;  G.  E.  Unwin,  ed.,  Finance  and  Trade  under  Edward  III  (1918) ; 
L.  F.  Salzmann,  English  Industries  of  the  Middle  Ages  (1914) ;  E.  L.  Cutts, 
Scenes  and  Characters  in  the  Middle  Ages  (1872) ;  Jusserand,  English  Way- 
faring Life  in  the  Middle  Ages  (2d  ed.,  1889) ;  Gasquet,  The  Great  Pestilence 
(1893) ;  Charles  Creighton,  History  of  Epidemics  in  Britain  (2  vols.,  1891- 
1894) ;  R.  L.  Poole,  Illustrations  of  the  History  of  Mediaeval  Thought  (1884) ; 
A.  F.  Leach,  The  Schools  of  Mediaeval  England  (1915) ;  E.  K.  Chambers, 
The  Mediaeval  Stage  (1903) ;  Robert  Withington,  English  Pageantry  (vol.  I, 
1919) ;  W.  H.  Schofield,  Chivalry  in  English  Literature  (1915). 

For  the  Church  see,  W.  W.  Capes,  History  of  the  English  Church  (1903) 
and  G.  V.  Lechler,  John  Wiclif  and  his  English  Precursors  (2  vols.,  1881- 
1884). 


CHAPTER  XIV 

RICHARD  H  (1377-1399).     THE  END  OF  THE  PLANTAGENET 

DYNASTY 

A  Boy  King.  "Unsatisfactory  State  of  the  Country.  —  On  16  July, 
1377,  a  boy  of  ten,  Richard,  son  of  the  Black  Prince,  was  crowned  King. 
Although  the  reign  began  with  a  prospect  of  conciliation  beween 
contending  factions,  nevertheless,  Piers  Plowman  had  prophesied 
truly  that  "  where  the  cat  is  a  kitten,  the  kingdom  is  full  miserable." 
The  pestilence  and  the  long  war  had  thinned  the  population  and  bur- 
dened the  country  with  heavy  taxes,  while  the  English  possessions  in 
France  had  been  reduced  to  marsh-girdled  Calais  and  a  portion  of 
Aquitaine.  Bands  of  armed  men,  wearing  the  livery  of  one  or  another 
great  lord,  roamed  through  England,  plundering  and  disturbing  the 
peace.  In  the  face  of  suffering,  danger,  and  disorder  the  Commons 
viewed  with  increasing  resentment  the  luxury  at  court. 

The  Poll  Taxes  of  1379  and  1380.  —  The  Government,  chosen  by 
the  Parliament  to  act  for  the  little  King,  proved  ineffective  and  un- 
popular. Its  war  measures  were  particularly  unsuccessful,  yet  in 
order  to  meet  the  expenses  which  they  involved,  poll  taxes  were  de- 
vised. The  first,  levied  in  1379,  was  carefully  graduated  according  to 
wealth,  but  in  a  new  assessment,  imposed  the  following  year,  the  bur- 
den fell  more  heavily  on  the  lower  classes,  causing  great  "  dismay  and 
woe,"  and  furnishing  the  occasion  for  a  revolt  which  had  been  brewing 
for  years. 

Conditions  Leading  to  the  Peasant  Revolt.  —  The  widespread 
discontent  was  social  and  industrial  as  well  as  political.  The  peas- 
antry were  infuriated  at  the  attempts  since  the  Black  Death  to  revive 
old  villein  services,  and  joined  the  artisans  in  strenuous  opposition  to 
the  Statutes  of  Laborers.  In  the  towns,  the  lesser  folk  chafed  also 
at  the  selfish,  arbitrary  policy  of  the  ruling  bodies.  Very  generally 
municipal  governments  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  little  oligarchies 
who  governed  with  a  total  disregard  of  their  unprivileged  fellow- 
townsmen.  Another  grievance  was  the  restrictive  gild  regulation  which 


154     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

bore  with  peculiar  harshness  on  the  unskilled  laborers  in  preventing 
them  from  passing  from  one  employment  to  another.  Among  other 
uneasy  and  discontented  elements  were  soldiers  released  from  the  war 
and  disinclined  to  work,  while  fugitive  villeins,  idlers,  and  criminals 
swelled  the  throng.  Then  there  were  the  more  extreme  among  the 
followers  of  Wiclif,  though  he  himself  had  not  sanctioned  force.  A 
"  mad  priest,"  John  Ball,  went  about  teaching  that  goods  should  be 
held  in  common  and  the  distinction  between  lord  and  serf  wiped  away. 
However,  the  poll  tax,  received  with  "  great  grudging  and  many  a 
bitter  curse,"  was  the  spark  that  fired  the  train. 

The  Peasant  Revolt  (1381).  — While  the  chief  centers  of  disturbance 
were  in  the  south  and  east,  the  revolt  broke  out  nearly  simultaneously 
in  almost  every  part  of  the  country.  The  name  "  Peasant  Revolt," 
by  which  it  was  commonly  known,  is  misleading.  In  Kent,  for  example, 
where  no  villeinage  existed,  the  chief  grievances  were  the  poll  tax  and 
the  maladministration.  The  plan  was  to  kill  all  lords  and  gentlemen 
and  great  churchmen,  to  burn  tax  rolls  and  title  deeds,  to  secure  pos- 
session of  the  King,  and  to  take  the  government  into  their  own  hands. 

Outbreak  in  Essex  and  Kent.  The  March  on  London.  —  The  first 
outbreak  occurred  in  Essex,  late  in  May,  with  the  stoning  of  the  royal 
tax  commissioners.  Within  a  few  days  the  Kentishmen  rose,  choosing 
as  leader  one  Wat  Tyler,  an  obscure  adventurer  of  ready  wit  and  sharp 
tongue.  Rapidly  swelling  in  numbers  the  rioters  started  for  London, 
burning  houses  of  royal  officials,  lawyers,  and  unpopular  landlords  as 
they  proceeded.  On  the  evening  of  12  June,  they  encamped  on  Black- 
heath  ;  the  same  night  the  Essex  insurgents,  who  had  been  busy 
destroying  court  and  manorial  rolls,  reached  Mile  End ;  thus  London 
was  threatened  from  the  north  and  east.  The  next  morning  John 
Ball  preached  a  fiery  sermon,  declaring  that  in  the  beginning  all  men 
were  equal,  that  the  wicked  had  reduced  them  to  servitude  and  that 
the  time  had  come  to  shake  off  the  yoke.  Stimulated  by  his  words, 
the  insurgents  streamed  into  the  City,  though  with  wise  moderation 
they  spared  the  property  of  all  except  their  chief  enemies. 

The  Conference  at  Mile  End.  —  On  the  morning  of  the  i4th,  young 
Richard  rode  out  to  Mile  End,  northeast  of  the  City  walls,  entering 
the  howling  mob,  as  a  "  lamb  among  wolves."  However,  they  re- 
ceived him  joyfully  on  bended  knees,  crying :  "  Welcome,  our  Lord 
King  Richard,  an  it  please  you  we  desire  no  other  King  than  you," 
whereupon,  he  heard  their  petition,  presented  by  Wat  Tyler,  and 
granted  every  article.  Their  chief  demands  were  :  abolition  of  serf- 
dom, full  pardon  to  all  insurgents,  the  right  to  buy  and  sell  freely, 
fixed  rents,  and  adjustment  of  wages  by  mutual  agreement. 


THE   END   OF  THE   PLANTAGENET   DYNASTY  155 

Excesses  of  the  Rioters.  Murder  of  Wat  Tyler.  —  In  spite  of  the 
royal  concessions  —  which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Richard's  councilors 
had  no  intention  of  carrying  out  —  Wat  Tyler  led  a  band  of  rioters 
from  the  conference  and  sought  out  and  cruelly  murdered  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  and  the  Treasurer,  together  with  a  few  others 
whom  they  specially  hated.  Satisfied  with  what  Richard  had  granted 
them,  "  the  simple  and  honest  folk  "  departed  to  their  homes,  while 
the  extremists,  the  criminal,  and  the  disorderly  spent  the  night  in 
slaughter,  plundering,  and  burning.  At  a  meeting,  held  next  day  to 
placate  Tyler  with  further  concessions,  he  was  provoked  into  drawing 
his  dagger  and  surrounded  and  cut  down  so  promptly  that  it  seemed 
as  if  the  whole  thing  had  been  planned.  When  straightway  the  in- 
surgents began  to  draw  their  bows,  little  Richard,  so  the  story  goes, 
showed  himself  a  worthy  son  of  the  Black  Prince ;  speeding  toward 
them  and  waving  them  back  he  cried :  "  Sirs,  will  you  shoot  your  King  ? 
I  will  be  your  chief  and  captain,  you  shall  have  from  me  all  that  you 
seek."  While  he  delayed  them  in  parley  the  Lord  Mayor  hastened  to 
rally  the  citizens,  and,  with  their  aid,  the  King  was  more  than  a  match 
for  the  rabble,  demoralized  by  the  loss  of  their  chief.  Yet  he  was  wise 
enough  to  let  them  depart  in  peace,  though  he  ordered  Tyler's  head 
to  be  fixed  on  London  Bridge. 

Suppression  of  the  Revolt.  Results.  —  The  backbone  of  the  re- 
sistance in  London  was  broken.  Kent  submitted  without  fighting. 
The  Essex  insurgents  demanded  the  confirmation  of  Mile  End  con- 
cessions ;  but  King  Richard  led  an  army  against  them  and  put  them 
down,  declaring,  regardless  of  his  promises :  "  Villeins  ye  are  still, 
and  villeins  ye  shall  remain."  About  a  hundred  of  the  rebels  were 
tried  and  put  to  death,  among  them  John  Ball.  Outside  of  Kent  and 
Essex,  risings  in  East  Anglia  caused  the  most  trouble,  those  in  other 
parts  of  the  country  were  scattered  and  were  suppressed  by  September. 
Parliament  met  in  November.  While  all  the  King's  promises  were 
revoked,  a  general  amnesty,  excepting  almost  two  hundred  names,  was 
proclaimed.  Thus  encouraged,  many  lords  not  only  reasserted  their 
rights,  but  tightened  the  bonds.  While  it  is  notable  as  the  first  great 
struggle  of  labor  against  capjial,  the  Revolt  of  1381  led  to  no  startling 
changes.  Serfdom,  for  example,  was  only  gradually  abolished,  and 
this  was  due  mainly  to  substitution  of  pasture  for  arable,  and  of 
leasehold  farming  for  direct  cultivation  by  manorial  lords. 

Royal  Favorites  and  the  Opposition  (1382-1386).  —  Richard's  edu- 
cation was  very  defective,  awakening  in  him  a  love  of  luxury  rather 
than  of  work.  While  Parliament  sought  to  hold  him  in  leading  strings, 
self-seeking  courtiers  fed  him  with  exalted  notions  of  the  royal  powers 


156     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

and  urged  him  to  throw  off  the  parliamentary  yoke.  His  chief 
favorites  were,  Robert  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford,  and  Michael  de  la 
Pole,  later  Earl  of  Suffolk — the  former  a  person  of  mean  attainments, 
the  latter  a  trained  general  and  diplomat  whose  aim  was  to  make  peace 
with  France  and  to  restore  order  by  strengthening  the  royal  authority. 
War  with  France  dragged  on  languidly  and  fitfully,  for  Parliament 
would  neither  grant  money  for  an  adequate  expedition  led  by  the  King 
in  person,  nor,  though  an  occasional  truce  was  made,  would  they  accept 
peace  on  French  terms.  The  conflict  between  the  King  and  the 
Opposition  was  an  unedifying  one.  While  the  issue  was  again  raised 
of  control  of  royal  expenditure  and  the  appointment  of  Ministers,  the 
anti-Court  party,  among  them  two  of  the  King's  uncles,  was  more 
anxious  for  power  than  reform  of  abuses ;  on  the  other  hand,  Richard 
developed  a  fiery,  headstrong  temper  and  heaped  favors  upon  his 
favorites.  In  1386  he  was  forced  to  dismiss  Suffolk,  who,  though  the 
charges  against  him  of  subverting  the  laws  and  enriching  himself  with 
public  money  could  not  be  sustained,  was  impeached  and  temporarily 
imprisoned. 

The  Lords  Appellant  (1387)  and  the  Merciless  Parliament  (1388). — 
Richard  refused  to  recognize  a  Council  of  Eleven  set  up  by  the  baronial 
opposition  in  Parliament,  and  secured  from  the  judges  an  opinion  that 
such  attempts  to  interfere  with  his  prerogative  were  treasonable  and 
that  Parliament  had  no  right  to  impeach  his  Ministers  without  his 
consent.  Thereupon,  both  parties  prepared  for  war,  and,  14  Novem- 
ber, 1387,  a  group  of  the  opposition  lords,1  headed  by  Richard's  uncle 
Thomas,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  "  appealed  of  "  or  personally  charged 
with  treason  five  of  the  royal  favorites,  including  de  Vere  and  Suffolk. 
Richard,  seeing  that  resistance  was  useless,  advised  them  to  save 
themselves  and  ultimately  they  all  took  flight.  When  a  new  Parlia- 
ment met,  in  February,  they  ordered  the  arrest  of  the  judges  who  had 
signed  the  opinion  in  favor  of  the  King,  and  the  "  Lords  Appellant  " 
repeated  their  original  appeal  against  the  royal  favorites  supporting 
it  by  formal  charges,  which  were,  in  substance :  that  the  accused  had 
conspired  to  estrange  the  King  from  his  proper  councilors,  that  they 
had  raised  an  armed  force,  and  had  sought  to  massacre  their  opponents 
in  Parliament.  Suffolk  and  de  Vere,  beyond  reach,  died  in  exile,  but 
two  of  the  remaining  three  were  executed,  while  a  number  of  others, 
whose  only  crime  was  their  faithful  support  of  King  Richard,  were 
sentenced  to  death  by  this  "  Merciless  Parliament  "  as  it  came  to  be 
called.  The  leaders  enriched  themselves  with  the  offices  and  estates 
of  their  fallen  enemies,  and  the  Lords  Appellant,  who  had  been 
1  The  accusing  lords  were  known  as  the  "Lords  Appellant." 


THE   END   OF  THE   PLANTAGENET   DYNASTY  157 

preaching  economy  all  along,  actually  wrung  a  grant  of  £20,000  from 
Parliament  for  their  services.  With  the  appointment  of  Ministers 
from  their  own  party  and  a  Council  to  control  the  King  their  victory 
seemed  complete. 

Richard's  Eight  Years  of  Good  Rule  (1387-1396).  —  After  less  than 
a  year  of  the  new  regime,  Richard,  by  a  sudden  stroke,  May,  1389, 
took  over  the  government  into  his  own  hands.  He  was  wise  enough, 
however,  not  to  put  in  office  any  of  his  old  favorites  and  even  to  take 
no  vengeance  against  the  members  of  the  Merciless  Parliament.  For 
eight  years  he  ruled  as  a  constitutional  and  popular  King. 

Richard  in  Ireland  (1394-1395).  —  In  1394  Richard  went  to  Ireland, 
the  first  King  to  visit  the  country  since  the  time  of  John.  There  was 
much  to  demand  his  attention,  for  conditions  were  growing  steadily 
worse.  The  "Pale"1  had  shrunk  to  a  small  bit  of  country  about 
Dublin,  and  the  other  districts  under  English  rule  "  were  mere 
patches,"  cut  off  from  it  by  native  tribes  who  were  constantly  in  re- 
volt. In  spite  of  the  Statute  of  Kilkenny  —  passed  in  1366,  prohibit- 
ing the  English  from  intermarrying  with  the  Irish  or  adopting  their 
language  and  dress  —  many  of  the  original  English  settlers  lived  like 
the  native  Irish  and  their  leaders  ruled  as  independent  tribal  chiefs. 
Since  Richard  was  accompanied  by  a  large  army,  the  Anglo-Irish  and 
the  Irish  chiefs  as  well,  thinking  they  could  resume  their  old  courses 
again  after  his  departure,  readily  made  their  submission.  He  sought 
at  once  to  dazzle  them  by  his  splendor  and  to  attach  them  by  his 
generosity :  he  published  an  amnesty  for  all  past  treasons  both  of  the 
Englishry  and  the  Irishry,  he  acknowledged  that  the  harshness  and 
corruption  of  his  officials  had  caused  much  of  the  rebellion  and  dis- 
order of  the  past,  and  took  steps  to  reform  the  judiciary  and  general 
administration  of  the  country. 

Richard's  Attempt  to  Rule  as  an  Absolute  King  (1396-1398). — The 
death  of  Richard's  Queen,  Anne  of  Bohemia,  in  1394,  deprived  him 
of  a  gentle  restraining  influence.  In  1396  peace  for  thirty  years  was 
made  with  France  and,  in  November  of  the  same  year,  he  married  Isa- 
bella, the  daughter  of  Charles  VI.  From  the  moment  of  this  French 
alliance  Richard  began  to  throw  aside  all  his  recent  caution  and  to 
nourish  the  most  unrestrained  ambitions  —  he  increased  the  magnif- 
icence of  his  court,  borrowed  money  right  and  left,  resorted  to  all  sorts 
of  irregular  and  oppressive  means  to  support  his  growing  lavishness, 
and  resisted  with  fury  attempts  at  remonstrance.  Suspecting  that 
Lords  Appellant  were  plotting  against  him,  he  had  them  seized  and 
—  in  a  packed  Parliament  which  met  in  September,  1397  —  "  ap- 
1  The  name  of  the  area  under  English  control. 


158     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

pealed  "  them  of  treason  for  their  acts  of  1387-1388.  All  of  them 
were  speedily  punished;  their  leader,  Gloucester,  shipped  off  to 
Calais,  met  his  death  on  the  way,  probably  murdered  by  royal  order. 
Richard  rewarded  his  supporters  with  unsparing  hand,  creating  no 
less  than  five  dukes  and  one  marquis  and  four  earls,  and,  before  he 
allowed  the  members  of  Parliament  to  separate,  he  made  them  take 
an  oath  to  maintain  all  the  acts  of  the  session. 

Richard's  Absolutism  at  Its  Height. — The  next  year  a  new  session 
was  held  at  Shrewsbury,  in  which  Parliament,  overawed,  it  is  said,  by 
an  armed  force,  passed  measures  that  made  Richard  practically  abso- 
lute. The  acts  of  the  "  Merciless  Parliament  "  were  annulled ;  a  sub- 
sidy on  wool  was  granted  him  for  life ;  and,  this  subservient  body 
agreed  to  delegate  its  authority  to  a  commission  of  eighteen  for  hearing 
petitions  and  transacting  all  undetermined  business.  Further- 
more, Richard  offended  his  subjects  by  the  wildest  statements :  "  The 
laws  were  in  his  mouth  and  in  his  breast,"  he  declared,  "  not  in  any 
statute  books,"  and  "  the  lives  and  lands  of  his  subjects  were  his  own, 
to  be  dealt  with  according  to  his  good  pleasure,  despite  all  legal  forms." 
His  foolhardiness  during  the  next  few  months  almost  passes  belief : 
he  not  only  increased  his  exactions,  but  he  accused  whole  counties  of 
treason,  he  browbeat  judges,  and  imprisoned  hosts  of  persons  on  the 
slightest  pretext.  To  cap  his  folly,  he  seized,  on  the  death  of  John  of 
Gaunt,  the  enormous  estates  of  the  family  in  defiance  of  a  promise  to 
Henry,  John's  eldest  son,  whom  Richard,  in  consequence  of  a  pending 
duel  with  another  noble,  had  recently  banished  for  ten  years  with  the 
assurance  that  his  rights  of  inheritance  would  be  in  no  wise  diminished. 
Indeed,  he  went  further  and  exiled  for  life  this  man  who  stood  next 
but  one  in  line  of  succession  to  the  throne. 

The  Landing  of  Henry  of  Lancaster  4  July  (1399).  —  Having  thus 
wronged  his  rival  beyond  endurance  and  fanned  the  anger  of  his 
subjects  to  a  white  heat,  Richard  departed  for  Ireland  to  chastise  a 
rebel  chief  who  had  slain  the  Lord  Lieutenant.  While  he  was  thus 
occupied,  Henry  of  Lancaster  landed,  4  July,  1399,  at  Ravenspur  in 
Yorkshire.  His  following  was  small,  but  half  of  England  had  sent 
assurances  that  they  were  prepared  to  take  up  his  cause.  With  solemn 
assurances  he  declared  that  he  was  not  a  traitor  aiming  at  the  throne  ; 
but  that  he  came  only  to  recover  his  paternal  heritage  and  to  drive 
away  the  "  King's  mischievous  councilors  and  Ministers."  Directly 
he  heard  the  news  Richard  hastened  back  from  Ireland,  but  his  king- 
dom was  practically  lost  before  his  arrival,  and  almost  no  one  would 
fight  for  him.  At  length,  in  despair,  he  consented  to  surrender,  and 
even  to  abdicate,  on  condition  that  his  life  should  be  spared  and 


THE  END  OF  THE  PLANTAGENET  DYNASTY      159 

that  the  followers  who  had  stood  by  him  should  be  given  a  safe 
conduct.  Amid  the  hoots  of  the  multitude  he  rode  into  London 
a  prisoner. 

The  "  Abdication  "  and  Deposition  of  Richard  (1399).  —  A  Parlia- 
ment  was  summoned,  in  his  name,  to  meet  30  September,  1399 ;  but 
before  it  came  together  he  had  read  before  Lancaster  and  other 
witnesses  a  document  in  which  he  declared  himself,  "  insufficient  and 
useless,"  and  unworthy  to  reign.  This  abdication  was  repeated 
before  Parliament,  together  with  a  list  of  articles  setting  forth  at  length 
the  acts  by  which  Richard  had  violated  the  constitution  and  oppressed 
individuals,  among  them  the  murder  of  Gloucester  and  the  banishment 
and  disinheriting  of  Henry  of  Lancaster.  After  the  articles  had  been 
recited,  both  Houses  voted  that  Richard  should  be  deposed. 

Henry  of  Lancaster  Succeeds  to  the  Throne.  A  Parliamentary 
Dynasty.  —  Thereupon,  Henry  of  Lancaster  rose  and  claimed  the 
vacant  throne  —  basing  his  claim  on  two  grounds,  right  of  descent 
from  Henry  III  and  right  of  conquest.  As  a  matter  of  fact  Henry's 
claim  of  descent  was  merely  a  pretext.1  His  second  claim  was  the 
decisive  one.  Parliament  chose  him  because,  as  the  ablest  male  of 
the  royal  house,  he  had  overcome  a  King  who  had  defied  the  laws  and 
oppressed  the  subjects.  This  action  was  fraught  with  the  deepest  con- 
stitutional significance.  ,  It  j:onfirjnfiH  t  he-precedent^  in_the  case  of 
Edward  Hr  that  kings  could  be  deposed  for  misrule,  and  established  a 
naw  one^—  that-  P-arliamcnl  could  choose  a  successor  not  ^necessarily 
tbeilext  m  blood.  The  f urthexjad_lh^,*-as-ele€tivejiings,  thfi  Lan- 
£astrians  made  .a  bar-gain  to  govern  in  accord  with,  thejsdll -CcLParlia- 
rnent-was  also  of  ^he  profounctesl  rrrrportaTiee-.^. 

End  of  Richard.  Final  Estimate.  — Richard,  in  February,  1400,  was 
reported  dead.  According  to  some  accounts  he  declined  food  and 
pined  away,  though  more  likely  he  was  starved  to  death  by  his  captors. 
Little  fitted  by  training  and  disposition  for  his  royal  duties,  his 
heritage  from  his  grandfather  had  been  a  burdensome  one,  "  debt, 
unlucky  wars,  popular  discontent";  but  he  lived  all  that  down  and 
ruled  for  years  as  a  constitutional  and  popular  King.  Then  he 
suddenly  plunged  into  a  mad  career  of  violence  against  his  enemies, 
of  extravagance,  "  vain  boasting,"  "  and  freakish  tyranny."  His 

1  The  Earl  of  March  (see  table,  introd.)  was  actually  the  nearest  lineal  heir,  since 
his  grandfather  had  married  Philippa,  daughter  of  Lionel,  Duke  Clarence,  second 
son  of  Edward  III,  while  Henry  by  blood  was  one  degree  removed  from  the  line 
of  descent,  since  his  father,  John  of  Gaunt,  was  a  younger  brother  of  Lionel.  In 
going  back  to  Henry  III,  Lancaster  was  impliedly  making  use  of  a  rumor  spread 
by  his  followers  that  Edmund  of  Lancaster,  the  founder  of  his  house,  was  really 
Henry  Ill's  eldest  son  whom  Edward  I  had  supplanted. 


160     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

wrongs  to  Lancaster  merely  furnished  the  occasion  and  the  leader  to 
overthrow  him. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Ramsay ;  Vickers ;  and  C.  W.  Oman,  Political  History  of 
England  (1906),  a  good  clear  account  but  marred  by  many  inaccuracies  of 
detail.  For  the  Peasant  Revolt  see  Oman,  The  Great  Revolt  of  1381  (1906)  ; 
and  G.  Kriehn,  "Studies  in  the  Sources  of  the  Social  Revolt  of  1381,"  Ameri- 
can Historical  Reviezv,  VII,  254-285,  458-484. 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  84-103. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  HOUSE  OF  LANCASTER  IN  THE  ASCENDANT.  HENRY  IV 
(1399-1413).  HENRY  V  (1413-1422)  AND  THE  "CONSTITU- 
TIONAL EXPERIMENT"  IN  GOVERNMENT 

The    Lancastrian   Period.     Its    Constitutional   Importance.  —  The 

Lancastrian  regime  of  over  sixty  years  was  a  period  of  wars  at 
home  and  abroad,  lightened  by  picturesque  incidents,  but,  in  general, 
dreary  and  inglorious.  Yet  this  half  century  is  notable  for  something 
more  than  the  rise  and  fall  of  a  royal  family.  Its  real  significance 
lies  in  the  fact  that  Parliament,  having  put  this  family  on  the  throne, 
exercised  control  over  the  affairs  of  the  Kingdom  all  through  the  reign 
of  Henry  IV,  Henry  V,  and  well  into  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.  Privi- 
leges which  had  been  only  occasionally  asserted  under  previous  Kings 
were  now  recognized,  exercised,  and  extended.  The  parliamentary 
experiment  proved  premature ;  nevertheless,  the  experience  was  a 
valuable  one  which  later  bore  enduring  fruit. 

Henry  IV  (1399-1413).  Character  and  Problems.  —  Henry  IV, 
sometimes  known  as  Henry  of  Bolingbroke,  from  the  place  of  his 
birth,  was  brave,  active,  temperate.  By  nature  merciful,  the  bitter 
experiences  of  his  later  years  made  him  suspicious  and  calculating, 
and  when  goaded  by  resistance  and  rebellion,  cruel  in  retaliation. 
A  good  soldier,  he  was  also  a  careful  administrator  and  a  wise  states- 
man. The  reign  opened  full  of  promise.  Henry  was  welcomed  by 
all  classes,  he  was  related  to  most  of  the  great  barons  of  the  Kingdom, 
he  was  in  close  alliance  with  the  Church  and  clergy,  and  pledged  him- 
self "  to  abandon  the  evil  ways  of  Richard  II,"  and  to  govern,  not 
by  his  own  "  singular  opinion,"  but  "  by  common  counsel  and  con- 
sent." Notwithstanding  his  seeming  popularity  his  position  was 
insecure  and  trying.  His  title  might  be  taken  away  by  those  who 
gave  it,  and  there  were  such  demands  upon  his  resources  that  he  was 
always  in  debt.  The  French  refused  to  recognize  him  as  Sovereign 
and  coveted  the  English  possessions  on  their  soil;  Scotland  was 
restless  and  Wales  soon  broke  out  into  revolt.  In  addition,  Henry 
was  teased  by  his  Parliaments  and  harassed  by  risings  of  the  dis- 
M  161 


1 62      SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

affected ;  he  was  the  prey  of  factions ;  attempts  were  made  on  his 
life ;  and  his  last  years  were  darkened  by  efforts  of  his  son  to  supplant 
him,  by  the  pains  of  illness,  and  by  stings  of  conscience  over  his 
usurpation.  Shakespeare  could  make  him  say  with  truth :  "  Un- 
easy lies  the  head  that  wears  a  crown." 

The  Beginning  of  a  Welsh  Revolt  under  Glendower  (1400).  —  In 
the  first  year  of  his  reign,  besides  an  abortive  plot  to  restore  Richard, 
who  soon  ceased  to  live,  and  an  ineffectual  rising  of  the  Scots,  insti- 
gated by  France,  there  was  a  more  dangerous  movement  in  Wales 
led  by  Owen  Glendower,  a  Welsh  squire,  who,  stung  to  revolt  by 
failure  to  secure  redress  from  the  King  against  a  grasping  neighbor, 
obtained  a  great  following  of  his  countrymen,  moved  by  resentment 
against  English  rule,  the  oppression  of  English  officials,  and  the 
arrogance  of  the  Lords  Marchers.  Year  after  year  English  armies 
marched  against  him,  but  Owen  always  eluded  them.  He  nourished 
vast  plans  for  setting  up  a  great  Celtic  empire ;  to  that  end  he  nego- 
tiated on  all  sides  —  with  the  Irish,  the  Scots,  the  French,  the  Pope, 
and  with  disaffected  English  barons  who  wanted  to  seat  the  young 
Earl  of  March,  Richard's  next  heir,  on  the  throne.  All  his  ambitious 
designs  came  to  naught,  though  for  years  he  lived  as  an  outlaw,  a 
local  terror  to  the  Lords  Marchers.  He  finally  died,  in  1415;  but 
the  common  people,  among  whom  he  was  reputed  to  be  a  wizard, 
long  dreamed  that  Owen  Glendower  only  slept  and  would  finally 
awake  to  deliver  them  from  the  English  yoke. 

The  Risings  in  the  North.  —  In  the  early  stages  of  his  revolt  he 
had  counted  on  the  Percies  who  ruled  in  the  north  with  almost. kingly 
power.  Henry,  the  elder,  Earl  of  Northumberland,  who  with  his 
fiery  son  Sir  Henry,  known  as  "  Hotspur,"  had  aided  to  put  the  King 
on  the  throne,  were  richly  rewarded  and  intrusted  with  the  defense 
of  the  Scotch  and  Welsh  borders.  In  spite  of  scanty  supplies  from 
the  royal  purse,  they  executed  their  duties  effectively,  and  inflicted 
a  crushing  defeat  on  an  army  of  Scotch  invaders  in  1402.  The  re- 
sult, however,  was  a  deadly  quarrel  with  their  Sovereign  over  the 
payment  of  expenses  incurred  and  the  disposal  of  the  prisoners. 
Hotspur  opened  communications  with  Glendower,  and  marched  an 
army  to  join  his  Welsh  ally.  Hastily  levying  an  army,  the  King 
marched  to  the  Welsh  border,  and,  20  July,  1403,  attacked  his  enemies 
at  Shrewsbury  before  they  could  effect  a  junction  with  Glendower. 
The  rebel  forces  were  routed  and  Hotspur  was  killed.  Northumber- 
land, who  had  been  raising  an  army  in  Yorkshire,  disbanded  it  on 
the  news  of  the  royal  victory  and  begged  for  pardon.  Very  foolishly 
the  King  let  him  off  with  a  short  imprisonment ;  whereupon,  in  1405, 


THE   HOUSE   OF  LANCASTER  IN  THE  ASCENDANT         163 

the  unquiet  Earl  united  with  a  number  of  great  lords  in  another 
rising,  eluded  capture,  and  was  a  constant  source  of  trouble  until,  in 
1408,  he  was  defeated  and  slain  in  leading  a  raid  from  Scotland  across 
the  Border.  England  had  no  occasion  to  fight  another  battle  on  her 
own  soil  for  forty  years. 

Henry's  Last  Years  (1408-1412). — Henry  was  now  supreme. 
Owing  to  the  efficient  campaigns  of  his  son,  Prince  Hal,  the  Welsh 
from  this  time  ceased  to  be  dangerous ;  James,  King  of  Scotland, 
captured  by  English  privateers  on  his  way  to  France,  was  a  prisoner ; 
while  France  —  under  Charles  VI,  a  King  subject  to  frequent  fits  of 
insanity  and  torn  by  party  strife  between  the  houses  of  Orleans  and 
Burgundy  —  was  only  too  glad  to  keep  peace.  Still  Henry's  last 
years  were  not  happy.  He  suffered  from  grievous  bodily  infirmities, 
his  usurpation  and  the  deaths  of  Richard  and  of  Archbishop  Scrope 
—  whom,  against  his  better  judgment,  he  allowed  to  be  tried  and 
executed  for  joining  in  the  rising  of  1405  —  weighed  heavily  on  his 
conscience,  and  he  was  much  distressed  at  the  impatience  of  Prince 
Hal,  egged  on  by  his  ambitious  uncles,  to  grasp  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment. Nevertheless,  at  his  death,  20  March,  1413,  this  much-tried 
King  left  behind  him  a  strong  government  and  an  uncontested 
title. 

Constitutional  and  Parliamentary  Gains.  —  However,  it  is  from 
the  constitutional  point  of  view  that  the  reign  is  most  significant,  for 
owing  to  Henry's  necessities,  Parliament  secured  the  dominance  in 
public  affairs  which  they  retained  during  the  greater  part  of  the 
Lancastrian  period  and  which  furnished  a  model  to  future  genera- 
tions. In  successive  sessions  they  established  the  principle  that 
redress  of  grievances  should  precede  supply,  that  moneys  should  be 
voted  only  on  the  last  day  of  the  session  after  their  petitions  had 
been  answered ;  they  asserted  successfully  the  right  of  freedom  of 
debate ;  and  —  often  with  scant  justice  —  they  cut  down  or  revised 
the  expenditures.  For  example,  in  1406,  we  find  them,  demanding 
redress  of  "  good  and  abundant  grievance  "  and  telling  their  Sover- 
eign that  his  household  was  composed  not  of  "  valiant  and  sufficient 
men  but  of  rascalry  " ;  they  appointed  a  commission  to  audit  all 
public  accounts,  while,  furthermore,  they  forced  the  King  to  agree 
that  he  would  do  nothing  without  the  consent  of  a  continual  Council 
of  their  own  choosing.1  In  1407  they  secured  recognition  of  the 
important  principle  that  money  grants  should  originate  in  the  Com- 
mons. 

1  Had  this  scheme  remained  permanent  the  present  Cabinet  system  would  have 
been  anticipated  by  many  centuries. 


164     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Measures  against  the  Lollards.  —  Parliament,  too,  passed  cruel 
and  searching  acts  against  the  Lollards,  though  the  initiative  came 
from  the  clergy  and  the  King,  for  Henry  IV,  from  policy,  and  his  son, 
from  conviction,  were  both  very  orthodox.  In  1401  the  important 
statute  de  haeretico  comburendo  was  enacted,  providing  that  impenitent 
heretics,  after  conviction  by  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  should  be 
handed  over  to  the  lay  authorities  to  be  burned,  "  in  order  to  strike 
terror  into  the  minds  of  others."  An  Act  passed  in  1406  accused  the 
Lollards  of  denying  rights  of  property  and  of  preparing  men's  minds 
for  rebellion,  and  provided  that  all  who  were  detected  teaching  or 
defending  any  Lollard  doctrine  were  to  be  arrested  as  public  enemies. 
In  1409  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  issued  a  series  of  constitutions 
condemning  the  doctrines  of  Wiclif,  forbidding  the  translation  of  the 
Bible  without  authority,  and  prohibiting  all  discussion  upon  points 
determined  by  the  Church.  "  An  execrable  crowd  of  Lollard  knights," 
"  true  satellites  of  Pontius  Pilate,"  in  the  Parliament  of  1410,  replied 
with  a  petition  that  the  enactments  against  heretics  might  be  softened, 
and  even  proposed  a  complete  disendowment  of  the  Church.  As 
might  be  expected,  the  King  refused  to  listen,  and  Prince  Henry 
"  bade  them  never  for  the  future  dare  to  put  such  stuff  together." 
Parliament  was  progressive  in  politics,  in  religion  the  orthodox  party 
was  in  the  majority.  The  King  identified  himself  with  both  tenden- 
cies. 

Henry  V  (1413-1422).  Accession  and  Character.  —  Henry  V,  while 
he  had  already  distinguished  himself  in  the  Welsh  wars  and  had  had 
considerable  experience  in  government,  had  been  a  wild  and  boisterous 
youth.  His  accession  changed  him  into  another  man,  reputed  the 
"  most  virtuous  and  prudent  of  all  the  princes  reigning  in  his  time." 
Rigidly  attached  to  the  Church,  he  has  been  blamed  for  his  relentless 
persecution,  but  he  believed,  with  the  best  minds  of  the  age,  that 
heretics  should  be  made  to  recant  for  their  own  salvation  or  disposed 
of  to  prevent  them  from  contaminating  others.  Moreover,  the 
Lollards  menaced  the  existing  social  order,  joined  in  conspiracies 
against  him,  and  leagued  with  his  enemies.1  He  lived  in  a  grim  age, 
and  when  he  awoke  to  his  responsibilities,  became  frugal,  jcautious 

1  The  suppression,  in  1414,  of  a  rising  by  Sir  John  Oldcastle,  persecuted  for  hold- 
ing Lollard  opinions,  was  followed  by  the  hanging  of  thirty  of  his  adherents  as  traitors 
and  the  burning  of  seven  as  heretics.  Parliament,  in  the  same  year,  passed  an- 
other heresy  act  providing  that  any  of  the  King's  officers  might  seize  suspected 
persons  and  hand  them  over  to  the  Church  courts  for  trial.  Oldcastle  escaped 
and  wandered  about  as  a  proscribed  outlaw,  intriguing  with  the  King's  enemies, 
until  1417,  when  he  was  captured  and  burned.  The  failure  of  his  efforts  marked, 
the  end  of  Lollardry  as  a  political  and  social  fore*. 


THE  HOUSE  OF  LANCASTER  IN  THE  ASCENDANT         165 

and  active,  devoid  of  geniality  and  gentleness,  though  not  of  justice, 
a  man  to  follow  and  obey,  not  to  love.  It  was  from  his  exploits  in 
the  struggle  against  France  that  Henry  V  achieved  his  greatest 
fame.  To  recover  English  prestige  and  to  regain  territory  which 
he  believed  to  be  rightfully  his,  as  well  as  to  unite  his  subjects  in  a 
common  undertaking,  he  renewed  the  war  with  France.  All  that  he 
set  out  to  do  he  accomplished ;  Jie^not  only  made  himself  supreme  in 
Frgnre,  and  awakened  a  genuine  national  enthusiasm  at  home,  but 
came  to  be  regarded  as  the  first  Monarch  in  Europe.  His  success, 
however,  rested  on  foundations  that  could  not  prove  lasting,  on  his 
personal  prowess,  and  on  the  temporary  weakness  of  France. 

Henry  Resumes  the  War  with  France  (1414).  —  Taking  advantage 
of  the  disordered  mental  condition  of  Charles  VI  and  of  the  factional 
strife  in  France,  Henry  V  undertook  to  restore  the  English  prestige 
in  France  to  the  highest  point  which  it  had  reached  under  Edward  III, 
and  if  possible  to  recover  all  the  territory  which  his  predecessors  had 
possessed.  Furthermore,  he  concluded  to  reassert  Edward  Ill's 
claim  to  the  French  crown,  or,  as  an  alternative,  to  demand  in  mar- 
riage Katherine,  daughter  of  Charles  VI.  As  the  Orleanists,  led  by 
the  Count  of  Armagnac,  were  momentarily  in  control  of  the  French 
King,  he  allied  himself  with  the  rival  Burgundian  faction,  and,  31  May, 
1414,  sent  ambassadors  to  demand  the  "  restitution  of  his  ancient 
rights."  Since,  however,  the  French  could  concede  no  terms  which 
he  would  accept,  he  made  ready  to  invade  their  country. 

The  Invasion  of  France  (1415).  Agincourt  (25  October).  After  he 
had  completed  his  preparations,  Henry  was  delayed  by  the  discovery 
of  a  new  plot  to  put  the  Earl  of  March  on  the  throne  during  his  ab- 
sence. Having  made  an  example  of  the  chief  conspirator,1  he  set 
sail,  10  August,  1415,  with  an  army  consisting  of  about  2000  men 
at  arms  and  6000  archers.  Owing  to  the  coldness  of  the  season  and 
the  fact  that  nearly  half  his  forces  fell  sick,  he  was  obliged  to  give 
up  his  original  plan  of  systematically  conquering  Normandy,  and 
decided  to  return  home  by  way  of  Calais,  hoping  to  overawe  the 
inhabitants  along  the  march  and  to  tempt  the  enemy  to  battle.  At 
Agincourt  a  force  three  or  four  times  his  own  assembled  to  block  his 
advance ;  again,  as  at  Crecy  and  Poitiers  the  French  were  overcome 
by  deadly  clouds  of  arrows  shot  from  the  English  long  bows,  and 
Henry,  after  three  or  four  hours,  gained  an  overwhelming  victory 
with  a  loss  of  little  more  than  100,  while  the  French  left  nearly  6000 
dead  on  the  field.  In  November  he  sailed  from  Calais.  Aside  from 
impressing  his  opponents  with  his  daring  and  skill  as  a  general,  and 

1  March,  himself,  who  disclosed  the  plot,  was  spared. 


l66     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

reviving  the  glory  of  English  arms,  he  had  gained  little  from  his  costly 
expedition. 

Henry's  Second  Expedition  to  France  (1417). — On  23  July,  1417, 
Henry  embarked  on  his  second  expedition  to  France  with  an  army 
twice  the  size  of  his  first.  He  spent  more  than  a  year  in  reducing  the 
strong  places  of  Normandy ;  Rouen,  which  offered  the  most  obstinate 
resistance,  holding  out  from  29  July,  1418,  to  19  January,  1419.  Al- 
though he  entered  into  negotiations  with  both  the  Orleanists  and  the 
Burgundians,  his  terms  were  so  extreme  that  the  two  factions  patched 
up  a  peace  "  to  resist  the  damnable  enterprises  of  our  ancient  enemies, 
the  English."  But  the  Dauphin,  Charles,  a  boy  of  sixteen,  under  the 
thumb  of  the  Orleanists,  used  this  agreement  merely  as  a  decoy  for 
the  destruction  of  the  Burgundian  leader,  John  the  Fearless,  who  was 
lured  to  a  conference  and  slain  as  he  was  kneeling  to  do  homage  to 
his  royal  cousin.  The  result  of  this  base  crime  was  to  throw  the  Bur- 
gundian party  in  the  arms  of  the  English,  and  to  make  effective 
resistance  out  of  the  question.  So,  21  May,  1420,  Charles  VI,  who 
was  momentarily  lucid,  signed  the  "  very  marvelous  and  shameful " 
Treaty  of  Troyes,  by  which  Henry  V  was  recognized  as  heir  of  the 
King  of  France  and  Regent,  and  was  promised  the  Princess  Katherine 
in  marriage,  while  "  Charles,  who  calls  himself  the  Dauphin,"  was 
formally  disinherited  "  for  his  enormous  crimes."  Henry,  who  spent 
the  next  few  months  in  reducing  Orleanist  strongholds,  marred  his 
triumph  by  steadily  increasing  cruelty  and  arrogance  —  he  deliber- 
ately put  prisoners  to  death  to  terrify  those  still  in  arms,  and,  on  his 
entry  into  Paris,  in  December,  he  alienated  the  citizens  by  his  over- 
bearing manners.  Late  in  the  same  month  he  returned  to  England 
after  an  absence  of  three  and  a  half  years,  but  the  brief  time  that  he 
remained  in  the  country  he  devoted  more  to  pageants  and  progresses 
than  to  affairs  of  State. 

Henry's  Third  and  Final  Expedition  to  France  (1421-1422).  —  Henry 
departed,  10  June,  1421,  on  his  third  and  final  expedition  to  France, 
with  the  object  of  crushing  the  Dauphin  and  his  Orleanist  adherents. 
He  drove  the  Dauphin  south  of  the  Loire ;  and  then  undertook  the 
reduction  of  the  few  strongholds  which  still  held  out ;  but  the  strain 
and  hardship  of  the  winter  were  too  much  for  his  already  overtaxed 
strength.  In  July  he  was  obliged  to  take  to  his  bed  and  died 
31  August,  1422.  Before  his  death  he  made  arrangements  for  carry- 
ing on  the  government  during  the  minority  of  his  infant  son,  born 
to  him  6  December,  1421.  He  appointed  his  brother,  John  of  Bed- 
ford, Regent  of  France,  and  Humphrey  of  Gloucester,  his  younger 
brother,  Regent  of  England.  These  arrangements  proved  no  more 


THE   HOUSE   OF  LANCASTER   IN   THE  -ASCENDANT         167 

stable  than  his  conquest  of  France.  The  glamour  of  his  military 
achievements  must  not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  Henry  V  had  plunged 
his  country  into  a  war  in  which  permanent  success  was  hopeless,  and 
which  was  largely  responsible  for  the  disorders  and  confusion  in  which 
his  royal  line  went  down  to  destruction. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 
See  Chapter  XVI  below. 


CHAPTER  XVI 
THE  FALL  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  LANCASTER.     HENRY  VI  (1422-1461) 

The  Council  and  the  Parliament  Set  Aside  the  Will  of  Henry  V.  — 

There  was  the  greatest  difference  imaginable  between  the  two  brothers 
to  whom  Henry  V  had  intrusted  the  government  of  England  and 
France.  Bedford  was  a  high-minded  man,  devoted  to  public  duty, 
while  Gloucester,  clever  and  cultivated,  the  patron  of  scholars,  and  at 
the  same  time  master  of  the  arts  which  please  the  people,  was  self-seek- 
ing and  unprincipled,  constantly  stirring  up  dissension  at  home  and 
abroad.  Distrusting  him  from  the  start,  the  Council  and  Parliament 
set  aside  the  will  of  the  late  King  and  declared  Bedford  Protector  of 
the  Realm,  though  they  allowed  Humphrey  to  act  in  that  capacity 
during  his  elder  brother's  absence.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 
the  real  powers  of  government  were  exercised  by  the  Council,  which 
was  nominated  by  Parliament. 

Two  Kings  of  France.  —  On  21  October,  1422,  the  poor  mad  King 
Charles  VI  followed  Henry  V  to  the  grave.  The  party  of  the  Dauphin 
at  once  proclaimed  him  King  as  Charles  VII,  while  the  English  party 
proclaimed  little  Henry.  France  was  exhausted  and  demoralized, 
and  Charles,  weak  and  pleasure  loving,  the  tool  of  worthless  and 
ruffianly  councilors,  seemed  totally  unequal  to  the  great  task  imposed 
upon  him.  Slowly,  however,  national  sentiment  was  gathering 
against  the  foreign  conquerors  who  had  brought  so  much  misery 
upon  the  land. 

The  Siege  of  Orleans  (1428-1429).  Jeanne  d'Arc. — In  the  late 
summer  of  1428  Bedford  sent  an  army  against  Orleans,  the  chief 
stronghold  which  acknowledged  Charles  VII.  Having  failed  to  take 
the  town  by  assault,  the  English  determined  to  reduce  it  by  famine, 
and  a  siege  began  which  lasted  from  October,  1428,  to  April,  1429. 
For  the  French  the  outlook  was  of  the  gloomiest ;  their  armies  had 
been  driven  off  the  field  and  a  complete  triumph  for  the  English 
seemed  assured.  Suddenly,  6  March,  1429,  a  simple  maid,  barely 
turned  seventeen,  appeared  before  the.  French  King  at  Chinon,  in- 
spired, she  told  the  doubting  and  astonished  Court,  by  a  divine  com- 

168 


THE   FALL  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  LANCASTER  169 

mission  to  relieve  the  sorely  pressed  Orleans  and  to  lead  her  royal 
master  to  Rheims  to  be  crowned.  Jeanne  d'Arc  was  a  peasant  girl 
of  Domremy,  who,  always  devout  and  imaginative,  had  begun  about 
her  thirteenth  year  to  see  visions  of  saints  and  angels,  and  to  hear 
mysterious  voices  which  at  length  directed  her  to  go  forth  and  save 
France.  Securing  the  half -willing  support  of  the  commander  of  a 
neighboring  garrison,  she  put  on  a  man's  doublet  and  hose,  mounted 
a  horse,  and  rode  straight  to  Chinon,  where  she  easily  singled  out  the 
King  from  a  group  of  courtiers,  and,  in  a  secret  interview,  told  him 
things  that  made  him  trust  her  mission.  Clad  in  armor  and  girt 
with  a  "  miraculous,  holy  sword,"  the  "  Maid  of  God  "  went  forth 
to  raise  the  siege  of  Orleans.  Inspired  by  her  advent,  the  garrison 
put  the  besiegers  to  flight,  and  defeated  the  forces  sent  to  support 
them.  To  the  French  she  was  a  God-given  deliverer,  to  Bedford 
"  a  disciple  and  limb  of  the  fiend  .  .  .  that  used  false  enchantments 
and  sorcery." 

Two  Coronations  (1429). — Having  raised  the  siege  of  Orleans, 
Jeanne  d'Arc  led  Charles  to  Rheims,  and  his  coronation,  17  July,  1429, 
marked  the  height  of  her  meteoric  achievement.  From  now  on  voices 
ceased  to  guide  her,  and  she  devoutly  wished  that  the  Lord  "  would 
take  her  back  to  her  father's  sheep  " ;  nevertheless,  she  advised  an 
immediate  advance  on  Paris  and  demanded  that  Burgundy  make 
peace  with  his  King.  The  Duke  refused  to  comply,  a  belated  and 
ill-considered  attack  on  the  city  was  repulsed,  and  the  self-seeking 
courtiers  were  able  to  recover  their  ascendancy  over  the  feeble-minded 
Charles.  As  a  reply  to  the  coronation  at  Rheims,  little  Henry,  al- 
though not  eight  years  old,  was  crowned  at  Westminster,  8  November, 
and,  during  the  ceremony,  "  beheld  the  people  all  about  sadly  and 
wisely,"  and  behaved  with  "  great  humility  and  devotion." 

The  Burning  of  Jeanne  d'Arc  (1431).  —  In  May,  1430,  Jeanne 
d'Arc  was  captured  by  the  Burgundians.  Sold  to  the  English,  she 
was  taken  to  Rouen  and  tried  in  February  of  the  following  year.  In 
vain  she  protested  that  "  she  had  done  nothing  save  by  the  command 
of  God."  For  three  months  she  was  bullied  and  ill-treated  by  judges 
and  jailers,  to  whom  her  simple  courage  and  transparent  honesty 
made  no  appeal,  until  finally,  worn  out  by  suffering,  she  was  forced 
to  declare  that  "  her  voices  were  delusions  and  that  she  had  sinned  in 
putting  on  men's  clothes  and  going  to  war."  She  was  burned  in 
the  market  place  at  Rouen,  29  May,  1431.  Yet,  thanks  to  her  in- 
spired leadership,  France  was  startled  from  her  lethargy,  and  the 
"  Maid  of  God  "  had  been  in  her  grave  scarcely  more  than  twenty 
years  before  her  countrymen  had  driven  the  English  from  the  land. 


1 70     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Turn  of  the  Tide  in  France.  Death  of  Bedford  (1435).  —  For  the 
moment  Bedford  seemed  triumphant.  In  December,  1431,  Henry 
was  taken  to  Paris  and  crowned ;  but  one  reverse  after  another  fol- 
lowed, far  from  balanced  by  occasional  gains.  Bedford,  whose  last 
years  were  plagued  by  efforts  to  hold  Burgundy  to  the  English  alliance 
and  to  quiet  strife  stirred  up  by  his  uneasy  brother  Humphrey  in 
England,  died  in  1435,  worn  out  by  his  arduous  duties.  Although 
stout  and  experienced  generals  survived  him  and  young  leaders  of 
promise  were  coming  to  the  front,  his  death  was  an  irreparable  loss 
to  the  English.  Burgundy  now  finally  went  over  to  the  French  side, 
while  the  English,  fighting  with  stubborn  courage  and  persistency, 
steadily  lost  ground,  until,  in  November,  1437,  the  French  King  once 
more  entered  Paris  which  his  forces  had  recovered  the  previous  year. 
Humphrey  of  Gloucester,  free  from  his  brother's  restraint,  led  the 
English  war  party,  while  his  uncle,  Cardinal  Henry  Beaufort,  led 
those  who  favored  peace;  but,  in  1441,  the  waning  influence  of  the 
former  abruptly  ceased  when  his  wife,  Eleanor,  was  arrested,  together 
with  an  astrologer  and  a  woman,  known  as  the  Witch  of  Eye,  on 
charges  of  reading  the  stars  to  determine  the  life  of  the  young  King, 
and  then  of  endeavoring  to  destroy  him  by  melting  over  a  slow  fire 
a  waxen  image  made  in  his  likeness.  Her  accomplices  were  put  to 
death  and  the  Duchess  Eleanor  was  made  to  do  penance  by  walking 
for  three  days  about  the  City  robed  in  a  sheet  and  bearing  a  candle  in 
her  hand,  and  also  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  Me.  Absurd  as 
these  charges  now  seem,  she  was  doubtless  guilty  of  aiming  to  secure 
the  succession  of  her  husband,  who  was  Henry's  next  heir  in  the 
Lancastrian  line.  Gloucester,  who  lacked  courage  to  take  any  part 
in  the  affair,  had  to  yield  to  the  Beaufort  faction,  and,  aside  from 
obstructing  them  whenever  he  could,  spent  most  of  the  remaining 
six  years  of  his  life  collecting  books  and  posing  as  a  patron  of 
learning. 

Henry's  Marriage  to  Margaret  of  Anjou  (1444). — As  Cardinal 
Beaufort  was  growing  old,  the  conduct  of  affairs  fell  more  and  more 
into  the  hands  of  his  nephew  Edmund,  Duke  of  Somerset,  and  of  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk,  the  latter  of  whom,  in  1444,  at  the  cost  of  a  secret 
truce  ceding  Maine  and  Anjou,  negotiated  a  marriage  between 
Henry  VI  and  Margaret  of  Anjou,  niece  of  Charles  VII.  This  fiery 
young  woman,  an  absolute  contrast  to  her  pious,  kindly,  and  weak 
consort,  joined  the  Beaufort-Suffolk  faction,  and  accumulated  a  host 
of  enemies,  almost  from  the  moment  of  arrival  in  England. 

Richard,  Duke  of  York.  His  Claim  to  the  Throne.  —  Richard, 
Duke  of  York,  who  came  to  the  front  about  this  time  as  the  leader 


THE   FILL  OF  THE   HOUSE   OF  LANCASTER  171 

of  the  party  opposed  to  the  Queen,  derived  his  dukedem  through 
his  father,  from  one  of  the  younger  sons  of  Edward  III.  Fr«m  his 
mother  he  inherited  a  title  to  the  Crown  better  than  that  of  King 
Henry,  since  he  was  descended  from  Lionel,  Duke  Clarence,  an  elder 
brother  of  John  of  Gaunt.1  Parliament,  however,  had  declared  for 
the  younger  line  which  had  the  further  advantage  of  unbroken  descent 
through  males.  In  spite  of  his  political  activity,  it  was  some  years 
before  Richard  asserted  his  claims  to  the  throne ;  indeed,  he  might 
never  have  done  so,  but  for  Henry's  inability  and  misfortunes. 

The  Impeachment  of  Suffolk  (1450). — As  soon  as  the  news  of  the 
cession  of  Maine  and  Anjou  became  known,  a  storm  of  abuse  de- 
scended on  the  head  of  Suffolk,  and  when  Somerset,  sent  over  as 
Commander  in  1448,  was  forced  within  two  years  to  yield  the  whole 
of  Normandy,  the  opposing  faction  in  England,  who  attributed  his 
continued  ill  success  to  treason,  vented  their  fury  by  impeaching 
Suffolk.  He  threw  himself  on  the  King's  mercy,  and  Henry  ordered 
him  to  leave  the  kingdom  for  five  years.  On  his  way  abroad  his  ship 
was  intercepted  and  he  was  murdered  by  persons  unknown. 

Jack  Cade's  Rebellion  (1450). — Popular  discontent  was  mani- 
fested in  "  Jack  Cade's  Rebellion,"  which  broke  out  in  Kent  and 
Sussex  in  May  and  lasted  for  six  weeks.  The  grievances  complained 
of  were  mainly  political,  the  losses  in  France,  the  miscarriage  of  jus- 
tice, and  the  wasting  of  the  King's  treasure.  One  social  grievance 
alone  was  mentioned,  the  Statute  of  Laborers,  and  this  was  probably  to 
secure  the  lower  classes.  The  insurgents,  who,  having  taken  possession 
of  London,  put  some  of  the  officials  to  death  and  sacked  the  houses 
of  the  leading  citizens,  were  soon  driven  from  the  City  and  induced 
to  disband  by  false  promises  of  pardon.  Cade,  their  leader,  was 
killed  in  struggling  against  arrest ;  many  of  those  who  had  risen  with 
him  were  executed,  and  various  scattered  revolts  were  crushed. 

Richard  of  York  and  the  War  of  the  Roses.  —  Richard  became  a 
popular  champion  in  consequence  of  his  opposition  to  the  unpopular 
Somerset,  whom  Henry  had  made  Constable  on  his  return  from  his 
disastrous  campaign  in  France,  and  a  proposal  to  declare  him  heir 
to  the  throne,  which  resulted  in  a  speedy  dissolution  of  Parliament 
by  royal  command,  was  the  first  intimation  of  the  dynastic  struggle 
between  the  Lancastrians  and  the  Yorkists,  known  as  the  War  of 
the  Roses.2  Yet  some  time  elapsed  before  Richard  himself  asserted 

1  See  table,  introd. 

2  The  name  is  not  strictly  correct,  however,  for  while  the  white  rose  was  the 
symbol  of  the  Yorkists,  the  red  rose  was  not  a  Lancastrian  symbol.     It  was  first 
used  by  Henry  Tudor  at  Bosworth,  in  1485. 


172     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

his  claims,  and  the  actual  war  did  not  break  out  till  1455.  Although 
the  question  of  the  succession  came  to  be  the  most  prominent  issue, 
other  causes  contributed  to  bring  it  forward  and  to  determine  the 
final  result :  Henry's  incapacity ;  the  masterful  intriguing  character 
of  his  wife ;  the  ill  success  of  the  war ;  the  acute  financial  situation ; 
the  discontent  and  disorder  throughout  the  land ;  and  the  jealousies 
of  the  great  nobles  who  ranged  themselves  on  the  side  of  Somerset 
and  Yorkist  families  respectively. 

The  Critical  Year  (1453).  End  of  the  Hundred  Years'  War.— The 
year  1453  witnessed  events  of  the  greatest  consequence.  Turning 
their  armies  south  from  Normandy,  the  French  —  although  the 
English  fought  valiantly  and  were  loyally  supported  by  the  Gascons 
—  conquered  Guyenne,  and  the  Hundred  Years'  War  was  over.  The 
impossible  task  of  conquering  France,  begun  by  Edward  III,  and 
revived  so  brilliantly  by  Henry  V,  was  at  length  abandoned,  and 
England  retired  from  the  contest  retaining  only  Calais  of  her  former 
broad  territories  across  the  Channel.  In  August,  King  Henry  was 
suddenly  bereft  of  his  faculties,  and  for  sixteen  months  he  con- 
tinued in  a  helpless  state.  Although  Richard's  prospects  of  succes- 
sion were  dashed  by  the  news  that  Margaret,  13  October,  had  given 
birth  to  a  son,  he  managed  to  get  control  of  the  government ;  for 
Parliament,  which  met  attended  by  armed  retainers  of  the  rival 
factions,  declared  him  "  Protector  and  Defender  of  the  Realm," 
with  all  the  powers  of  Regent. 

The  Battle  of  St.  Alban's  and  the  Beginning  of  the  War  of  the 
Roses  (1455). — When  all  seemed  going  well,  the  King's  recovery  of 
his  reason  on  Christmas  Day,  1454,  reopened  the  old  strife.  Richard 
and  his  supporters  were  removed  from  office  and  Somerset  gained 
the  ascendancy.  The  Yorkists  submitted  to  all  this  and  retired 
quietly  to  their  estates ;  but,  when  a  Council  was  summoned  to 
provide  "  for  the  safety  of  the  King's  person  against  his  enemies," 
Richard  gathered  a  following  and  marched  toward  London.  Pro- 
fessing their  loyalty,  they  demanded  an  audience  with  their  Sovereign 
and  the  arrest  of  certain  councilors  of  the  opposite  party,  but  they  were 
refused  a  hearing,  and  21  May,  1455,  Somerset  marched  from  the 
City  with  the  King  and  a  great  following  of  lords.  The  two  armies 
met  in  the  ancient  monastic  town  of  St.  Albans.  The  encounter 
which  followed  was  little  more  than  a  street  fight,  but -it  was  big  in 
consequence,  for  it  opened  the  War  of  the  Roses.  The  Duke  of 
Somerset  was  killed,  and  the  Queen  now  came  forward  as  the  head  of 
the  royal  party.  The  civil  war,  thus  begun,  waged  intermittently  for 
fifteen  years. 


THE  WARS 
OF  THE  ROSES 


EXPLANATION 

England 

Wilsh  Principalities 

The  Marches. 


IRISH  SEA 

ANGLESEA .  R.  Jif 


w  -  .    5  ™™'* 


4  We>t  3      Longitude         2  from  1        (irecnwich      0  East 


THE   FALL  OF  THE   HOUSE   OF   LANCASTER  173 

The  Yorkists  in  Exile. — The  "ill-day  of  St.  Albans,"  however,  was 
followed  by  more  than  four  years  of  comparative  peace,  though 
hatreds  were  bitter,  private  feuds  were  waged  unsuppressed,  and  the 
Queen  was  busily  courting  the  aid  of  the  Scots  and  the  French.  By 
the  summer  of  1459,  both  parties  were  again  arrayed  in  arms ;  but, 
for  the  time  being,  the  royalist  forces  were  too  strong  for  the  Yorkists, 
most  of  whom  either  disbanded  or  deserted  to  the  enemy.  Richard 
fled  to  Ireland,  while  his  son^Edward,  Earl  of  March,  together  with 
a  faithful  supporter,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  risked  a  wild  ride  through 
a  hostile  country  and  crossed  over  to  Calais.  However,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  triumphant  Lancastrians,  with  the  poor  King  dominated 
by  Margaret  and  a  "  covetous  Council,"  proved  weak  and  ineffective, 
and  more  and  more  in  the  face  of  poverty,  disorder,  and  selfish  faction, 
the  hearts  of  the  people  were  turned  to  the  leaders  in  exile  who  might 
bring  them  relief. 

Return  of  the  Yorkists.  Richard's  Death  at  Wakefield  (1460). — 
In  June,  1460,  Warwick  and  the  Earl  of  March  landed  in  Kent. 
Having  issued  a  manifesto  in  which  they  set  forth  their  grievances 
and  the  distempers  of  the  realm,  they  proceeded  to  London,  2  July, 
whence,  reenforced  by  musters  streaming  in  from  every  side,  they 
passed  north  and,  at  Northampton,  defeated  Henry  VI  and  made 
him  prisoner.  Making  no  effort  to  crush  Margaret,  engaged  in 
rousing  the  northern  lords,  they  returned  to  London.  Here  they 
were  joined  by  Richard,  who  had  returned  from  Ireland  in  royal  state, 
and  who  formally  in  Parliament  claimed  the  crown  as  "  heir  of 
Richard  II."  Since  this  claim  to  succeed  forthwith  proved  unac- 
ceptable even  to  his  champion,  Warwick,  a  compromise  was  arranged 
by  which  Henry  was  to  remain  King  for  life  and  Richard  was  to  be 
recognized  as  his  heir.  Meanwhile,  Margaret,  after  distressing  hard- 
ships and  harrowing  adventures,  had  mustered  a  strong  force  in  the 
north.  Richard,  underestimating  her  strength,  marched  against  her 
with  a  small  army  and  was  defeated  and  slain  at  the  battle  of  Wake- 
field,  29  December,  1460. 

Warwick,  the  Kingmaker.  —  On  the  death  of  Richard  of  York, 
Richard  Neville,  Earl  of  Warwick,  became  the  leader  of  the  Yorkists, 
for  the  Duke's  son,  Edward,  Earl  of  March,  a  youth  of  eighteen,  was 
as  yet  distinguished  for  nothing  save  his  strength,  his  beauty,  and 
his  great  bravery.  Warwick,  though  by  no  means  preeminent  as  a 
general  or  as  a  statesman,  was  a  skilled  diplomatist  and  politician  ; 
moreover,  he  was  first  cousin  to  Edward,  he  was  the  greatest  land- 
owner  in  England,  and  dispensed  lavish  hospitality.  Regarded  as 
the  leader  of  the  party  of  reform  and  good  government,  he  has,  how- 


174     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

ever,  been  very  appropriately  styled  "  the  last  of  the  barons  " ;  for 
he  was  the  last  representative  of  a  great  noble  family  to  exercise 
almost  royal  powers  and  powerfully  to  influence  English  history  with 
hordes  of  armed  retainers.  Nor  was  he  above  the  ambitions  of  his 
class,  and  the  cry  of  reform  which  he  raised  and  the  movement  which 
he  led  was  really  to  secure  more  power  for  himself  and  his  house. 
For  that  reason  he  ingratiated  himself  with  the  people  by  fair  promises, 
and  for  that  reason  he  now  made,  and  strove  later  to  unmake,  a  King. 
Edward  Becomes  King  of  England  (4  March,  1461).  —  After 
Richard's  defeat  and  death,  Margaret  marched  south  to  release  her 
husband.  While  Edward  was  occupied  with  the  Lancastrians  in  the 
west,  she  inflicted  an  overwhelming  defeat  on  Warwick  at  the  second 
battle  of  St.  Albans,  17  February,  1461.  Henry  was  rescued  from 
his  enemies ;  but,  owing  to  his  persuasions  —  for  he  was  anxious  to 
avoid  more  pillaging  and  bloodshed  —  Margaret  did  not  march  at 
once  on  London.  While  she  was  negotiating  for  its  capitulation, 
Warwick  and  Edward,  who  had  at  length  joined  forces,  pressed  into 
the  City  and  seized  the  fruits  of  her  victory.  Edward  was  declared 
King  by  a  mass  meeting  of  the  citizens  and  the  Yorkist  lords.  Though 
he  was  not  legally  elected,  he  took  his  seat  on  the  throne  at  West- 
minster, 4  March,  1461,  with  the  crown  on  his  head  and  the  scepter 
in  his  hand  and  received  the  homage  of  the  magnates. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

(Chapters  XV  and  XVI) 

Mainly  narrative.  Sir  James  H.  Ramsay,  Lancaster  and  York  (2  vols., 
1892),  pays  particular  attention  to  military  and  financial  history;  Oman, 
Vickers,  and  Stubbs,  Constitutional  History,  previously  cited.  J.  H.  Wylie, 
History  of  England  under  Henry  IV  (4  vols.,  1884-1898)  is  a  scholarly  ex- 
haustive study.  C.  L.  Kingsford's  Henry  V  (1901)  is  a  good  brief  biography. 
Kriehn,  The  English  Rising  of  1450  (1892)  throws  new  light  on  Cade's 
rebellion.  K.  H.  Vickers,  Humphrey,  Duke  of  Gloucester  (1907)  is  a  full  and 
scholarly  account. 

An  authoritative  work  on  an  important  aspect  of  constitutional  develop- 
ment is  J.  F.  Baldwin,  The  King's  Council  in  England  during  the  Middle 
Ages  (1913)- 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  104-128. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  YORKIST  KINGS  AND  THE  END  OF  THE  WARS  OF  THE 
ROSES.  EDWARD  IV  (1461-1483) ;  EDWARD  V  (1483) ;  RICHARD 
HI  (1483-1485) 

The  New  King,  Edward  IV.  —  Margaret's  army  was  so  embittered 
and  so  discouraged  that  she  was  obliged  to  retreat  northward.  Edward 
and  Warwick  started  in  pursuit,  and  near  Towton,  on  the  high  road 
to  York,  they  overtook  and  defeated  the  Lancastrian  forces  in  a  bloody 
battle,  29  March,  1461.  Henry  and  the  Queen  fled  across  the  Scotch 
border,  while  Edward  returned  to  London  where  he  was  formally 
crowned,  28  June.  The  Yorkist  line  had  at  length  displaced  its  rival, 
and  with  its  baronial  supporters  —  whatever  their  motives  as  a  self- 
styled  party  of  reform  —  had  overthrown  a  regime  incompetent  and 
corrupt  enough  in  all  conscience.  The  people,  weary  of  disorder  at 
home  and  disgusted  at  the  losses  in  France,  eagerly  accepted  a  change 
in  hopes  of  better  things.  Poor  Henry  had  to  give  way  to  a  stronger 
and  more  spirited  ruler.  Edward  Plantagenet  was  described  as  the 
handsomest  prince  in  Europe.  He  was  jovial,  hearty,  and  familiar 
with  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  people.  Fond  of  pleasure  and  naturally 
indolent  he  was  prone  to  trust  to  others.  On  the  other  hand,  he  had 
a  streak  of  thrift  which  led  him  to  keep  his  coffers  filled  by  heavy  exac- 
tions and  profitable  private  trading,  and  likewise  to  foster  the  commerce 
and  general  prosperity  of  the  country.  At  crises,  too,  he  could  rouse 
himself  and  act  with  great  decision  and  vigor.  As  time  went  on,  his 
worst  qualities  became  more  pronounced ;  his  love  of  pleasure  turned 
to  viciousness  and  dissipation;  he  became  cruel,  bloodthirsty,  and 
extortionate,  and  died  at  forty,  worn  out  by  self-indulgence. 

Edward's  Estrangement  from  Warwick  (1464). — It  was  not  till 
1464  that  Edward  was  fully  master  of  England.  In  that  same  year 
he  married  Elizabeth,  a  widowed  daughter  of  Richard  Woodville. 
This  step  estranged  the  King's  chief  supporter,  Warwick,  for  the  Wood- 
villes  were  of  the  Lancastrian  connection,  and  Edward,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  his  beautiful,  ambitious  wife,  began  to  heap  favors  on  her 
relatives  at  the  expense  of  the  Nevilles  and  other  families  who  had 

175 


176     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

set  the  House  of  York  on  the  throne.  Moreover,  Edward's  unexpected 
action  frustrated  a  plan  which  Warwick  had  had  all  but  completed 
for  marrying  the  English  Monarch  to  the  sister  of  Louis  XI,  who  had 
succeeded  Charles  VII,  in  1461.  For  the  moment,  however,  the  Earl 
swallowed  his  wrath. 

King  Henry  Again  a  Prisoner  (1465).  —  Meantime,  the  Scots  had 
concluded  a  truce  with  England,  and  poor  Henry,  deprived  of  this 
asylum,  had  been  lurking  in  one  after  another  of  the  Lancastrian 
strongholds  in  the  wild  hill  country  between  Yorkshire  and  Lancashire. 
In  July  of  1465  he  was  betrayed  by  one  of  his  entertainers  and  taken 
to  London.  For  five  years  he  was  kept  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  where, 
although  neglected  he  was  not  really  abused ;  for  Edward  was  anxious 
to  keep  him  alive  as  a  hostage. 

Edward  Driven  out  of  England.  —  Relations  between  Edward  and 
Warwick  —  still  further  strained  from  the  fact  that,  while  the  Earl 
adhered  to  Louis  XI,  the  English  King  allied  himself  with  Louis's  arch- 
enemy Charles  the  Bold,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  to  whom  he  gave  his 
sister  in  marriage  —  reached  a  breaking  point  in  1469.  Then  a  recon- 
ciliation took  place  which  lasted  less  than  a  year.  In  1470  a  Lan- 
castrian rising  in  Lincolnshire  gave  the  King  a  chance  to  raise 
a  great  levy,  to  rout  the  insurgents,  and  to  proclaim  Warwick  a  traitor. 
Whether  he  was  leagued  with  the  insurgents  is  uncertain;  but  he 
had  certainly  promoted  a  revolt  in  Yorkshire  the  previous  year,  he 
resented  Edward's  refusal  to  follow  his  counsels,  and  may  have  nour- 
ished designs  to  seat  the  King's  brother,  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  on  the 
throne.  Hotly  pursued  he  took  refuge  in  France,  where  Louis  XI 
succeeded  in  reconciling  him  to  Margaret  of  Anjou,  the  Earl  marrying 
his  daughter  Ann  to  Margaret's  son,  Prince  Edward.  Supported  by 
the  French  King,  Warwick  landed  on  the  south  coast  of  England ;  the 
Nevilles  rose  in  the  north,  and,  deserted  by  the  bulk  of  his  forces,  King 
Edward  fled  to  Holland  in  October.  Warwick  marched  to  London 
and  released  Henry  VI  from  the  Tower.  Bewildered,  the  half -de- 
mented King  meekly  assented  to  all  that  the  Earl  was  pleased  to  do. 
While  the  people,  as  a  rule,  looked  on  with  apathy,  the  majority  ac- 
cepted Warwick,  though  London  resisted,  under  the  lead  of  the  mer- 
chants who  were  attached  to  Edward  because  he  owed  them  money 
and  because  of  their  interest  in  the  Flemish  trade. 

The  Return  of  Edward  and  His  Victory  at  Tewkesbury  (1471). — A 
combination  between  Warwick  and  Louis  XI  against  Burgundy  forced 
Charles  to  equip  Edward  for  an  expedition  to  recover  his  throne. 
Landing  on  the  east  coast  he  hurried  to  London,  secured  the  City, 
made  Henry  a  prisoner  again,  and  marched  forth  to  attack  Warwick 


THE   YORKIST   KINGS  177 

in  a  battle  fought  at  Barnet,  eleven  miles  north  of  London,  14  April, 
1471,  where  the  Earl's  forces  were  defeated  and  he  was  slain  as  he 
attempted  to  flee.  Forthwith  Edward  hastened  west  to  intercept 
Margaret  and  her  son,  who,  recently  landed  in  Dorset,  were  marching 
up  the  Severn  Valley  gathering  recruits.  At  Tewkesbury  the  Lancas- 
trians were  overwhelmingly  crushed,  4  May,  Margaret  was  taken 
prisoner,1  and  the  Prince  was  either  killed  as  he  sought  to  escape  or 
brought  before  the  King  and  slain  by  his  orders.  On  21  May,  Edward 
reached  London  in  triumph,  and  shortly  after,  it  was  reported  that 
Henry  had  died  "  of  pure  displeasure  and  melancholy,"  but  there  is 
little  doubt  that  he  was  murdered  in  accordance  with  the  royal  will. 
Lacking  in  resolution  and  knowledge  of  human  nature,  he  was  ever 
the  puppet  of  stronger  natures,  including  his  wife  who  contributed  to 
his  undoing,  and  his  mind,  always  weak,  broke  down  under  the  strain 
of  the  disorders  of  his  kingdom  that  he  was  unable  to  avert.  Pure, 
honest,  merciful,  and  wholly  deserving  a  more  happy  fate,  he  was  long 
worshiped  in  the  north  country  as  a  saint  and  martyr. 

Edward's  Rule  after  Tewkesbury  and  His  Expedition  to  France.  — 
Edward's  restoration,  due  largely  to  his  own  remarkable  generalship, 
was  marred  by  extortion  and  cruelty :  "  the  rich  were  hanged  by  the 
purse  and  the  poor  by  the  neck,"  while  none  dared  oppose  him.  After 
having  spent  a  large  part  of  the  confiscations  wrung  from  his  van- 
quished enemies,  Edward  called  a  Parliament.  To  secure  grants 
he  declared  his  intention  of  renewing  war  on  France,  and,  in  addition, 
exacted  "  benevolences,"  supposed  to  be  voluntary,  but  usually  forced 
from  the  unwilling  subject.  Although  extravagant,  he  was  careful 
enough  not  to  exceed  his  revenues,  and  politic  enough  to  pay  his  bills. 
After  concluding  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  Charles  of  Burgundy,  with 
the  avowed  object  of  recovering  his  "  rightful  inheritance  "  from  the 
"  usurper  Louis  "  he  led  an  army  to  France  of  nearly  15,000  men. 
On  landing  at  Calais  he  found  that  Charles  was  not  able  to  render  him 
any  assistance.  However,  Louis  was  willing  to  treat,  and  the  two 
Kings  met  on  the  bridge  of  Pecquiny,  near  Amiens,  separated  from  one 
another  by  a  grating  of  trellis  work.  Louis  agreed  to  pay  down  to 
Edward  75,000  gold  crowns  together  with  an  annual  pension  of  50,000, 
also,  a  truce  of  seven  years  was  arranged  and  a  league  of  amity  during 
life,  each  King  binding  himself  to  assist  the  other  against  his  rebellious 
subjects. 

Attainder  and  Execution  of  Clarence  (1478).  —  Edward's  brother, 
the  Duke  of  Clarence,  who  had  married  a  daughter  of  Warwick  and 

1  She  was  later  released  on  payment  of  a  ransom  by  France  and  died  in 
1482. 

N 


178     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

had  been  the  latter's  tool  from  1469  to  1471,  when  he  finally  deserted 
the  Earl's  cause,  was  constantly  involved  in  quarrels  with  the  King 
and  with  his  other  brother  Richard,  Duke  of  Gloucester.  Edward 
had  never  trusted  him  after  his  attempted  treachery,  and,  as  the  years 
went  on,  various  causes  of  friction  developed.  In  1478  he  was  seized 
and  thrown  into  the  Tower  and  an  act  of  attainder  was  passed,  in  a 
subservient  Parliament,  acccusing  him  of  spreading  scandalous  tales 
about  the  King,  of  compassing  his  death  by  necromancy,  and  of  plotting 
an  armed  rebellion.  Sentence  was  passed  on  him  by  a  court  of  Peers. 
Worthless  and  false  as  Clarence  was,  the  proceeding  was  a  mere  travesty 
on  justice.  Shortly  after  his  condemnation  he  perished  in  the  Tower, 
no  one  knows  how,  but  the  common  story  is  that  he  was  drowned  in 
a  butt  of  Malmsey  wine.  Although  it  rid  him  of  a  troublesome  rival, 
the  tragic  fate  of  Clarence  seems  to  have  embittered  the  remainder  of 
Edward's  life. 

Edward's  Last  Years.  —  After  his  profitable  peace  with  France 
the  King  gave  himself  over  more  and  more  to  his  ease  and  pleasure, 
though  he  still  kept  a  sharp  eye  on  his  revenues  and  was  rigorous 
in  the  execution  of  justice.  His  confiscations,  his  French  pension, 
his  private  trading  ventures,  particularly  in  wool,  made  him  prac- 
tically independent  of  Parliament.  Alien  merchants  were  obliged 
to  invest  their  gains  from  imports  in  English  commodities,  and  in- 
formers were  encouraged  by  dividing  among  them  the  proceeds  of 
fines.  The  severe  administration  of  the  laws,  though  employed  as 
a  means  of  swelling  the  revenues,  was  necessary  after  the  weakness 
and  disorder  which  had  prevailed  so  long.  Edward  was  too  wise, 
however,  to  damage  his  popularity  by  systematic  oppression,  and  to 
the  last  he  was  a  favorite  with  the  people  of  London  and  the  other 
great  towns.  The  foreign  relations  of  his  later  years  may  be  dis- 
missed very  briefly.  Charles  the  Bold,  who  had  proved  a  broken 
reed  in  1475,  perished  two  years  later  in  a  rash  war  against  the 
Swiss ;  but  though  the  Duchy  was  ruled  by  his  widow  Margaret,  a 
sister  of  Edward,  he  had  little  further  connection  with  Burgundy,  ex- 
cept to  negotiate  a  commercial  treaty,  providing  for  unrestricted 
trade,  on  payment  of  "  ancient  dues  and  customs."  As  to  Louis  XI 
he  repudiated  an  agreement  which  he  had  made  to  marry  the  Dauphin 
to  Edward's  eldest  daughter,  Elizabeth,  and  Edward's  rage  at  this 
treachery  was  a  fatal  shock  to  his  constitution  already  undermined  by 
debauchery.  He  was  making  great  preparations  for  revenge  when 
death  put  an  end  to  his  plans,  9  April,  1483. 

Nominal  Reign  of  Edward  V  (9  April  to  25  June,  1483).  —  Edward 
left  two  little  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  not  yet  thirteen  years  old. 


THE   YORKIST   KINGS  179 

The  few  short  weeks  during  which  this  unhappy  boy  Edward  was 
nominally  King  were  merely  a  scramble  for  supremacy  between  the 
relatives  of  his  Queen  Mother  and  his  uncle  Richard  who  had  been 
intrusted  with  the  care  of  the  King  and  kingdom.  Richard  forcibly 
secured  possession  of  his  young  charge,  and,  4  May,  1483,  was  formally 
proclaimed  Protector  by  the  Council,  while  Edward  was  lodged  in  the 
royal  apartments  in  the  Tower.  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  had  been 
scheming  to  make  herself  Regent,  at  once  took  sanctuary  in  West- 
minster Abbey  with  her  daughter  and  her  other  son  Richard,  Duke 
of  York. 

Richard  of  Gloucester,  His  Character  and  Policy.  —  Gloucester, 
while  pretending  to  secure  his  position  as  Protector,  was  really  aiming 
to  make  himself  King.  Truly  he  had  grown  up  in  troublous  times ; 
his  father  had  been  killed  before  he  was  nine  years  old ;  he  had  shared 
his  brother's  brief  exile,  in  1470,  and  had  fought  valiantly  at  Barnet 
and  Tewkesbury.  Whether  justly  or  not,  he  was  suspected  of  the 
murder  of  Henry's  son,  of  Henry  himself,  and  of  procuring  the  death 
of  his  own  brother  Clarence ;  yet,  if  these  charges  be  true,  he  had  acted 
primarily  as  the  agent  of  the  King  in  revenging  enemies  of  the  Crown. 
He  was  sober  and  industrious,  and  Edward  trusted  him  and  rewarded 
him  liberally  for  his  faithful  service.  The  designs  of  the  Queen's 
family  stirred  him  to  action ;  but,  when  he  saw  a  chance  to  make  him- 
self King,  he  was  unable  to  resist  the  temptation  and  hesitated  at  no 
fraud  or  bloodshed  to  attain  his  end.  Doubtless,  however,  he  intended, 
tonce  he  got  to  power,  to  rule  as  a  strong  just  Monarch. 

Richard  Proclaimed  King  (26  June,  1483).  —  Bribing  all  the  sup- 
porters he  could,  he  set  out  to  dispose  of  all  persons  of  influence  whom 
he  could  not  win  over.  On  13  June,  1483,  he  appeared  at  the  Tower 
with  an  armed  force  and,  with  pretended  rage,  accused  the  Queen  and 
her  party  of  working  spells  upon  him.  Three  days  later,  he  terrified 
the  Queen  into  sending  Richard  to  join  his  brother  in  the  Tower.  An 
assembly  which  met  in  place  of  the  Parliament  summoned  in  the  name 
of  Edward  IV,  offered  the  crown  to  Richard,  25  June,  and,  in  a  strange 
petition,  exalted  his  princely  virtues,  praying  that  "  after  great  clouds 
.  .  .  the  sun  of  justice  and  grace  may  shine  upon  us."  Accepting 
with  a  show  of  reluctance,  .Richard  was  proclaimed  King  the  next  day 
and  crowned,  6  July. 

Richard's  Crimes  Undo  His  Attempts  to  Win  His  Subjects.  —  Once 
on  the  throne,  Richard  sought  by  various  means  to  make  himself 
popular.  He  went  on  a  progress  soon  after  his  coronation,  he  helped 
the  poor,  he  issued  proclamations  to  suppress  immorality,  he  ordered 
the  judges  to  judge  justly,  and  he  even  refused  gifts  from  London  and 


180     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

other  towns  saying  he  would  rather  have  the  hearts  of  his  subjects 
than  their  money.  But  he  undid  any  possible  effects  of  his  good  works 
by  ruthless  bloodshed.  Several  of  his  opponents  were  put  to  death 
after  the  barest  pretense  of  a  trial  or  without  being  tried  at  all,  while, 
shortly  after  his  coronation,  Richard  sent  a  trusted  henchman,  with 
orders  to  kill  the  two  innocent  little  princes  in  the  Tower,  and  it  is 
probable  that  they  were  smothered  while  they  slept.  The  alleged  de- 
struction of  these  harmless  lads  caused  all  right-thinking  men  to  turn 
from  Richard  with  loathing,  while  it  gave  others  a  handle  to  turn 
against  him  when  the  fitting  time  came.  Yet  he  continued  his  vain 
efforts  to  win  the  hearts  of  his  subjects,  striving  to  do  away  with  extor- 
tion, to  reform  justice,  and  to  promote  trade.  In  1484  he  abolished  the 
hated  benevolences  of  which  his  brother  had  made  such  use ;  but  the 
necessities  of  military  preparation  forced  him  to  counteract  this  meas- 
ure by  levying  large  loans.  Nobody  resisted  him,  but  he  could  trust 
no  one,  he  lived  in  constant  disquiet  and  alarm,  and  in  vain,  when  the 
hour  of  danger  came,  did  he  appeal  to  his  subjects  "  like  good  and  true 
Englishmen." 

The  Landing  of  Henry  Tudor,  Earl  of  Richmond  (1485) .  —  Meantime, 
Henry  Tudor,  the  nearest  male  representative  of  the  Lancastrians,1 
who  had  escaped  to  France  after  Tewkesbury,  having  secured  supplies 
of  men  and  money,  issued  a  manifesto  to  his  English  supporters  against 
the  "  unnatural  tyrant  who  bore  rule  over  them."  Then  he  crossed 
the  Channel,  landed  at  Milford  Haven,  7  August,  1485,  and  calling 
on  all  true  subjects  to  support  him  as  he  went,  marched  eastward  to, 
the  Severn.  Richard,  advancing  westward  from  Northampton,  which 
he  had  chosen  as  a  central  point  whence  he  could  march  readily  in  any 
direction,  met  the  invaders  at  Bosworth  near  Leicester.  Supporters 
had  been  flocking  enthusiastically  to  join  Richmond ;  the  forces  of 
Richard,  on  the  other  hand,  were  lukewarm  and  suspected  of  treason. 

The  Battle  of  Bosworth  (22  August,  1485).  — While  he  trusted  in 
his  valor,  Richard,  haunted  by  dismal  forebodings,  passed  a  sleepless 
night.  Yet  on  the  morning  of  the  fray,  he  addressed  his  captains  in  a 
fiery  speech  :  he  would  triumph,  he  declared,  "  by  glorious  victory  or 
suffer  death  for  immortal  fame."  Henry's  speech  was  equally  stirring : 
he  came,  he  said,  to  vindicate  justice  and  avenge  murder  against  a 
tyrant  whose  forces  served  him  from  fear  rather  than  love,  and  who 
at  the  test  would  prove  friends  rather  than  adversaries.  And  so  the 
event  proved,  for  many  went  over  to  Henry's  side,  and  more  with- 
drew from  the  combat.  Richard  fought  manfully,  and  sought  to  en- 
gage Henry  himself  in  a  hand  to  hand  encounter.  Wearing  his  crown 

1  See  table,  introd. 


THE  YORKIST  KINGS  l8l 

on  his  head,  he  cried,  "  I  will  die  King  of  England,"  and  deserted  and 
surrounded  by  his  enemies,  he  struggled  shouting  "  treason !  treason ! " 
until  he  fell  pierced  by  deadly  wounds,  while  the  victorious  troops  of 
the  Tudor  leader  hailed  him  as  Henry  VII. 

Reasons  for  the  Failure  of  the  Lancastrian  and  Yorkist  Dynasties.  — 
Richard's  usurpation  merely  hastened  a  crisis  that  seemed  inevitable. 
The  situation  under  Henry  VI  had  proved  that  England  was  not  ready 
for  the  liberties  fostered  by  his  father  and  grandfather.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  rule  of  Edward  and  Richard  had  shown  that  the  country 
had  outgrown  the  age  when  it  would  submit  to  violence  and  despotism. 
The  first  two  Lancastrian  Henrys  had  done  much  for  England ;  they 
had  nurtured  parliamentary  government,  and  for  a  time  at  least  re- 
vived English  prestige  abroad.  But  wars,  famine,  pestilence,  and 
chiefest  of  all,  want  of  governance,  administrative  feebleness,  de- 
stroyed the  last  of  the  line.  The  Crown  and  the  treasury  were  con- 
stantly in  need  of  money;  individual  life  and  property  were  never 
secure  ;  robbery,  riot,  and  factional  strife  kept  the  country  in  continual 
turmoil.  The  rpmfHips  gnntrbt — more  power  to  Parliament,  remodel- 
ing the  Council,  and  reforming  statutes  • — proved  of  no  avail.  A  strong 
hand  was  necessary ;  that  was  why  Henry  VI  was  set  aside,  otherwise 
his  adversaries  would  never  have  established  their  title,  nearer  in 
descent  though  they  were.  The  Yorkists'  rule,  though  stronger,  failed 
to  remedy  the  evils,  to  secure  peace,  or  to  inspire  national  confidence. 
The  perversion  of  justice,  robbery,  violence,  and  factional  struggles 
were  still  rife.  A  new  man  and  a  new  policy  were  needed.  As  Henry 
VII  united  the  dynastic  claims  of  the  two  Houses,  so  he  combined  their 
policies.  Observing  the  forms  of  constitutional  liberty  accepted  by 
the  Lancastrians,  he  ruled  with  a  strong  hand  like  the  Yorkists.  What 
the  country  wanted  most  was  peace  and  prosperity  under  rulers  who 
could  keep  order.  The  line  of  Henry  VII  gave  them  that.  It  erected 
a  new  absolutism,  but  an  absolutism  based  on  popularity.  This  new 
absolutism  prevailed  until  the  country  had  recovered  from  exhaustion, 
emancipated  itself  from  the  bonds  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  was  pre- 
pared to  make  use  of  the  liberty  which  it  had  at  an  earlier  time  pre- 
maturely acquired.  It  has  been  said  that  the  result  of  the  struggle 
between  Lancaster  and  York  was  to  arrest  the  progress  of  English 
freedom  for  more  than  a  century.  At  its  beginning,  Parliament  had 
established  freedom  from  arbitrary  taxation,  legislation,  and  imprison- 
ment, and  the  responsibility  of  even  the  highest  servants  of  the  Crown 
to  itself  and  the  law.  From  the  time  of  Edward  IV  parliamentary  life 
was  checked,  suspended,  or  turned  into  a  mere  form.  The  legislative 
powers  were  usurped  by  the  royal  Council,  parliamentary  taxation  gave 


182     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

way  to  forced  loans  and  benevolences,  personal  liberty  was  encroached 
on  by  a  searching  spy  system  and  arbitrary  imprisonment,  justice 
was  degraded  by  bills  of  attainder,  by  the  extension  of  the  powers  of 
the  Council,  by  the  subservience  of  judges  and  the  coercion  of  juries. 
It  required  a  revolution  in  the  seventeenth  century  to  recover  from 
the  Crown  what  had  been  recognized  and  observed  in  the  early  part  of 
the  fifteenth. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Ramsay ;  Vickers ;  Oman ;  and  Stubbs  all  deal  in  more  or  less  detail  with 
the  period  covered  by  this  chapter.  The  Paston  Letters,  1422-1509  (6  vols., 
1904)  throw  a  flood  of  light  on  the  public  life  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and 
the  introduction  by  the  editor,  James  Gairdner,  is  a  valuable  commentary. 
C.  R.  Markham  in  "Richard  III :  A  Doubtful  Verdict  Reviewed,"  English 
Historical  Review,  VI,  250-283,  806-813,  took  the  ground  that  Henry  VII, 
rather  than  Richard  III,  was  the  murderer  of  the  sons  of  Edward  IV ;  but 
his  contention  was  effectually  answered  by  James  Gairdner,  "Did  Henry  VII 
Murder  the  Princes?"  English  Historical  Review,  VI,  444-464,  813-815. 
Gairdner's  Life  and  Reign  of  Richard  III  (1898)  is  the$best  account  of  that 
reign. 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  129-133". 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  TUDOR  ABSOLUTISM.     HENRY  VII 

(1485-1509) 

The  New  Absolutism.  —  The  victory  of  Henry  Tudor  brought 
England  peace  and  a  strong  settled  government  which  endured  for 
over  a  century,  while  the  growth  of  parliamentary  power  was  checked. 
Revival  of  absolutism  was  due  to  two  causes  —  to  the  personal  char- 
acter of  the  Tudor  sovereigns,  and  to  the  situation  of  the  country. 
The  three  notable  rulers  of  this  line,  Henry  VII,  Henry  VIII,  and 
Elizabeth,  were  alike  in  many  ways ;  possessed  of  unbounded  courage, 
physical  and  moral,  they  were  also  keen  politicians  in  discerning  the 
needs  and  temper  of  the  people.  Usually  able  to  get  things  done  as 
they  wished,  when  they  saw  that  a  measure  was  going  to  be  resisted 
they  drew  back,  but  their  wishes  and  those  of  their  subjects  were  in 
most  respects  the  same.  So  they  were  absolute,  not  because  they 
had  a  standing  army,  or  any  other  of  the  common  props  of  despotism, 
but  because  they  were  popular,  they  were  needed.  Henry  VII, 
founder  of  the  line,  though  extortionate,  was  frugal  and  politic.  He 
fostered  trade  and  industry;  he  maintained  peace  abroad  and  or3er~ 
at  home,  and  kept  the  country  out  of  debt.  Consequently  he  left  a 
strong  central  government,  a  large  treasure,  and  a  people  attached 
to  the  Crown.  However,  the  revival  of  monarchial  power  was  not 
"due  solely  to  the  personal  qualities  of  the  Tudors.  Much  was  due  to 
conditions  which  had  affected  seriously  the  three  political  classes  of 
the  realm,  the  Nobles,  the  Clergy,  and  the  Commons.  The  Nobles 
were  no  longer  in  a  position  seriously  to  menace  the  Crown.  Since 
the  introduction  of  the  longbow,  and  more  particularly  of  gunpowder, 
their  armor  had  ceased  to  be  invulnerable,  while  their  castles  were 
not  impregnable  against  cannon.  Moreover,  the  strain  of  the  Hundred 
Years'  War  and  the  Wars  of  the  Roses l  had  reduced  their  numbers 
and  wealth,  while,  at  the  same  time,  they  had  discredited  themselves 
by  their  turbulence,  extravagance,  and  self-seeking.  The  Church, 

1  It  is  no  longer  believed  that  the  bulk  of  the  nobility  were  killed  off  in  the  Wars 
of  the  Roses. 

183 


184     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

too,  was  losing  the  assured  position  it  had  once  held.  It  had  indeed 
survived  the  attacks  of  Wiclif  and  the  Lollards;  but  its  influence 
had  been  threatened,  and  covetous  eyes  had  been  more  than  once 
cast  on  its  vast  wealth,  and  although  it  still  retained  a  strong  hold  on 
the  lesser  folk,  they  counted  for  little,  and  it  had  to  look  to  the  Mon- 
archy for  support.  The  Commons,  the  middle  classes  in  town  and 
country,  busy  in  accumulating  material  resources,  wanted  peace  and 
protection  rather  than  liberty.1  As  the  Nobility  and  the  Church 
were  unable,  so  the  Commons  were  unwilling  to  oppose  the  new  Tudor 
absolutism  in  which  they  saw  a  friend  and  protector. 

Henry's  Problems.  —  Henry  VII,  therefore,  found  himself  in  a 
situation  most  favorable  to  the  reestablishment  of  the  royal  power 
on  a  secure  basis.  He  was  confronted  by  many  problems  and  he 
dealt  with  them  prudently  and  skillfully:  he  had  to  ^establish  his 
title,  to  dispose  of  rival  claimants,  to  suppress  disorder,  to  come 
to  terms  with  Scotland,  to  settle  conditions  in  Ireland,  and  to  secure 
England's  position  abroad.  Each  of  these  problems  must  be  con- 
sidered in  turn. 

Henry's  Means  of  Securing  His  Title.  —  Henry's  first  need  was  to 
secure  his  title.  If  he  based  his  claim  solely  on  right  of  conquest, 
he  might  have  to  yield  to  any  one  strong  enough  to  drive  him  out ; 
furthermore,  even  though  he  was  the  nearest  male  representative 
of  the  Lancastrians,  the  legitimacy  of  title  of  his  line  of  descent  could 
be  contested  on  various  grounds.  So,  quite  wisely,  he  secured  from 
Parliament,  in  1485,  an  Act  vesting  the  royal  inheritance  in  him  and 
his  heirs  without  stating  any  reasons.  This  done,  he  married,  in  1486, 
Elizabeth,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Edward  IV,  thus  uniting  the  claims 
of  the  two  rival  Houses.  His  next  step  was  to  secure  from  the  Pope, 
in  the  same  year,  a  bull  recognizing  his  title.  Finally,  he  made  Parlia- 
ment pass  an  Act,  in  1495,  that  it  was  no  treason  to  obey  a  de  facto  king. 

Royal  Pretenders.  Lambert  Simnel  (1487) ;  Perkin  Warbeck 
(1492-1499).  —  There  were,  however,  male  representatives  of  the 
Yorkist  line  still  living,  and  many  doubted  whether  the  young  sons 
of  Edward  IV  were  actually  dead,  and  naturally  the  enemies  of 
Henry  VII  were  glad  to  make  use  of  such  opportunities  to  rise  against 
him.  In  1487  they  put  forward  one  Lambert  Simnel,  son  of  an  Ox- 
ford organ  maker,  as  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  son  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence, 
although  the  real  Earl 2  was  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower.  Crowned  in 

1  In  Shakespeare's  King  John,  produced  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  Magna  Carta 
is  not  even  mentioned. 

2  He  was  subsequently  drawn  into  a  plot,  which  furnished  a  pretext  for  putting 
him  to  death. 


THE   BEGINNING  OF  THE  TUDOR  ABSOLUTISM  185 

Ireland,  where  the  sentiment  was  strongly  Yorkist,  Simnel  invaded 
England,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  supporters  which  included  some 
of  the  English  nobility  and  a  force  of  German  mercenaries  sent  over 
by  Margaret  of  Burgundy.  However,  the  invaders  were  received 
with  scant  favor,  and  were  easily  routed  by  Henry's  troops.  The 
Yorkist  nobles  were  mostly  killed  or  disappeared,  and  the  mock  king 
was  made  a  turnspit  in  the  royal  kitchen,  and  later  a  royal  falconer. 
Another  pretender  bothered  King  Henry  for  nearly  eight  years. 
This  was  Perkin  Warbeck,  son  of  a  Flemish  boatman,  put  forward 
as  Richard,  Duke  of  York.  Receiving  support  in  Ireland,  Flanders, 
and  Scotland,  he  finally  landed,  August,  1497,  in  southwest  England, 
after  two  previous  unsuccessful  attempts  at  invasion.  The  King's 
army,  however,  was  too  much  for  him,  and  giving  himself  up,  he  was 
finally  hanged,  November,  1499. 

Henry's  Exactions.  —  Henry  VII  turned  most  of  the  plots  and 
risings  against  him  to  his  own  advantage.  Refraining  so  far  as 
possible  from  shedding  blood,  he  contented  himself  with  the  safer 
and  more  profitable  m^h<°>fl-~ft£  levying  fines  on  th.ose__jrnpli  rated. 
Another  of  his  many  devices  to  fill  his  coffers  is  known  as  "  MortorPs 
Fork,"  because  its  invention  was  attributed  to  his  Chancellor,  Thomas 
Morton.  Persons  who  lived  in  great  magnificence  were  forced  to 
yield  large  sums  on  the  ground  of  their  manifest  wealth,  while  those 
who  lived  plainly  were  subjected  to  equal  burdenson  the  ground  of  their 
supposed  savings.  The  royal  extortion  increased  as  the  years  went  on. 

The  Court  of  Star  Chamber  (1487).  —  Neither  the  Lancastrians  nor 
the  Yorkists  had  been  able  to  suppress  disorder,  and  statutes  of 
"  livery  and  maintenance  "  l  had  been  directed  in  vain  against  law- 
less nobles  and  their  retainers.  In  1487  Henry  VII  devised  a  new 
expedient.  Selecting  certain  great  officers  of  State  from  the  Privy 
Council,  together  with  two  judges,  he  gave  them 


diction,  noriyrrry~Qver  livery  and-inaintenance,  but  oyer_miscorLduct 
of  sheriffs,  over  riots  and  unlawful  assemblies.  They  constituted  a 
court,  knowrrsnhe  Star  Chamber  probably  from  the  room  where 
the  meetings  were  held,  which,  since  it  sat  in  London  and  had  very 
summary  jurisdiction,  was  able  to  act  more  effectively  than  any  of 
the  existing  tribunals.2 

Poynings's  Law  (1494).  —  Ireland  was  a  serious  problem.     The 
only  place  where  the  English  possessed  a  shadow  of  authority  was 

1  See  above,  p.  142. 

2  Later,  more  and  more  members  were  added  till  it  came  to  be  a  judicial  session 
of  the  whole  Privy  Council  plus  two  judges.     Subsequently  used  as  an  engine  of 
oppression,  political  and  ecclesiastical,  it  was  suppressed  in  1641. 


1 86     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

in  the  Pale,  and  attempts  to  prevent  the  Anglo-Irish  lords  from  identi- 
fying themselves  with  the  natives  had  proven  futile.  Moreover,  many 
of  them  were  Yorkists.  So,  in  1494,  Henry  sent  over  Sir  Edward 
Poynings  and  a  body  of  English  officials  with  the  object  of  establishing 
and  extending  English  rule.  The  new  Lord  Deputy  secured  the 
passage  of  "  Poynings's  Law  "  providing  that  no  Parliament  should 
meet  or  pass  any  act  without  the  consent  of  the  King  in  Council, 
and  that  all  English  statutes  should  be  in  force  in  Ireland.  Although 
these  enactments  put  a  check  on  Irish  legislation  they  had  the  merit 
of  protecting  the  colonists  against  the  arbitrariness  of  the  English 
officials. 

The  Scotch  and  Spanish  Marriage  Alliances.  —  In  accordance  with 
his  economical  and  peace-loving  character,  Henry  Vtt  "preferred  to 
avoid  war  and  to  secure  his  relations  with  other  countries  by  treaties 
and  marriage  alliances.  Two  of  the  latter  were  fraught  with  conse- 
quences. 

James  IV,  King  of  Scotland  since  1488,  had  caused  much  trouble 
by  taking  up  the  cause  of  Perkin  Warbeck,  /s"6  Henry  sought  to  meet 
danger  from  this  quarter  by  marrying  James  to  his  daughter  Margaret. 
On  7  August,  1502,  the  wedding  took  place  at  Edinburgh,  the  gayest 
and  most  splendid  the  poor  northern  capital  had  ever  witnessed.  In 
years  to  come,  many  wars  and  rumors  of  wars  followed ;  but  within  a 
century  a  descendant  of  this  marriage  became  King  of  England.  Mean- 
time, 15  November,  1501,  Henry  had  married  his  eldest  son  Arthur  to 
Catharine,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  and  Isabella  of  Castile, 
those  celebrated  monarchs  who  sent  Columbus  on  his  voyages  of 
discovery  to  our  western  world.  Arthur,  however,  died  less  than  six 
months  after  his  marriage,  and  eventually  —  by  virtue  of  a  papal 
dispensation,  since  it  was  against  the  law  of  the  Church  for  a  man  to 
marry  his  deceased  brother's  widow  —  Catharine  became,  in  1509, 
the  bride  of  Henry's  second  son,  the  future  Henry  VIII. 

The  Transition  from  the  Medieval  to  the  Modern  World.  - 
During  the  reign  of  the  thrifty  and  sagacious  Henry  VII,  England 
was  in  a  period  of  transition  from  the  medieval  to  the  modern  world. 
New  tendencies  were  in  the  making,  but  the  old  had  not  been  al- 
together discarded.  Diverse  characteristics  are  manifest  both  in 
the  King  and  his  age.  Henry,  businesslike  and  unheroic,  absorbed 
in  amassing  treasure  and  avoiding  war,  was  the  direct  contrast  of  the 
medieval  knight,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  chose  Churchmen  for 
councilors  and  founded  religious  houses  with  true  medieval  piety ;  he 
gave  John  Cabot  a  patent  to  search  for  a  northwest  passage,  but  he 
contributed  to  a  papal  crusade  against  the  Turks ;  he  negotiated  free 


THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  TUDOR  ABSOLUTISM  187 

trade  treaties,  but  he  also  enacted  a  law  against  usury.1  While  English 
ships  began  to  make  their  way  to  the  western  world,  England  was  not 
yet  a  recognized  sea  power ;  the  New^Learning  was  being  introduced 
from  Italy,  though  its  effects  were  still  unforeseen ;  the  old  fighting 
nobility  had  been  crushed,  but  the  new  nobility  of  wealth  had  not  yet 
risen.  In  international  affairs  a  new  policy  —  balance  of  power  —  was 
just  emerging,  but  it  had  not  yet  developed  into  a  fixed  principle. 

State  of  the  Country.  Agriculture.  —  Agriculture  was  in  a  back- 
ward state.  No  improved  methods  had  been  introduced  since  the 
Peasant  Revolt ;  the  soil  was  exhausted,  for  draining  and  fertilizing 
were  little  practiced  and  artificial  grass  and  clover  were  unknown ; 
cattle  could  not  be  kept  over  the  winter  to  any  extent,  for  turnips, 
later  used  for  fodder,  had  not  yet  been  introduced ;  oxen  were  still 
used  as  draught  animals,  since  they  were  cheaper  than  horses  to  feed 
and  their  flesh  could  be  eaten  when  killed.  Many  things  contributed 
to  retard  the  progress  of  agriculture.  Owing  to  the  Black  Death 
and  other  plagues,  the  supply  of  labor  had  been  greatly  reduced. 
Then  the  wars,  foreign  and  civil,  had  further  drained  the  population 
and  discouraged  and  unsettled  the  surviving  cultivators.  Also,  the 
monasteries,  which  had  once  taken  the  lead  in  clearing  the  wastes, 
building  roads,  and  improving  farming,  had  fallen  off.  in  wealth  and 
energy.  The  increasing  bareness  of  the  soil,  the  scarcity  of  labor, 
and  the  growing  demand  for  wool  turned  a  steadily  increasing  number 
to  sheep  raising.  Both  common  pastures  and  tenant  holdings  were 
enclosed  for  grazing  lands,  and,  as  sheep  raising  became  more  and 
more  profitable,  more  and  more  farms  were  taken,  which  caused  much 
hardship  as  the  population  began  to  recover  again,  for  lands  that 
furnished  sustenance  and  employment  to  many  tenants  and  laborers 
required  only  a  few  shepherds.  Great  outcry  was  made  and  laws 
were  passed  to  check  the  practice,  but  without  avail,  and  a  chaplain 
of  Henry  VIII  complained  that  "  where  hath  been  many  houses  and 
churches  to  the  honour  of  God,  now  you  shall  find  nothing  but  shepe- 
cotes  and  stables  to  the  ruin  of  man."  Nor  did  enactments  to  en- 
courage the  exportation  of  corn,  to  raise  the  price,  and  to  prevent 
import  until  the  cost  was  so  high  as  to  cause  hardship,  materially  help 
the  situation.  It  was  not  until  decades  later,  after  the  laborers 
driven  from  the  soil  had  found  a  new  occupation  in  manufacturing 
and  a  new  demand  arose  for  food  to  supply  them,  that  agricultural 
prosperity  revived. 

1  In  the  third  year  of  his  reign  he  declared  "usurious  bargains"  (i.e.  all  lending 
at  interest)  null  and  void,  provided  that  the  lender  should  be  heavily  fined,  and 
further  punished  for  his  soul's  good  by  the  church  authorities.. 


1 88     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

Condition  of  the  Agricultural  Laborer.  —  The  condition  of  the 
lower  classes  would  seem  insupportable  now.  Their  homes  were 
mere  hovels  with  walls  of  clay  and  reeds,  with  floors  of  mud  strewn 
with  rushes,  and  fires  were  built  in  a  cleared  space  in  the  middle  of 
the  floor,  the  smoke  escaping  through  the  door  or  a  hole  in  the  roof 
after  half  choking  the  occupants.  It  is  small  wonder  that  even 
women  left  these  "  dark,  cheerless,  and  unhealthy  dwellings  "  to  seek 
company  and  diversion  in  the  neighboring  ale-house.  Tea,  coffee, 
and  wheaten  bread  were  luxuries  yet  undreamed  of,  though  meat, 
beer,  house  rent,  and  fuel  were  cheap.  Foreigners  were  struck  by 
the  quantities  of  meat  consumed  by  the  English ;  but  they  saw  only 
the  tables  of  the  gentry,  the  city  folk,  and  the  inns.  The  remote 
rural  classes  seem  to  have  lived  largely  on  peas,  beans,  and  suchlike 
food  in  summer,  while  the  salt  meat  and  fish  consumed  in  winter, 
together  with  bad  air,  lack  of  drainage,  and  stagnant  water  were 
fruitful  sources  of  all  manner  of  ills,  such  as  scurvy  and  typhoid. 
The  lot  of  the  poorer  classes  in  towns  was  just  as  bad.  Infant  mor- 
tality was  appalling,  and,  what  with  the  continuing  ravages  of  the 
plague,  it  has  been  estimated  that  "as  large  a  number  of  persons 
now  live  to  seventy  years  as  lived  to  forty  "  in  the  year  1500.  Each 
little  community  still  lived,  for  the  most  part,  isolated  and  self- 
sufficing,  making  its  own  clothes  and  providing  its  own  food.  Roads 
were  foul  and  miry  during  a  greater  part  of  the  year,  and  infested  by 
thieves,  bridges  were  few  and  badly  kept,  and  those  who  controlled 
river  commerce  were  opposed  to  their  increase.  This  lack  of  means 
of  communication  accounts  for  many  of  the  famines,  and  was  another 
cause  for  retarding  the  progress  of  agriculture,  since  no  one  cared  to 
raise  a  surplus  which  could  not  easily  be  transported  for  sale.  Yet 
there  are  some  rays  of  light  in  the  prevailing  darkness.  Even  the 
lower  classes  were  better  off  than  they  had  been  in  the  previous  cen- 
tury and  better  off  than  their  neighbors  in  France.  The  monks  were 
easy  landlords  who  seldom  pressed  for  their  rent  from  poor  tenants 
and  sometimes  even  remitted  it  in  the  hard  seasons,  and  a  number 
of  the  lay  landlords  seem  to  have  followed  the  monastic  example. 
The  small  farmers  or  yeomen  were  reasonably  prosperous.  Moreover, 
there  was  a  chance  for  peasants  to  rise  from  their  lowly  station  not 
only  through  the  Church  but  by  other  avenues  as  well.  Still  the 
laborer's  lot  was,  on  the  whole,  a  hard  one;  he  might  have  a  piece 
of  ground  to  till  and  a  share  in  a  common  pasture,  but,  what  with 
irregular  work,  poor  food,  unhealthy  homes,  wars,  riot,  famine, 
and  pestilence  he  was  ever  so  much  worse  off  than  he  would  be 
to-day. 


THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  TUDOR  ABSOLUTISM  189 

The  Nobles.  —  The  nobility  lived  in  rude  magnificence  with  huge 
bands  of  household  men :  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  for  example,  had  six 
hundred  liveried  servants  in  his  train;  the  flesh  of  six  entire  oxen 
was  sometimes  consumed  at  a  single  meal,  while  visitors,  always 
welcome,  often  carried  off  meat  from  the  table.  When  a  nobleman 
passed  through  a  parish,  bells  were  rung,  caps  were  doffed  in  rever- 
ences, indeed,  even  in  great  towns  burghers  and  journeymen  flocked 
to  see  them  as  they  stalked  or  rode  along  the  streets.  Yet  most  of 
them  had  been  living  from  hand  to  mouth  for  a  long  time  on  the 
produce  of  their  estates  and  their  plunder  from  war.  Since  their 
silks,  satins,  furs,  jewels,  and  plate  represented  unproductive  capital, 
they  were  often  hard  put  to  it  for  ready  money  and  borrowed  in  all 
directions.  When  they  could  no  longer  carry  their  debts,  their  fine 
things  were  scattered  and  sold.  The  Tudors  cut  down  their  retinues 
and  excluded  them  from  their  councilors,  but  the  advent  of  peace 
and  new  conditions  made  their  decline  inevitable.  Living  isolated 
on  their  country  estates  they  rarely  possessed  sufficient  knowledge 
or  training  to  participate  in  public  business;  consequently,  with  no 
wars  to  occupy  them  any  longer,  they  devoted  themselves  to  dress, 
cards,  and  dice,  and  steadily  declined  not  only  in  wealth,  but.  in 
character  and  physical  vigor. 

The  Middle  Class.  —  As  a  result  of  increasing  industrial  develop- 
ment the  middle  classes  were  growing  steadily  better  off,  and  many 
a  yeoman  and  merchant  became  a  landed  gentleman.  A  new  aris- 
tocracy arose  —  of  energy.,  and  skill,  of  material  prosperity— -=oilii» 
mately  to  be  a  power  in  politics  and  society.  Possessed  of  lands  and 
fine  raiment,  the  new  men  were  hard  to  distinguish  from  the  old  whom 
in  a  measure  they  were  supplanting.  The  rich  merchant  princes 
kept  houses  of  great  magnificence.  There  was,  however,  more  pomp 
arid  show  than  real  comfort.  Great  houses  had  rarely  more  than  two 
of  three  beds,  and  bare  benches  and  window  seats  generally  did  duty 
for  chairs. 

Distribution  of  Population  and  Industry.  —  The  total  population 
of  England  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  has  been  estimated  at 
2,500,000,  not  much  over  a  third  of  present-day  London.  In  spite 
of  a  steady  influx  of  laborers  to  the  towns,  London  did  not  in  all 
likelihood  contain  over  50,000  inhabitants,  and  there  were  probably 
not  ten  communities  with  more  than  10,000.  The  poorest  districts 
were  in  the  north,  though  Yorkshire,  as  a  wool-producing  district,  was 
forging  ahead. 

The  Decline  of  the  Gilds.  The  Domestic  System.  —  England's 
chief  industry  was  the  raising  of  wool  and  its  manufacture  into  cloth 


190     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

—  the  latter  still  mainly  in  the  hands  of  the  gilds,  who  continued  to 
enjoy  a  practical  monopoly  of  trade  and  industry,  though  various 
indications  show  that  they  were  on  the  decline.  They  became 
entangled  in  frequent  and  acute  struggles  with  the  municipal  organi- 
zations where  the  two  were  not  identical.  They  were  accused  by 
the  journeymen  of  oppression,  of  extravagance  in  pageantry  and 
feasting,  and  they  stifled  even  healthy  competition.  A  particular 
cause,  however,  for  their  downfall  was  the  fact  that  their  organization 
was  too  narrow  and  exclusive  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  widening 
markets.  So  merchants  began  to  send  wool  to  farmers  and  villagers 
to  be  worked  up  into  cloth.  The  "  domestic  system,"  as  it  was 
called,  which  began  to  be  employed  in  the  fifteenth  century,  had 
the  twofold  advantage  of  more  adequately  supplying  the  growing 
demand  for  cloth,  and  of  opening  a  new  field  of  occupation  for  the 
agricultural  laborers  and  small  farmers,  suffering  from  the  sub- 
stitution of  sheep  raising  for  tillage. 

Trade  and  Commerce.  "Mercantilism."  —  Business,  both  com- 
mercial and  financial,  was,  by  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII,  in 
the  hands  of  Englishmen.  While  Edward  I  had  expelled  the  Jews 
and  Edward  III  had  ruined  his  Lombard  and  Tuscan  creditors,  foreign 
trade,  nevertheless,  remained  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  Continental 
merchants  all  through  the  Yorkist  period.  Under  Henry  VII,  how- 
ever, natives  largely  superseded  foreigners,  while  even  aliens,  who 
had  once  been  welcomed  to  teach  Continental  handicrafts,  were 
jealously  excluded.  The  fifteenth  -century  sovereigns  continued  to 
regulate  commerce,  though  with  an  object  quite  different  from  that 
of  their  predecessors.  A  new  policy,  while  it  did  not  originate  with 
him,  was  most  effectively  and  extensively  carried  out  by  Henry  VII. 
The  aim  of  Edward  III  had  been,  in  general,  to  encourage  the  foreigner 
in  the  interests  of  the  consumer  at  the  expense  of  native  producers 
and  merchants.  Under  Richard  II  the  policy  was  initiated  of  build- 
ing up  native  trade  and  industry,  of  developing  English  shipping, 
and  of  accumulating  treasure  in  the  realm  by  excess  of  exports  over 
imports,  although  this  often  meant  higher  prices  to  the  consumer.  If 
concessions  were  from  time  to  time  made  to  foreigners,  it  was  only 
to  secure  some  reciprocal  advantage.  The  new  policy  —  rnonp¥-i-' 
wealth,  sell  more  than  you  buy  to  preserve  n  "  balance  of  trade  " 
and  SO  bring  treasure  into  the  realm  f  develop  rpsnnrrps  at 
pense  of  cheapness,  aim  at  power  rather  than 


"  mercantilism,"  and  resembles  the  r""Hp.rn  doctrine  of  proterHrm 

Measures  to  Encourage  English  Shipping,  and  to  Protect  English 
Manufactures.  —  At  the  opening  of  the  reign  of   Henry  VII  there 


THE   BEGINNING  OF  THE  TUDOR  ABSOLUTISM  191 

was  great  complaint  of  the*  decay  of  English  shipping  and  the  lack 
of  employment  of  English  mariners.  In  consequence,  the  King 
established  bounties  for  large  ships,  he  prohibited  foreigners  exporting 
wool  to  the  Netherlands,  and,  in  1489,  passed  an  Act  that  wines  and 
woad  from  Gascony  must  be  imported  in  English  ships,  manned  by 
English  sailors.  Following  a  protective  policy  begun  by  Edward  IV, 
Henry  VII  strove  to  encourage  the  manufacture  of  wool  and  to  develop 
English  capital  by  discouraging  the  importation  of  luxuries  and  the 
export  of  gold.  Parliament  was  directed  to  set  the  people  on  "  works 
and  handicrafts  "  in  order  that  "  the  realm  might  subsist  of  itself " 
and  so  stop  the  draining  of  "  our  treasure  for  manufacturers."  And 
in  the  nineteenth  year  of  the  reign,  an  Act  was  passed  prohibiting  the 
import  of  silks  wrought  in  forms  that  the  English  were  beginning  to 
manufacture.  As  the  sixteenth  century  advanced,  English  artisans 
made  cloth  in  increasing  quantities  so  that  the  export  of  wool  de- 
clined while  that  of  cloth  took  its  place.  While  efforts  were  thus 
made  to  encourage  English  shipping  and  manufactures,  commercial 
treaties  were  made  with  various  foreign  countries.  The  most  im- 
portant of  them  all  was  concluded  with  the  Netherlands,  in  1496. 
By  the  "  Great  Intercourse,"  or  Inter  cur  sus  Magnus,  the  merchants 
of  the  respective  countries  were  to  have  the  unrestricted  right  of 
buying  and  selling  at  rates  of  duty  which  had  prevailed  when  inter- 
course was  freest,  and,  ten  years  later,  Henry  secured  large  concessions 
for  the  sale  of  English  woolens  in  those  dominions. 

England  and  the  New  World.     The   Cabots.  —  An  outstanding 

result  of  the  discovery  of  America  and  the  new  ocean  routes  was  the 

supremacy  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard  states  over  the  Italian  cities  of 

the   Mediterranean.     England,   which    emerged   supreme   over   the 

others  as  a  sea  power,  only  slowly  secured  her  position.     None  of 

the   medieval    explorers    were    Englishmen.     Norsemen,    Spaniards, 

Portuguese,  all  won  distinction  before  England  entered  the  field. 

The  first  momentous  step  was  taken  when  Henry,  5  March,  1495, 

issued  a  patent  to  John  Cabot  and  his  sons,  Venetians  residing  in 

Bristol,  to  sail  forth  in  search  of  a  northwest  passage  and  for  the 

discovery  and  annexation  of  heathen  lands.     In  May,   1497,  they 

started  on  their  first  voyage.     Sailing  north  so  far  that  they  found 

"  monstrous  great  lumps  of  ice  swimming  in  the  sea  and  continual 

|  daylight,"  they  reached  what  was  probably  the  coast  of  Labrador, 

and  brought  home  "  three  islanders  in  skins,"  whom  they  presented 

|  to  the  King.     They  made   two  or  three  subsequent   voyages,  ex- 

iploring  the    coast    southward,   possibly   as   far   as    Florida.      Such 

;were  the   beginnings  of   England's   share   in   the   discovery  of   the 


19  2     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

north  continent  of  America,  a  continent  which  they  were  after- 
wards to  dominate. 

The  Literature  of  the  Fifteenth  Century  and  the  Introduction  of 
Printing  into  England.  —  The  transitional  character  of  the  age  is 
manifest  in  the  literature  and  learning.  The  foreign  wars,  the  do- 
mestic turmoil,  and  the  absorption  of  the  best  minds  in  material 
pursuits  were  unfavorable  to  literary  or  scholarly  productiveness. 
The  "  one  great  oasis  "  in  this  period  so  barren  of  literary  creation 
is  Sir  Thomas  Malory's  Morte  d1  Arthur,  finished  in  1470.  Relating 
in  simple  but  graphic  language  the  stirring  adventures  of  King  Arthur 
and  his  Knights  of  the  Round  Table,  scholars  value  it  as  one  of  the 
earliest  examples  of  English  prose,  while  the  stories  which  it  preserves 
have  been  a  source  of  delight  for  those  who  prize  beautiful  lessons  of 
knightly  courtesy  and  daring.  In  this  period,  too,  the  English  lan- 
guage and  literature  are  immeasurably  indebted  to_William  Caxton, 
who,  by  introducing  the  art  of  printing  into  England,  in  1470,  tirst 
brought  books  within  the  reach  of  {he  common  rna.7^  For  two  cen- 
turies, already,  a  primitive  form  of  printing  had  been  in  use :  letters 
were  cut  on  a  block  of  wood,  inked,  and  stamped  on  paper;  but  it 
was  only  with  the  invention  of  movable  type  that  the  real  revolution 
began.  The  inventor  was  probably  John  Gutenberg  (1400-1481)  of 
Mainz.  Caxton  learned  the  art  at  Cologne,  practiced  it  at  Bruges, 
and  brought  it  thence  to  his  native  land.  Not  only  did  he  print 
existing  English  poetry  of  value,  as  well  as  chronicles  and  tales,  all 
with  careful  revision,  but  he  also  rendered  selected  classical  works 
into  English.  Building  on  Chaucer  in  his  revisions  and  translations, 
he  made  the  dialect  of  London  the  literary  language  of  all  England, 
and,  by  reducing  it  to  print,  gave  it  not  only  extent  of  circulation, 
but  also  permanence. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  H.  A.  L.  Fisher,  Political  History  of  England,  1485-1547 
(1906),  a  scholarly  work  brilliantly  written.  A.  D.  Innes,  England  under 
the  Tudors  (1905).  Cambridge  Modern  History  (vol.  I,  1903),  a  coopera- 
tive work  in  14  vols.  containing  a  number  of  chapters  on  England ;  extensive 
lists  of  authorities,  without  comments,  are  to  be  found  at  the  end  of 
each  volume. 

Legal  and  Constitutional.  In  addition  to  the  general  works  already 
cited,  Maitland,  English  Law  and  the  Renaissance  (1901),  reprinted  in 
Essays  in  Anglo-American  Legal  History  (3  vols.,  1907-1909).  Henry 
Hallam,  English  Constitutional  History  (3  vols.,  1855),  dry  and  to  some  de- 
gree out  of  date,  but  still  indispensable  for  the  period  from  1485  to  1760. 


THE   BEGINNING  OF  THE  TUDOR   ABSOLUTISM  193 

Biography.  Francis  Bacon,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Henry  VII  (1621, 
in  Spedding  and  Ellis'  edition  of  Bacon's  works,  vol.  VI,  1861).  James 
Gairdner.  Henry  VII  (1889)  and  Gladys  Temperley,  Henry  VII  (1915)  are 
good  brief  accounts. 

Conditions,  social,  industrial,  and  intellectual.  In  addition  to  the 
works  already  cited:  W.  Denton,  Life  in  the  Fifteenth  Century  (1888); 
Alice  S.  Green,  Town  Life  in  the  Fifteenth  Century  (2  vols.,  1894) ;  A.  Abram, 
English  Life  and  Manners  in  the  Middle  Ages  (1913) ;  Fisher,  ch.  VI,  "The 
Dawn  of  the  English  Renaissance";  Innes,  ch.  IV;  Vickers,  Humphrey, 
Duke  of  Gloucester,  chs.  IX,  X,  "The  Italian  Renaissance  in  England" 
and  "The  Revolution  in  English  Scholarship";  Creighton,  "The  Early 
Renaissance  in  England"  in  Historical  Lectures,  pp.  188-212  ;  F.  A.  Gasquet, 
The  Eve  of  the  Reformation  in  England  (1899)  from  the  Roman  Catholic 
standpoint ;  Stubbs,  Lectures  on  Mediaeval  and  Modern  History,  two  schol- 
arly and  brilliant  lectures,  XV,  XVI,  on  "The  Reign  of  Henry  VII";  F. 
Seebohm,  The  Oxford  Reformers,  1877. 

Selections  from  the  sources,  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  134-140. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  VIII  (1509-1529).     THE  EVE  OF 
THE  SEPARATION  FROM  ROME 

The  New  Reign  and  the  Young  Henry  VIII.  —  Henry,  eighth  of 
the  name,  became  King,  22  April,  1509.  The  new  reign  began  with 
the  happiest  prospects.  Crabbed  age  had  made  way  to  youthful 
ardor  and  enthusiasm ;  for  the  new  ruler  was  barely  eighteen.  Enter- 
ing into  the  reward  of  the  labors  of  the  "  Solomon  of  England,"  his 
sagacious  and  thrifty  father,  he  soon  exhausted  the  treasure  which 
he  inherited ;  but  without  an  independent  revenue,  without  a  standing 
army,  and  without  openly  violating  constitutional  forms,  he  was  able 
to  work  his  will,  to  wrench  the  Church  of  England  free  from  the  juris- 
diction of  the  Pope,  and  to  end  his  days  as  an  absolute  King.  How- 
ever, many  years  were  to  elapse  before  Henry's  subjects  were  to 
realize  what  a  masterful  man  he  was.  The  young  Henry  was  de- 
scribed as  the  handsomest  prince  in  Europe ;  tall  and  well  propor- 
tioned, with  a  fair,  ruddy  complexion,  he  was  in  his  youth  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  huge,  bloated  figure  of  mature  manhood.  While  he 
excelled  in  strength  and  athletic  skill  and  was  a  tireless  hunter,  he 
was  also,  like  most  of  his  family,  both  accomplished  and  learned. 
Not  only  was  he  an  accomplished  musician  and  linguist,  but  he  gave 
much  attention  to  theology  as  well,  and  his  Defense  of  the  Seven 
Sacraments,  published  against  Luther  in  1521 — a  work  in  which, 
perhaps,  he  was  not  unassisted  —  earned  for  English  Sovereigns  the 
title  "  Defender  of  the  Faith,"  which  they  still  bear.  Contempo- 
raries were  loud  in  their  praise  of  his  beauty  and  talents,  and  in  their 
hopefulness  of  what  he  was  to  achieve ;  yet  while  the  heavens  might 
"  laugh,"  the  "  earth  exult,"  and  "  all  things  be  full  of  mirth  at  his 
coming,"  more  and  more  the  mailed  fist  was  to  appear  fron  under  the 
velvet  glove.  Three  or  four  summary  executions  early  ii>  the  reign 
only  faintly  foreshadow  his  later  ruthlessness.  Until  his  passions 
and  his  political  ambitions  called  forth  his  strength,  Henry  occupied 
himself  mainly  with  masks  and  revels,  fine  clothes,  dancing  and 

194 


.UUJTOf 

pSa 

THE   FIRST  YEARS  OF   HENRY  VIII 

music,  hunting  and  birding,  and  the  excitement  of  war  and  diplo- 
macy. 

Henry's  Plunge  into  Foreign  Struggles  (1511-1514).  — The  leading 
Continental  Sovereigns  with  whom  Henry  VIII  had  to  cope  at  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  were  all  men  of  years  and  experience.  He 
made  his  appearance  in  European  politics  by  joining,  in  1511,  the 
Holy  League,  formed  by  Pope  Julius  II  for  the  purpose  of  expelling 
the  French  King  from  Italy,  where  he  had  obtained  a  dangerous 
ascendancy.  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  the  astutest  of  the  papal  allies, 
determined  to  use  the  high-spirited  Henry  for  his  own  designs.  So, 
when  an  English  force  was  sent,  in  May,  1512,  to  cooperate  with  a 
Spanish  force  in  an  attack  on  Guyenne,  he  contributed  no  contin- 
gents, but,  instead,  profited  by  the  diversion  against  the  French  to 
conquer  the  little  kingdom  of  Navarre,  which  he  had  long  coveted. 
Thus  deserted,  the  English  expedition,  in  spite  of  gallant  work  on 
the  part  of  the  fleet,  accomplished  nothing.  Then,  anxious  to  restore 
the  English  prestige,  Henry  led  in  person  a  large  army  across  to  Calais, 
in  1513.  Proceeding  with  all  the  pomp  and  magnificence  of  a  royal 
progress,  he  overcame  the  French  forces,  16  August,  at  Guinegate  in 
the  "  Battle  of  the  Spurs,"  so  called  from  the  panic  of  the  enemies' 
horsemen,  and  followed  up  his  victory  by  the  capture  of  two  fortified 
towns.  Meanwhile,  taking  advantage  of  Henry's  absence,  the 
Scotch  King,  James  IV,  yielded  to  the  entreaties  of  Louis  XII  and 
led  an  army  across  the  Border  in  August.  Queen  Catharine  promptly 
hurried  levies  to  the  threatened  district  and  placed  the  Earl  of  Surrey 
in  command,  who,  9  September,  1513,  overcame  the  invaders  at 
Flodden,  where  James  fell,  "  riddled  with  arrows  and  gashed  with 
bows  and  bills."  Before  his  return,  in  October,  1513,  Henry  con- 
cluded a  treaty  with  Ferdinand  and  Maximilian,  Emperor  of  the 
Germans,  for  a  joint  invasion  of  France  the  following  year.  Dis- 
covering, however,  that,  all  the  while,  they  were  treacherously  making 
their  own  terms  with  their  professed  enemy  Louis,  he  declared  that 
he  saw  no  faith  in  the  world,  and,  in  August,  1514,  made  a  treaty  of 
his  own  with  France. 

The  Rise  of  Thomas  Wolsey.  —  Such  success  as  Henry's  arms  and 
diplomacy  achieved  at  this  time  was  due  chiefly  to  one  remarkable 
man,  Thomas  Wolsey,  who  was  destined,  for  over  a  decade,  to  shape 
England's  policy  abroad,  and  to  be  the  leading  figure  in  Church  and 
State  at  home.  Educated  for  the  Church,  he  entered  the  royal 
service  in  1506,  forging  rapidly  to  the  front.  The  work  of  equipping 
the  expeditions  of  1512-1513  and  the  negotiation  of  the  French 
peace  of  1 5 14  fell  to  him.  All  sorts  of  offices  and  honors  were  showered 


»*         4-  i  t.x    •«*• 

-•       V  v.  4.  / 

196     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

upon  him.  In  1514  he  was  made  Archbishop  of  York,  in  1515,  Car- 
dinal and  Lord  Chancellor,  and,  in  1518,  Papal  Legate,  though  these 
were  only  the  most  important  of  the  many  positions,  ecclesiastical 
and  secular,  which  he  held.  His  income  was  enormous  and  came 
from  manifold  sources;  he  received,  for  example,  revenues  from 
France,  Spain,  and  the  Emperor,  all  of  whom  sought  his  favor.  The 
"  proudest  prelate  that  ever  breathed,"  he  lived  in  magnificent  state, 
with  a  household  of  five  hundred  men,  keeping  a  bountiful  table  for 
rich  and  poor  alike,  and  also  dispensing  charity  at  his  gates.  During 
the  period  of  his  ascendancy  Henry  gave  him  a  free  hand  in  all  matters 
HnmpgHr  and  fnrpiprn  ;  and  he  was  so  "  lofty  and  sour  "  to  those  who 
withstood  his  will  that  ambassadors  preferred  to  neglect  the  King 
rather  than  risk  the  Cardinal's  resentment.  Very  generally  feared 
or  envied,  there  were  few  who  loved  him.  Although  he  did  some- 
thing to  reform  the  Church  by  suppressing  a  few  of  thjesmaller  monas- 
teries, his  aim  was  primarily  to  get  money  for  his  educational  founda- 
tions —  Cardinal's  College  (later  Christ  Church)  at  Oxford,  and  a 
projected  grammar  school  at  Ipswich,  his  native  town.  Indeed,  his 
life  was  quite  opposite  to  that  of  a  truly  spiritual  pastor ;  he  was  lax 
in  visiting  his  dioceses,  he  did  not  preach,  he  rarely  said  mass,  and 
he  was  a  pluralist  to  an  extent  unusual  even  for  those  times.  Yet, 
in  spite  of  his  faults,  his  great  qualities  were  preeminent:  he  was 
thoroughly  devoted  to  his  master's  interests;  he  was  just,  except 
where  his  personal  enemies  were  concerned,  and  a  good  friend  to  the 
poor.  While  his  abilities  were  vast  and  his  industry  prodigious,  he 
devoted  them  to  administration  and  particularly  to  diplomacy, 
aspiring  to  be  arbitrator  of  Christendom. 

The  Struggle  for  the  Imperial  Crown  (1519). — Louis  XII  was 
succeeded,  in  15 15,  by  Francis  I.  In  January  of  the  following  year 
the  veteran  intriguer  Ferdinand  died,  and  the  crown  of  Spain  passed 
to  his  grandson  Charles,  ruler  of  the  Netherlands  and  prospective 
heir  to  the  Hapsburg  dominions.  After  three  years  of  negotiations, 
Wolsey  succeeded,  1518,  in  including  England,  France,  Spain,  the 
Empire,  and  the  Papacy  in  a  treaty  of  universal  peace,  which  was 
scarcely  completed  when  an  event  occurred  which  set  the  three  great 
Powers  by  the  ears.  On  19  January,  1519,  the  gay,  needy,  and 
erratic  old  adventurer,  Emperor  Maximilian,  died.  Francis  set  him- 
self up  as  a  candidate  and  showered  gold  upon  the  electors,  and 
Henry,  too,  made  his  bid.  The  prize,  however,  went  to  Charles  of 
Spain,  who  was  elected  28  June,  1519.  This  youth  of  nineteen  —  at 
once  irresolute  and  obstinate,  and  the  champion  of  the  Church  — 
was  already  possessed  of  vast  territories,  including  Spain,  the  Austrian 


THE  FIRST.  YEARS  OF  HENRY  VIII 197 

dominions,  and  the  Netherlands,  the  heritage  of  a  succession  of 
notable  marriages,1  while  his  recent  election  placed  him  at  the  head 
of  the  mass  of  states  which  made  up  the  German  Empire  and  gave 
him  a  claim  on  Milan,  as  a  fief  of  that  Empire. 

The  Alliance  of  Henry  and  Wolsey  with  the  Emperor  (1520). — 
For  over  a  quarter  of  a  century  Charles  V  and  Francis  I  struggled 
for  the  balance  of  power  in  western  Europe.  At  first,  various  reasons 
inclined  England  to  support  the  Emperor.  As  ruler  of  the  Nether- 
lands he  controlled  the  chief  market  for  English  wool,  he  was  the 
nephew  of  Catharine,  consort  of  Henry  VIII,  and,  finally,  because, 
as  Emperor,  he  had  a  voice  in  swaying  papal  elections.  Wolsey  was 
anxious  to  be  Pope,  possibly  as  a  means  of  reforming  the  existing 
Church  system,  but  more  especially  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  him- 
self and  his  master  in  foreign  affairs.  In  order  to  attach  Henry 
more  closely  to  France,  Francis  I  met  him,  7  June,  1520,  in  a  valley 
not  far  from  Calais,  the  celebrated  Field  of  Cloth  of  Gold,  where  for 
nearly  three  weeks  the  two  Monarchs  and  their  wives  held  interviews, 
feasts,  jousts,  and  attended  solemn  masses.  But  no  substantial 
result  followed  this  belated  outburst  of  medieval  splendor.  Before 
crossing  the  Channel,  Henry  had  received  a  visit  from  Charles  V, 
and  the  two  Sovereigns  had  arranged  a  treaty  of  alliance  which  was 
concluded  in  later  interviews  after  the  magnificent  fooling  at  the 
Field  of  Cloth  of  Gold  was  over.  When  the  inevitable  war  broke  out 
between  Francis  and  Charles,  England  was  on  the  side  of  the  Emperor. 
Wolsey's  idea  was  to  crush  France,  but  did  he  not  foresee  that  an  all- 
powerful  Emperor  would  be  as  dangerous  to  the  balance  of  power  as 
an  all-powerful  King  of  France?  Moreover,  when,  in  1521,  Leo  X 
died,  the  Cardinals,  contrary  to  promises  which  the  Emperor  had 
made,  chose,  not  Wolsey,  but  Charles's  old  tutor,  Adrian  of  Utrecht. 
Nevertheless,  in  consequence  of  another  Imperial  visit,  June,  1522, 
Henry  sent  a  new  expedition  to  ravage  the  French  coast,  the  only 
result  of  which  was  a  further  drain  on  English  men  and  money  and 
increased  loss  and  suffering  for  the  French  peasantry. 

The  Triumph  of  the  Emperor.     English  Resistance  to  Taxation.  — 
Need  of  supply  forced  Henry,  for  the  first  time  in  eight  years,  to  call 
a  Parliament,  which  met  15  April,  1523,  with  Sir  Thomas  More  as 

1  In  1477  his  grandfather  Maximilian,  then  heir  to  the  Austrian  possessions,  had 
married  Mary,  daughter  of  Charles  the  Bold,  from  whom  she  inherited  the  Nether- 
lands and  a  claim  on  Burgundy.  Philip  the  Fair,  son  of  Maximilian  and  Mary, 
married  the  mad  Joanna  of  Castile,  heiress  to  the  Spanish  lands  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  and  to  claims  on  Naples  and  Sicily.  Charles  was  born  of  the  marriage 
of  Philip  and  Joanna. 


198     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND.  AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Speaker  of  the  Commons,  and  reluctantly  granted  about  half  the 
subsidies  which  Wolsey  ardently  demanded.  With  this  partial  grant 
supplemented  by  a  tax  from  the  clergy,  Henry  and  the  Cardinal 
undertook  to  carry  out  a  scheme  arranged  with  the  Emperor  and  the 
Duke  of  Bourbon  for  the  dismemberment  of  the  French  kingdom  of 
Francis.  An  English  expedition,  sent  out  under  the  Duke  of  Suffolk 
in  the  late  summer  of  1523,  was  unable  to  accomplish  anything,  be- 
cause the  Emperor,  opposing  Henry's  plan  of  campaign,  failed  to 
furnish  the  requisite  support.  Moreover,  on  the  death  of  Adrian  VI, 
14  September,  Charles  again  played  Wolsey  false  by  throwing  the 
weight  of  his  influence  to  elect  a  reserved,  irresolute  Italian  whom 
he  thought  would  do  his  bidding.  However,  the  new  Pope,  Clem- 
ent VII,  formed  a  league  with  Francis  I,  with  Venice  and  other 
Italian  states,  to  drive  the  Emperor,  who  had  recently  recovered 
Milan,  out  of  northern Itaryw  When  the  Imperial  army,  defeating 
the  French,  24  February,  ^1525,  had  taken  Francis  prisoner, 
Henry  VIII,  in  spite  of  recent  rebuffs,  at  once  prepared  to  join 
Charles  V  in  dismembering  the  realms  of  the  vanquished.  To  supply 
the  necessary  funds,  Wrolsey  devised  the  "  amicable  loan  "  of  a  sixth 
from  lay  and  a  fourth  from  ecclesiastical  property,  which  was  in 
reality  a  tax,  for  it  was  assessed  by  royal  commissioners,  and  men 
were  to  be  forced  to  pay.  Resistance  was  stubborn  and  widespread. 
In  Suffolk  an  armed  revolt  was  only  narrowly  averted,  while  in  London, 
where  a  benevolence  was  demanded  in  place  of  the  loan,  the  Lord 
Mayor  declared  that  it  would  cost  him  his  life  if  he  agreed  to  such  a 
grant.  In  the  face  of  such  manifestations,  Henry  gave  way,  and 
Wolsey,  who  had  only  acted  by  his  master's  command,  bore  the  brunt 
of  the  unpopularity.  In  August  a  truce  was  arranged  with  France 
and  it  was  nearly  twenty  years  before  another  English  army  crossed 
the  Channel.  Francis,  having  gained  his  freedom  by  agreeing  to 
terms,  which  he  forthwith  repudiated,  Clement  VII  formed  with 
him,  and  various  of  the  Italian  states,  a  new  Holy  League ;  Charles's 
response  was  to  send,  May,  1527,  an  Imperial  army  into  Italy,  which 
seized  and  sacked  Rome  and  besieged  the  Pope  in  the  Castle  of  St. 
Angelo. 

The  Preparation  for  the  Separation  from  Rome.  —  Such  was  the 
situation  at  the  moment  when  Henry  had  come  to  the  point  of  seek- 
ing papal  aid  in  nullifying  his  marriage  with  Catharine.  Since  she 
was  the  aunt  of  Charles  V,  the  timid,  shifty  Clement  VII  was  in  no 
position,  even  had  he  wished,  to  grant  Henry's  request.  As  a  result, 
Henry,  after  futile  negotiations,  threw  off  the  papal  authority  and 
made  himself  head  of  the  English  Church.  This  he  was  strong 


THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  VIII  199 

enough  to  do  because  of  the  weakness  of  the  nobles  and  clergy,  and 
because  of  the  support  of  the  middle  classes,  whose  material  interests 
were  dependent  on  royal  favor.  Moreover,  many  forces  were  work- 
ing against  the  old  ecclesiastical  order :  a  new  intellectual  spirit  was 
making  its  way  into  the  country,  bound  to  shake  the  bases  of  authori- 
tative tradition ;  also,  there  was  much  in  the  existing  Church  system 
open  to  attack  —  its  vast  possessions,  burdensome  taxation,  and 
extensive  jurisdiction.  Even  though  the  mass  of  the  common  people 
were  still  under  the  authority  of  their  priests,  and  had  shown  no  open 
hostility  to  ancient  beliefs  and  practices,  nevertheless,  the  Lollard 
tradition  had  not  wholly  died  out,  while  their  social  and  industrial 
condition  filled  them  with  a  real  if  vague  discontent.  So  they  were 
ready  to  welcome  any  change  that  promised  relief. 

The  New  Learning,  or  Renascence.  —  Already  that  wonderful 
intellectual  and  spiritual  movement  known  as  the  "  Renascence  " 
had  penetrated  into  England.  Meaning  literally  "  re -birth,"  the 
term  is  applied  to  the  revival  of  classical  learning  which  began  in 
Italy  in  the  fourteenth  century.  All  through  the  Middle  Ages  clerks 
had  studied  certain  Latin  authors l  simply  as  a  means  of  training  in 
language  and  argumentation,  not  for  any  human  or  literary  interest ; 
but  the  men  of  the  Renascence  began  to  study  them  for  their  own 
sake,  and  the  Greek  authors  as  well.  Receiving  a  great  impetus  from 
the  capture  of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks,  in  1453,  which  resulted 
in  driving  Greek  scholars  westward,  chiefly  to  Italy,  bringing  their 
manuscripts  with  them  and  spreading  their  learning,  there  arose  a 
new  spirit,  a  new  attitude  toward  life.  The  medieval  man,  at  least 
in  ideal,  was  mainly  concerned  with  God  and  his  Church  and  the 
hereafter.  The  prevailing  principle  was  received  authority,  and  the 
individual  was  absorbed  into  one  or  more  great  systems,  outside  of 
which  his  thoughts  and  actions  had  no  play :  his  theology  and  philos- 
ophy were  fettered  by  the  traditions  of  the  Schoolmen ;  his  religious 
life  was  comprehended  in  the  universal  Church  under  the  Pope ;  if 
a  monk,  he  was  bound  by  the  rules  of  his  order ;  if  he  tilled  the  soil, 
he  was  enchained  by  the  feudal  system ;  if  an  artisan,  his  industrial 
activity  was  cramped  by  the  gild  organization ;  and  the  dominant 
art  —  church  building  —  was  a  collective,  not  an  individual  art. 
With  the  Renascence  came  a  revival  of  interest  in  this  life,  with  all 
its  joy  and  beauty,  for  itself  alone.  A  new  ideal,  fitly  called  "  hu- 
manism," arose.  The  humanists  shook  themselves  free  from  medieval 
received  authority  and  the  once  accepted  systems ;  they  were  impelled 
by  a  novel  spirit  of  curiosity,  by  an  irresistible  impulse  to  assert  their 

1  And  Aristotle  in  Latin  translations. 


200     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

individualism.  As  time  went,  on  this  humanism,  this  curiosity,  this 
individualism  manifested  itself  in  all  fields  in  literature,  in  art,  in 
science,  in  religion. 

Its  Manifestations  and  Achievements.  —  Boccaccio,  Chaucer,  and 
those  who  followed  told  tales  of  real  men  and  women.  Painters  and 
sculptors  arose  who  drew  and  fashioned  beautiful  human  forms. 
Columbus,  Cabot,  and  Vasco  da  Gama  sought  new  trade  routes  to 
enrich  the  world,  and  discovered  and  explored  unknown  seas  and 
unknown  lands.  The  Prussian  Copernicus  overthrew  the  old  Ptole- 
maic astronomy,  and  made  it  known  that  the  earth  was  not  the  center 
of  the  universe  but  only  a  member  of  a  vast  planetary  system  that 
revolved  about  the  sun.  Finally,  the  New  Learning  furnished  Mar- 
tin Luther  with  the  means  by  which  he  could  put  the  papal  claims  to 
the  test  of  Scripture  and  the  practices  of  the  primitive  Church,  though 
in  Italy  the  attitude  of  the  New  Learning  to  the  Church  was  generally 
contemptuous  and  indifferent  rather  than  hostile;  for  the  Italian 
humanists  were  pagans,  unreligious  rather  than  irreligious,  and  more- 
over, their  hands  were  stayed  from  attacking  the  existing  system 
because  most  of  them  drew  their  living  from  ecclesiastical  revenues. 

England  and  the  Oxford  Reformers.  —  As  in  most  northern  lands, 
English  interest  in  the  New  Learning  was  primarily  religious.  Far 
removed  from  the  center  of  things,  torn  by  wars,  and  occupied  mainly 
with  material  progress,  Englishmen  paid  scanty  attention  to  the 
Italian  Renascence  before  the  advent  of  the  Tudors.  Chaucer  had 
visited  Italy  manifesting  the  result  in  much  of  his  later  work;  a 
few  of  the  fifteenth-century  nobles  were  patrons  of  the  new  learning, 
chief  among  them  Humphrey  of  Gloucester;  also,  some  lesser  men 
went  to  Italy  and  an  occasional  Italian  came  to  England;  but  the 
real  influence  began  with  the  Oxford  Reformers,  who  took  up  the 
study  of  Greek  mainly  as  a  means  of  becoming  more  closely  acquainted 
with  the  origins  of  the  Church  and  the  sources  of  the  Christian  faith. 
William  Selling,  who  went  to  Italy  and  brought  back  Greek  manu- 
cripts,  was  the  pioneer,  while  Greek  lectures  at  Oxford  were  initiated 
by  William  Grocyn  (1446-1519).  An  outstanding  figure  among  the 
Oxford  group  was  John  Colet  (1466-1519),  who  later  became  Dean  of 
St.  Paul's.  Applying  himself  to  study  for  the  purpose  of  under- 
standing the  Bible  better,  he  devoted  the  whole  force  of  his  fervid 
personality  to  raising  the  standards  of  scholarship  and  life  of  his  time, 
and  was  unsparing  in  his  denunciation  of  the  worldliness  and  greed 
of  the  Church  and  clergy. 

Erasmus  (1465-1536).  —  Erasmus,  who  visited  England  for  the 
first  time  in  1498-1499,  was  unstinted  in  his  praises  of  these  men. 


THE   FIRST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  VIII  2OI 

This  alert  little  Dutchman,  rebelling  from  the  bleak  and  narrow 
monastic  training  of  his  youth,  turned  into  a  wandering  scholar, 
became  the  most  learned  man  of  his  time,  and  labored  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  society,  religious,  moral  and  intellectual.  He  attacked  the 
monks  and  he  attacked  the  scholastic  theologians,  whom  he  measured 
by  the  standards  of  the  Bible  and  of  rational  thinking  and  learning ; 
he  fought  for  the  abolition  of  glaring  abuses  and  superstitious  observ- 
ances, for  the  limitation  of  papal  power  by  general  councils,  and, 
above  all,  he  worked  for  the  wider  diffusion  of  education.  His  Praise 
of  Folly,  1511,  is  a  famous  satire  in  which  he  scored  the  men  and  tend- 
encies of  the  age ;  yet  Erasmus  was  no  mere  scolder.  He  wrote  a 
stirring  devotional  manual  and  he  prepared  an  edition  of  the  New 
Testament  in  Greek  with  a  Latin  translation  which  was  used  as  a 
source  for  later  English  and  German  renderings  of  the  Gospel.  A 
curious  combination  of  boldness  in  speech  and  of  timidity  in  action, 
he  aimed  rather  at  ahuses  in  the  administration  of  the  Church  than 
at  the  system,  thus  forging  weapons  for  more  uncompromising  fighters ; 
in  other  words :  "  He  laid  the  egg  of  the  Reformation  and  Luther 
hatched  it." 

Thomas  More  (1478-1535)  and  His  Utopia.  —  Doubtless  the  most 
charming  of  the  Oxford  set  was  Thomas  More,  whose  piety  was 
brightened  by  his  warm  affections  and  his  cheerful  wit.  The  pupil  of 
Grocyn  and  the  friend  of  Colet  and  Erasmus,  he  thought  of  studying 
for  the  priesthood,  but  finally  chose  the  law  and  public  life,  and,  while 
he  always  courageously  opposed  absolutism,  was  for  many  years  a 
trusted  and  intimate  associate  of  his  Sovereign.  In  many  respects  a 
lofty-minded  reformer,  Protestantism  and  extreme  anti-papal  meas- 
ures appalled  him ;  he  became  a  persecutor  of  heretics,  and  finally 
lost  his  life  for  opposing  Henry's  will.  More's  greatest  work  is  his 
Utopia1  which  appeared  in  Latin,  in  1516.  In  the  form  of  a  satire, 
it  exposes  the  evils  of  contemporary  England  with  an  unsparing  hand, 
contrasting  conditions  with  those  in  an  ideal  community,  Utopia, 
where  all  goods  were  in  common,  where  every  one  was  obliged  to  work, 
and  where  the  welfare  of  the  community  was  supreme  over  that  of  the 
individual.  A  public  system  of  education  was  provided  for  all,  work 
being  limited  to  six  hours  a  day  to  leave  time  for  study.  Crime  was 
punished  for  prevention  and  reformation  rather  than  for  retribution, 
there  were  to  be  no  wars  except  for  self-defense,  and  the  Utopian 
sovereign  was  "  removable  on  mere  suspicion  of  a  design  to  enslave 
his  people."  Toleration  was  provided  for  every  form  of  belief  and 
worship ;  there  was  a  common  public  worship  in  which  all  partici- 

1  Meaning,  literally,  "no  place." 


202     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

pated,  though  each  family  was  allowed  to  have  its  own  private  form 
as  well  —  an  ideal  combination  of  religious  unity  and  liberty  of 
conscience,  which  proved  impossible  for  a  man  of  More's  intense 
nature  in  the  unsettled  times  which  followed. 

Patrons  of  the  New  Learning.  Its  Early  Conservatism.  —  Chief 
among  the  patrons  of  the  New  Learning  in  high  places  was  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  whose  house  was  freely  open  to  scholars  and 
his  purse  to  the  needy  among  them.  Wolsey,  so  far  as  his  absorbing 
administrative  duties  would  permit,  was  interested  in  the  movement, 
while  Henry  showed  his  zeal  for  scholarship  by  assembling  many  of 
the  Oxford  set  about  him,  employing  his  intervals  of  leisure  in  reading 
and  scholastic  disputation,  which  latter,  according  to  Erasmus,  he 
conducted  "  with  remarkable  courtesy  and  unruffled  temper."  As 
yet,  however,  the '  New  Learning  was  confined  to  a  small  circle.  The 
attitude  of  the  nobility  was  doubtless  voiced  by  one  of  its  members 
who  declared :  "  By  the  body  of  God  I  would  sooner  have  my  son 
hanged  than  a  bookworm.  It  is  a  gentleman's  calling  to  be  able  to 
blow  the  horn  to  hunt  and  to  hawk.  He  should  leave  learning  to  the 
clod-hoppers."  Moreover,  the  Oxford  Reformers  were  essentially 
religious,  and,  however  vigorously  they  might  tilt  against  its  abuses, 
they  were  all.  sincerely  attached  to  the  Church,  which  they  desired 
to  restore  to  its  primitive  purity ;  nevertheless,  the  studies  which  they 
fostered  were  bound  to  lead  to  a  probing  of  the  foundations  on  which 
the  old  established  order  rested.  In  1517  Martin  Luther  struck  the 
first  mortal  blow  at  the  dominant  system  by  denying  the  p^galpower 
to  remit  sin  for  money  payments.  Very  soon  he  developed  his  revolu- 
tionary view  of  justification  by  faith,  according  to  which  the  salva- 
tion of  the  individual  depends  upon  his  own  attitude  to  God  and  not 
on  works  prescribed  by  the  Church,  and  began  for  the  German  people 
his  remarkable  translation  of  the  Bible  into  their  native  tongue.  Swit- 
zerland, too,  had  a  reformer  in  the  person  of  Zwingli.  Lutheran  and 
Zwinglian  tracts  were  launched  into  England,  though  for  a  long  time 
their  effect  was  slight.  Henry  himself  was  the  soul  of  orthodoxy,  and, 
until  his  purposes  were  crossed,  a  stanch  supporter  of  the  Papacy. 

The  Origin  of  the  "Divorce."1  —  In  1527  the  question  of  Henry's 
"  divorce "  began  to  be  openly  discussed.  Over  twenty  years 
previously  when  Julius  II  issued  the  dispensation  authorizing  the 
Prince's  marriage  with  the  widow  of  his  deceased  brother  Arthur, 
some  doubt  was  expressed  as  to  whether  the  Pope  was  not  exceeding  , 
his  powers.  Nevertheless,  the  young  King  married  Catharine;  and 

1  Although  ordinarily  referred  to  as  a  divorce,  what  was  really  sought  was  a 
ruling  that  the  marriage  had  been  invalid  from  the  beginning. 


THE  FIRST   YEARS  OF  HENRY   VIII  203 

apparently  they  lived  happily  together  for  some  years.  Although 
there  was  a  rumor  that  Henry,  some  years  earlier,  intended  to  break 
with  Catharine  and  marry  again,  apparently  he  did  not  take  up  the 
project  seriously  till  after  1520.  Of  their  several  children,  only  one, 
the  Princess  Mary,  survived,  and  the  time  had  come  when  there  was 
little  hope  that  Catharine  would  bear  any  more.  However,  even  yet 
the  crisis  was  slow  in  developing. 

Reasons  for  the  "  Divorce."  -  The  triumph  of  the  Imperial  arms 
in  Italy,  in  1527,  convinced  France  and  England  that  they  could  not 
be  too  closely  united.  So  negotiations  were  undertaken  to  marry  the 
Princess  Mary  to  a  French  prince,  during  which  queries  were  raised 
as  to  his  daughter's  legitimacy  that,  according  to  Henry,  strengthened 
doubts  he  himself  had  long  entertained  as  to  the  validity  of  his  marriage. 
Most  likely  it  was  the  need  for  a  male  heir  which  really  set  the  King's 
thoughts  working  in  this  direction.  One  pretext  for  excluding  the 
Yorkists  had  been  the  fact  of  their  descent  through  the  female  line, 
while  the  efforts  of  Matilda,  daughter  of  Henry  I,  the  only  woman  since 
the  Conquest  to  claim  the  Crown,  had  desolated  England  with  nine- 
teen years  of  anarchy.  It  is  barely  possible,  too,  that  Henry  may 
have  persuaded  himself  that  Providence,  in  withholding  the  male 
heir  so  essential  to  the  dynasty  and  the  State,  was  pointing  a  warning 
against  the  sinfulness  of  his  uncanonical  marriage.  Before  long  he 
fell  violently  in  love  with  Anne  Boleyn,  a  bright-eyed  girl,  who  came 
to  court  in  1522.  Just  when  he  determined  to  marry  her  is  uncertain, 
though  it  is  most  likely  that  it  was  after  he  determined  to  break  with 
Catharine  and  that  his  passion  for  Anne  rather  strengthened  his  de- 
termination than  caused  it. 

The  Opening  of  the  Proceedings  (1527),  and  the  Trial  of  Queen 
Catharine  (1529). — At  any  rate,  in  May,  1527,  Wolsey,  after  an  under- 
standing with  the  King,  summoned  him  to  appear  before  his  legatine 
court  to  answer  to  a  charge  of  living  in  pretended  marriage  with  his 
late  brother's  wife.  Divining  from  Catharine's  stiff  and  obstinate 
attitude  that  she  would  most  certainly  lodge  an  appeal,  the  Cardinal 
speedily  referred  to  the  Pope  for  authority,  thinking  it  better  to  act 
with  papal  sanction  forthwith.  And,  realizing  that  his  very  existence 
was  at  stake,  he  strove  with  might  and  main  to  secure  the  divorce, 
though  his  plan  was  that  Henry  should  marry,  not  Anne,  but  a  daugh- 
ter of  Louis  XII.  Henry  himself,  without  consulting  Wolsey,  sent  an 
agent  of  his  own  to  procure  from  the  Holy  See  a  nullification  of  his 
marriage  and  a  dispensation  to  marry  Anne.  After  he  was  granted 
a  document  which  proved  to  be  worthless  he  turned  again  to  the  Car- 
dinal, and  in  February,  1528,  they  sent  new  agents  to  Rome,  who  in- 


204     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

duced  the  Pope  to  intrust  Wolsey  and  Cardinal  Campeggio  with  lega- 
tine  powers  to  try  the  case  in  England.  But,  fearing  the  Emperor 
and  having  no  inclination  to  declare  invalid  the  act  of  a  predecessor, 
he  instructed  Campeggio  to  try  to  divert  the  King  from  his  purpose, 
and,  failing  in  that,  to  urge  the  Queen  to  enter  a  nunnery.  Only  as 
a  last  resort  was  he  to  allow  the  trial  to  proceed.  At  the  same  time 
Clement  sent  assurances  to  Charles  V  that  nothing  would  be  done  to 
the  detriment  of  Catharine  and  that  the  whole  case  would  finally  be  re- 
ferred to  Rome.  Campeggio  traveled  so  slowly  that  he  only  arrived 
in  England  in  October,  1528.  A  winter  of  negotiations  and  wrangling 
only  proved  that  neither  Henry  nor  Catharine  would  give  way  an  inch, 
consequently  Campeggio  had  to  consent  to  a  trial.  The  court  was 
opened  31  May,  1529,  though  the  King  and  Queen  were  not  cited  to 
appear  till  18  June.  Whatever  the  royal  motives  or  State  necessities 
may  have  been,  Catharine's  situation  was  pitiful,  and  she  showed  the 
courage  of  a  noble  and  injured  woman.  Denying  her  feeling  protests 
against  the  competence  of  the  Court,  the  Legates  continued  the  case 
without  her ;  but,  on  23  July,  after  a  series  of  fruitless  sessions,  Cam- 
peggio, using  as  a  pretext  the  custom  of  the  Roman  Curia,  which  did 
not  sit  during  the  hot  Italian  summer,  adjourned  the  hearings  till 
i  October.  By  that  time  Clement  VII  had  called  the  case  to  Rome, 
and  all  hope  of  securing  his  sanction  was  passed. 

The  Fall  of  Wolsey  (1529).  —  Henry  now  saw  that  the  only  way  to 
gain  his  end  was  to  settle  the  matter  in  his  own  courts.  Moreover, 
he  determined  to  assume  control  of  the  State  himself.  So  Wolsey, 
who  had  ruled  as  more  than  King  and  who  had  advised  the  futile  appeal 
to  the  Pope,  was  sacrificed  to  the  royal  wrath  and 'to  the  new  royal 
policy.  He  fell  amidst  the  rejoicings  of  all  classes.  The  courtiers 
were  jealous  of  the  man  whom  the  King  had  delighted  to  honor ;  the 
monks  were  embittered  by  his  attacks  on  their  establishments ;  while 
the  secular  clergy  and  the  laity  grudged  the  taxes  which  his  public 
policy  involved,  and  the  trading  classes  were  soured  by  his  recent 
French  alliance  which  threatened  their  trade  in  the  Netherlands. 

His  Death  (1530). — Earlyin  October,  1529,  the  Cardinal  was  charged 
with  praemunire,  under  the  old  Statutes  of  1353  and  1393,  on  the 
ground  that  he  had  exercised  legatine  powers  contrary  to  law,  quite 
regardless  of  the  fact  that  he  had  done  this  not  only  with  the  King's 
knowledge  and  consent,  but  in  attempt  to  further  the  royal  interests. 
The  Great  Seal  was  taken  from  him  and  given  to  Sir  Thomas  More, 
while  Wolsey  himself  was  ordered  to  retire  to  a  manor  belonging  to 
Winchester,  one  of  his  various  bishoprics.  Offices,  lands,  practically 
everything  that  had  once  been  his  own  were  taken  from  him.  Subse- 


THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  HENRY  VIII  205 

quently,  however,  the  Archbishopric  of  York,  together  with  a  small 
sum  of  money,  was  restored  and  he  was  ordered  to  his  archdiocese  to 
get  him  out  of  the  way.  Early  in  November,  1530,  doubtless  because 
of  his  growing  popularity,  he  was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  treasonable 
correspondence  with  the  French  ambassador,  though  he  had  merely 
sought  the  latter's  aid  in  trying  to  get  Francis  I  to  intercede  for  him 
with  Henry.  On  his  way  to  London,  Wolsey,  much  broken  in  health 
since  his  disgrace,  was  taken  with  his  final  illness,  and  had  to  stop  at 
Leicester  Abbey.  "  I  am  come  to  leave  my  bones  among  you,"  he 
said  to  the  Abbot,  and  there  he  died  on  St.  Andrew's  Eve,  29  November. 
With  a  small  army  and  navy,  mainly  by  his  diplomatic  skill,  he  had 
gained  for  England  a  leading  place  in  the  councils  of  Europe.  It  may 
be  questioned  whether  the  country  was  the  gainer;  for  it  took  re- 
sources and  energy  which  might  better  have  been  devoted  to  pressing 
problems  at  home ;  moreover,  the  Emperor  made  use  of  the  English 
hostility  to  France  to  establish  his  own  supremacy  on  the  Continent, 
though,  sometime  before  that  happened,  Wolsey  had  seen  the  wisdom 
of  shifting  over  to  the  side  of  France,  and  was  prevented  by  Henry 
from  breaking  off  the  Imperial  alliance  until  it  was  too  late.  What- 
ever his  achievements,  in  all  that  he  undertook,  Wolsey's  devotion  to 
Henry's  interests  can  scarcely  be  questioned.  "HI  had  served  my 
God,"  he  said  as  he  lay  dying,  "  as  diligently  as  I  have  done  the  King, 
He  would  not  have  given  me  over  in  my  gray  hairs." 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Fisher ;  Innes ;  and  Cambridge  Modern  History,  II.  John 
Lingard,  History  of  England  (ist  ed.,  1819-1830,  reprint  of  1902,  10  vols.), 
the  general  authority  on  the  Reformation  from  the  moderate  Roman 
Catholic  point  of  view.  J.  S.  Brewer,  The  Reign  of  Henry  VIII  (2  vols., 
1884)  reprinted  from  his  introductions  to  the  Letters  and  Papers  of  the  Reign 
of  Henry  VIII.  Creighton,  Cardinal  Wolsey  (1888),  is  a  good  brief  account 
of  this  part  of  the  reign,  but  overfavorable  to  Wolsey.  G.  Cavendish's 
Life  (written  in  1557,  first  published  in  1815  and  available  in  many  editions), 
is  a  beautiful  tribute  by  a  faithful  follower.  E.  L.  Taunton,  Thomas  Wolsey, 
Legate  and  Reformer  (1902),  is  an  estimate  mainly  of  Wolsey's  ecclesiastical 
work  from  the  Roman  Catholic  standpoint.  A.  F.  Pollard,  Henry  VIII 
(1905),  is  the  most  recent  and  scholarly  biography,  rather  favorable  to 
Henry. 


CHAPTER  XX 
HENRY  VIII  AND  THE  SEPARATION  FROM  ROME  (1529-1547) 

Thomas  Cranmer  (1489-1556)  and  Thomas  Cromwell  (1485-1540). 
—  Although  Henry  appointed  More  Chancellor  he  made  use  of  two 
other  men  as  his  chief  councilors.  Thomas  Cranmer  was  a  young 
Cambridge  divine  who  gained  the  royal  ear  by  his  suggestion  that  the 
question  of  the  validity  of  the  marriage  might  be  submitted  to  the 
learned  men  of  the  universities  of  Europe,  and  that,  if  they  decided 
against  it,  the  case  might  be  settled  in  the  King's  own  courts.  To 
Cranmer,  who  was  taken  into  the  royal  service  and  rose  to  be  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  we  owe  the  lofty  and  beautiful  language  of  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  he  had  a  large  share  in  shaping  the 
articles  of  faith  for  the  Church  of  England,  though  he  was  too  gentle  a 
soul  to  fill  the  duties  of  his  high  office  with  vigor  and  independence, 
especially  under  a  master  so  self-willed  as  Henry  VIII.  Thomas 
Cromwell,  who  for  ten  years  acted  as  Henry's  right-hand  man,  sug- 
gested most  of  the  fertile  expedients  for  increasing  the  royal  power  and 
swelling  the  royal  revenue.  After  spending  his  early  years  as  a  soldier 
and  trader  in  Italy  and  Flanders,  he  returned  to  his  native  land  where 
he  set  up  as  a  scrivener  l  and  merchant.  Wolsey,  recognizing  his  abil- 
ity, made  him  his  secretary  and  chief  agent,  where  he  showed  himself  so 
devoted  and  capable  that  Henry  shrewdly  concluded  he  would  be  in- 
valuable in  the  royal  service.  Cromwell  advised  the  King  to  settle  the 
divorce  in  his  own  courts  by  another  means  than  that  advocated  by 
Cranmer,  namely,  by  discarding  the  authority  of  the  Pope  and  declaring 
himself  supreme  head  of  the  Church  of  England.  Rising  steadily  until 
finally  he  became  Vicegerent  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  Cromwell  possessed 
remarkable  qualities ;  he  had  a  wide  knowledge  of  men,  extraordinary 
business  skill,  and  was  thoroughly  unscrupulous.  While  he  took  the 
extreme  Protestant  side,  he  apparently  had  no  real  religious  feeling; 
for  he  died  professing  himself  a  true  Catholic.  Indispensable  as  he 
was  to  the  King,  he  maintained  his  position  only  by  extreme  servility 

1  A  combination  of  lawyer  and  money  lender. 
206 


HENRY  VIII  AND  THE  SEPARATION  FROM   ROME         207 

and  patience  under  insult,  and  even  knocks  on  the  pate  from  the  royal 
knuckles. 

The  Reformation  Parliament  (1529-1536). — When  Clement  VII 
revoked  the  divorce  suit  to  Rome,  Henry  appealed  to  English  national 
sentiment  by  calling  a  Parliament  to  meet,  3  November,  1529.  Com- 
bining force  and  management,  he  carried  through  a  series  of  measures 
which,  beginning  with  a  design  of  forcing  the  Pope's  hand,  culminated 
in  annihilating  his  authority  in  England.  The  manipulation  consisted 
in  bringing  to  expression  sentiments  against  clerical  privileges  and 
exactions  which,  hitherto,  had  not  been  widely  or  openly  voiced.  The 
work  of  the  "  Reformation  Parliament,"  extending  over  seven  years, 
is  most  significant.  Beside  putting  Henry  in  place  of  the  Pope  as  head 
of  the  English  Church,  it  increased  vastly  the  royal  powers :  it  decreed 
the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries,,which  not  only  greatly  augmented 
the  royal  revenue,  but  provided  resources  to  bind  a  large  class  to  the 
royal  policy ;  jt  deprived  the  clergy  of  independent  powers  of  legisla- 
tion in  Convocalion^and  broke  the  power  of  the  bishops  by  making 
them  practically  nominees  of  the  Crown" Nor  was  Parliament  as 
subservient  as  it  seems  at  first  sight.  It  indorsed  the  royal  will  in 
legislation  against  the  Church  and  clergy  because  it  suited  the  interest 
and  inclination  of- the  majority;  in  more  than  one  case,  however,  es- 
pecially those  touching  the  pocket  of  the  subject,  it  stood  out  against 
the  royal  dictation.  The  work  of  Henry  in  this  Parliament  was  in- 
directly productive  of  results  far  beyond  anything  he  may  have  con- 
templated; by  breaking  the  spell  of  the  ancient  traditional  Church 
he  started  forces  of  opposition,  which,  not  content  with  mere  separation 
from  Rome,  came  to  assert  successfully  the  principle  that  the  Reforma- 
tion should  be  moral  and  religious  as  well  as  political,  and  that  extremer 
forms  of  Protestantism  than  that  provided  in  the  Church  established 
by  law  should  receive  recognition. 

Parliament  Storms  the  Outworks  (1529).  —  In  the  very  first  session, 
as  the  result  of  an  understanding  by  which  the  King  and  Cromwell 
agreed  to  help  the  laity  against  the  clergy  in  return  for  parliamentary 
aid  against  the  Pope,  bills  were  passed  restricting  excessive  fees  and 
curtailing  the  secular  pursuits  of  priests  and  monks.  The  clerical 
outworks  were  thus  successfully  stormed.  Yet  Henry  continued  to 
pose  as  the  orthodox  Defender  of  the  Faith.  Heretics  were  compelled 
to  abjure,  while  those  who  refused  were  burned,  or  hanged  in  chains. 

The  Universities  and  Convocation.  Following  Cranmer's  sugges- 
tion, the  "  King's  matter  "  was  referred  to  the  universities.  The 
opinions  returned  had  little  to  do  with  the  merits  of  the  case ;  it  re- 
quired manipulation  to  secure  a  scant  majority  at  Oxford  and  Cam- 


208     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

bridge,  while,  on  the  Continent,  decisions  were  determined  by  the 
influence  which  Henry  and  Francis  or  Charles  V  and  the  Pope 
were  able  to  exert.  At  the  meeting  of  Convocation,  in  1531,  Henry 
threatened  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy  with  the  penalties  of  prae- 
munire  for  having  submitted  to  Wolsey's  legatine  jurisdiction,  so, 
as  the  price  for  pardon  from  forfeiture  and  imprisonment,  they  were 
obliged  to  grant  him  £118,000  and  to  acknowledge  him  as  their  Su- 
preme Head,  "  so  far  as  the  law  of  Christ  allows."  In  1532  Convoca- 
tion was  forced  a  step  further,  and,  by  the  "  submission  of  the  clergy  " 
agreed  to  make  no  laws  without  royal  consent,  and  to  submit  the  exist- 
ing ecclesiastical  laws  to  a  committee  of  clergy  and  laity  for  revision. 
This  was  too  much  for  Sir  Thomas  More,  who  resigned  the  Chancellor- 
ship the  next  day. 

Anti-Papal  Legislation  and  the  "Divorce  "  of  Catharine  (1533). — 
On  25  January,  1533,  Henry  was  secretly  married  to  Anne  Boleyn,  and, 
in  February,  he  appointed  Cranmer  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Canter- 
bury —  recently  fallen  vacant  —  with  the  aim  of  employing  the  new 
Primate  to  declare  against  the  validity  of  his  first  marriage  and  for  the 
legality  of  his  second.  This  done,  he  strengthened  his  hand  by  various 
high-handed  enactments.  By  the  Act  of  Appeals,  Parliament  pro- 
vided that  all  spiritual  cases  should  be  finally  determined  within  the 
King's  jurisdiction  and  not  elsewhere,  while  Convocation  was  forced 
to  declare  that  Henry's  marriage  with  Catharine  was  against  divine 
law.  Thus  fortified,  Cranmer,  in  a  court  held  in  Dunstable,  at  which 
Catharine  refused  to  appear,  pronounced  the  final  sentence  which  de- 
prived her  of  her  position  as  Queen,  23  April,  1533.  Her  rival  Anne 
was  crowned  i  June ;  in  September  a  child  was  born,  though,  to  the 
infinite  disappointment  of  the  King,  it  proved  to  be  a  girl.  The  Pope's 
reply  to  the  new  marriage  was  to  draw  up  a  bull  of  excommunication 
against  the  royal  couple,1  and  to  issue  a  formal  decision  that  Catharine 
was  Henry's  lawful  wife  and  that  he  should  take  her  back.  But,  some- 
tune  before,  Henry  had  declared  that  if  the  Pope  launched  ten  thousand 
excommunications,  he  would  not  care  a  straw  for  them. 

The  Memorable  Sessions  of  1534.  —  In  the  year  1534  Parliament 
held  two  sessions  and  passed  a  series  of  Acts  by  which  the  authority 
of  the  Pope  in  England  was  completely  abolished  and  that  of  the  King 
set  up  in  its  place.  During  the  first  session,  ending  30  March,  an  Act 
providing  that  henceforth  no  more  annates,  or  first  fruits,  should  be 
paid  to  the  Pope,  originally  passed  in  1532,  was  confirmed  and  extended, 
and  all  other  payments  to  Rome,  including  Peter's  Pence,  were  for- 

1  The  excommunication  was  drawn  up  n  July,  1533,  but  was  not  published 
till  December,  1538.  A  bull  of  deposition  drawn  up  in  1535  was  never  published. 


HENRY  VIII  AND   THE  SEPARATION   FROM   ROME         2OQ 

bidden.  Also,  an  Act  of  Succession  settled  the  succession,  to  the  throne 
on  the  heirs  of  Henry  by  Anne  Boleyn ;  moreover,  it  was  declared  high 
treason  to  slander  their  marriage,  "  by  writing,  print,  deed,  or  act  " 
and  an  oath  was  imposed  on  all  subjects  to  observe  the  whole  contents 
of  the  Statute  upon  pain  of  misprision  of  treason.1 

Prosecutions  and  Persecutions  in  1534.  —  During  the  summer, 
commissioners  went  about  administering  the  Oath  of  Succession,  and 
many  who  withstood  the  royal  will  paid  dearly,  even  with  their  lives. 
Some,  however,  were  put  to  death  on  other  grounds.  The  first  to 
suffer  was  "  the  Nun  of  Kent,"  a  poor  hysterical  servant  girl,  who  pre- 
tended to  foretell  the  future,  and  in  an  evil  moment  was  led  to  declare 
against  Henry's  treatment  of  Catharine,  and  to  prophesy  his  speedy 
death.  A  confession  of  fraud  was  extorted  from  her,  a  Bill  of  Attain- 
der was  drawn  up,  and  20  April,  1534,  she  and  five  companions  were 
put  to  death  at  Tyburn.  Among  those  who  stood  out  against  the 
Oath  of  Succession  were  More  and  Fisher,  the  saintly  Bishop  of  Roch- 
ester, the  latter  of  whom  had  already  been  fined  £300  for  accepting 
the  "  Nun's  "  revelations.  Although  they  were  willing  to  accept  the 
line  of  succession  as  regulated  in  the  Act,  they  refused  the  oath,  be- 
cause it  repudiated  the  primacy  of  the  Pope  and  involved  an  acknowl- 
edgment that  the  marriage  of  Henry  and  Catharine  had  been  unlaw- 
ful from  the  first  and  that  the  Princess  Mary  was  illegitimate.  For 
their  refusal  both  were  sent  to  the  Tower.  The  royal  commissioners 
for  imposing  the  oath  also  busied  themselves  silencing  preachers,  both 
papal  and  Lutheran.  While  the  King's  orders  were  generally  obeyed 
by  the  secular  clergy  and  some  of  the  regular,  the  friars  resisted  unan- 
imously, and  17  June,  two  cartloads  were  driven  to  the  Tower.  The 
refusal  of  two  communities  of  Observants "  offered  an  excuse  for  sup- 
pressing the  Order  throughout  England.  Their  houses  were  seized 
and  such  of  their  members  as  had  not  already  been  imprisoned  were 
distributed  among  various  monasteries,  loaded  in  chains,  and  subjected 
to  other  harsh  treatment. 

Henry  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  in  England  (1534-1535).  — 
On  3  November,  the  Parliament  of  1534  reassembled  for  its  second 
session,  during  which  an  Act  was  passed  declaring  Henry  "  Supreme 
Head  of  the  Church  of  England  "  ;  a  new  Treason  Act  imposed  the 
death  penalty  on  anyone  who  called  the  King  a  "  heretic,  schismatic, 
tyrant,  infidel,  or  usurper  " ;  and  an  Act  of  Attainder  was  drawn  up 
against  More  and  Fisher.  Henry,  who  formally  assumed  the  title 

1  Complicity  involving  penalties  less  severe  than  those  visited  on  the  main 
offenders. 

2  They  were  the  Franciscans  of  the  stricter  branch. 

p 


210     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

of  Supreme  Head,  15  January,  1535,  was  now  absolute  ruler  over 
Church  as  well  as  State  in  his  own  land. 

The  Executions  of  More  and  Fisher  (1535).  —  The  Prior  of  Charter- 
house, a  community  of  London  Carthusians,  noted  for  their  sanctity  and 
self-denial,  had  reluctantly  accepted  the  Oath  of  Succession,  but,  refus- 
ing a  new  oath  tendered  him  after  the  passage  of  the  Act  of  Supreme 
Head,  was  ruthlessly  executed,  4  May,  together  with  three  others.  More, 
confronted  with  the  Act  of  Supreme  Head,  declined  to  accept  or  deny 
it  ;  for,  he  declared,  it  was  like  a  two-edged  sword,  "  if  he  said  it  were 
good,  he  would  imperil  his  soul,  if  he  said  contrary  to  the  Statute,  it 
was  death  to  the  body."  Yet  he  professed  himself  a  faithful  subject. 
Although  Fisher  was  old  and  broken  in  health  the  case  against  him 
was  clearer.  He  had  fought  Catharine's  cause  valiantly  in  the  lega- 
tine  court  ;  he  would  not  accept  the  Act  of  Supreme  Head  ;  and  to 
crown  all,  the  Pope  created  him  a  cardinal.  Fisher  was  beheaded, 
22  June,  declaring  that  he  died  contentedly  for  the  honor  of  God  and 
the  Holy  See.  More,  having  in  a  final  examination  denounced  the 
Act  of  Supreme  Head  as  contrary  to  the  laws  of  God  and  the  Holy 
Church,  and  a  violation  of  Magna  Carta,  perished  6  July.  More 
and  Fisher  died  martyrs  to  their  faith,  though,  in  Henry's  opin- 
ion, they  merited  death  because  they  defied  his  authority,  thereby 
threatening  the  stability  of  the  system  he  had  set  up  and  the  unity 
of  his  Kingdom.  The  executions  which  sent  a  shock  through  Catholic 
Europe  put  an  end  to  the  last  hope  of  a  settlement  with  the  Pope. 

Death  of  Catharine  (8  January,  1536).  —  Poor  Queen  Catharine, 
who,  since  her  unmerited  disgrace  had  been  living  in  retirement,  was 
finally  released  by  death,  8  January,  1536.  It  is  now  believed  that 
she  died  from  cancer  of  the  heart,  but  the  event  was  so  welcome  to 
Henry  that  many  have  suspected  that  she  was  poisoned.  "  God  be 
praised  !  "  cried  the  King  when  he  heard  the  news,  and  the  next  day 
he  appeared  at  a  ball  with  a  white  feather  in  his  hat  and  clad  from 
head  to  foot  in  festive  yellow. 

The  Monasteries  on  the  Eve  of  Their  Dissolution.  —  Having  made 
himself  supreme  head  of  Church  as  well  as  State,  Henry's  next  step 
was  to  secure  resources  to  maintain  his  absolutism  and  to  guard_agsdnst 
a  Tt.urn  tn  the  nlH  m-fW  Ky^  judicious  distribution  of  bribes.  A  way 


was  discovered  in  the  dissolution  of  the  monasTeries,  which  offered 
the  further  attraction  of  crushing  a  class  which  contained  many  op- 
ponents to  the  royal  policy.  These  were  the  real  reasons  for  the  step, 
suggested,  no  doubt,  by  the  resourceful  Cromwell,  who,  21  January, 
1535,  received  a  commission  as  Vicar-General  and  Vicegerent,  to  hold 
a  general  ecclesiastical  visitation.  The  King  and  his  supporters  rep- 


HENRY  VTII   AND   THE  SEPARATION  FROM   ROME         211 

resented  to  Parliament  that  they  were  proceeding  against  the  mon- 
asteries because  of  the  "  slothful  and  ungodly  lives  "  led  by  the  in- 
mates. This  was  largely  a  pretext,  and  the  charges  brought  forward  to 
support  it  were  doubtless  greatly  exaggerated.  Moreover,  the  manner 
in  which  the  work  was  carried  out  cannot  be  justified.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  condition  of  the  monasteries  was  such  as  to  lend  at  least  a 
color  of  justice  to  the  movement  against  them.  Formerly  they  had 
been  the  pioneers  in  husbandry  and  sheep  raising,  they  had  served 
as  inns  for  travelers,  they  had  cared  for  the  poor,  and  had  fostered 
learning  and  education.  But  they  no  longer  filled  the  place  which 
they  had  iri  the  past.  Their  agricultural  methods  were  lax  and  anti- 
quated, their  promiscuous  almsgiving  tended  to  nourish  poverty 
rajher  than  to  check  it,  and  their  scholastic  and  educational  system 
was  antagonistic  to  the  New  Learning.  For  some  time  their  numbers 
had  been  steadily  falling  off,  while,  as  their  influence  declined,  the  mer- 
chant and  agricultural  classes  began  more  and  more  to  hunger  after 
rtfheir  vast  wealth,1  and  they  had  been  subjected  to  intermittent  at- 
tacks culminating  in  Wolsey's  suppression  of  some  of  the  smaller 
monasteries. 

Cromwell's  Monastic  Visitors  (1535-1536).  —  In  July,  1535,  visi- 
tors appointed  by  Cromwell  began  their  rounds.  Armed  with  article's 
of  inquiry,  they  hurried  from  house  to  house  asking  all  sorts  of  ques- 
tions about  revenues  and  debts,  about  relics,  pilgrimages,  supersti- 
tions, and  immoralities.  They  were  a  greedy  and  unscrupulous  set, 
chiefly  bent  on  securing  information  that  would  suit  their  purpose. 
The  reports  or  "  comperts  "  which  they  sent  to  the  Vicegerent  seem 
to  have  been  based  upon  the  scantiest  as  well  as  the  most  partial  in- 
vestigation, for  they  moved  with  furious  haste  to  prevent  the  monks 
from  disposing  of  their  plate  and  jewels.  Besides  the  articles  of  in- 
quiry they  carried  with  them  a  series  of  injunctions  which  they  were 
authorized  to  impose  upon  the  monasteries  which  they  visited.  Some 
provided  for  salutary  reforms,  while  others  were  obviously  designed 
to  destroy  the  communities  against  which  they  should  be  enforced : 
monks  were  not  only  to  accept,  but  to  teach  royal  supremacy  and  re- 
pudiation of  papal  claims,  and  they  were  ordered  to  spy  on  and  report 
their  disobedient  superiors,  thus  subverting  all  discipline. 

The  Act  Suppressing  the  Smaller  Monasteries  (1536). — When  Par- 
liament met,  4  February,  1536,  popular  feeling  in  the  City  was  in- 
flamed by  means  of  sermons,  caricatures,  and  pamphlets,  while  Cran- 

1  The  extent  of  the  monastic  wealth  was  doubtless  exaggerated.  According 
to  some  accounts  it  amounted  to  at  least  a  quarter  of  that  of  the  realm,  but 
more  sober  and  reliable  estimates  put  it  at  about  one  tenth. 


212     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

mer  proclaimed  at  Paul's  Cross  that  the  destruction  of  the  monasteries 
would  relieve  the  people  of  a  great  burden  of  taxation.  After  the 
reports  of  the  enormities  had  been  read  in  Parliament  an  Act  was 
carried  suppressing  all  monastic  houses  with  an  income  under  £200 
a  year  or  with  less  than  twelve  inmates.  Henry  is  said  to  have  pressed 
the  measure  by  summoning  the  Commons  and  announcing  that  he 
would  have  its  passage  or  some  of  their  heads.  Not  a  few  of  the 
monasteries  bore  a  good  repute,  yet  all  too  many  sorely  needed  re- 
form ;  moreover,  there  were  good  economic  reasons  for  suppressing 
or  consolidating  the  smaller  and  poorer  communities,  but  it  seems  very 
strange  to  have  drawn  the  line  between  virtue  and  vice  at  £200  a  year 
or  at  groups  of  twelve.  All  together,  nearly  four  hundred  monasteries 
were  dissolved,  some  of  their  inmates  going  into  larger  houses,  or  re- 
ceiving scanty  pensions. 

Execution  of  Anne  Boleyn  (1536).  —  On  14  April,  1536,  the  Reforma- 
tion Parliament,  after  nearly  seven  years  of  epoch-making  legislation, 
was  dissolved.  Within  a  month  that  "  principal  nurse  of  all  heresies," 
Anne  Boleyn,  about  which  so  many  of  its  measures  centered,  had  ceased 
to  live.  Monstrous  charges  of  infidelity  were  brought  against  her, 
which,  because  of  her  growing  unpopularity  and  her  failure  to  bring 
forth  a  male  heir,  Henry  was  all  too  ready  to  believe.  After  con- 
demnation by  a  body  of  peers  summoned  by  the  King,  her  marriage 
was  dissolved  by  an  ecclesiastical  court  presided  over  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  She  was  beheaded  19  May,  and  on  the  3Oth 
of  the  same  month  Henry  married  Jane  Seymour.  A  week  later  a 
new  Parliament,  packed  in  the  King's  interest,  met,  declared  Anne's 
daughter  illegitimate,  and  settled  the  succession  upon  Henry's  issue 
by  his  new  marriage. 

Need  for  a  Doctrinal  Settlement.  —  Religious  belief  was  in  a  state 
of  ferment.  An  extreme  Protestant  wing  was  forming,  favored  by 
leaders  like  Cranmer  and  Bishop  Latimer,  the  greatest  preacher  of 
his  day.  Extremists  were  giving  vent  to  the  most  extravagant  views. 
One  said  that  goods  should  be  in  common,  another  that  priests  and 
churches  were  unnecessary,  another  that  the  singing  the  service  was 
but,  "  roaring,  howling,  whining,  juggling,"  while  still  another  de- 
clared that  it  was  of  no  more  use  to  pray  to  thev,saints  than  to  hurl  a 
stone  against  the  wind.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Catholics  were  raising 
their  heads  once  more.  In  June  a  book  against  the  King,  entitled 
Liber  de  Unitate  Ecclesiae,  arrived  in  England,  written  by  Reginald 
Pole  —  a  grandson  of  the  Yorkist  Duke  of  Clarence  —  who  from  his  re- 
treat in  Italy  was  busy  striving  to  unite  the  Catholic  powers  against 
his  former  Sovereign. 


HENRY  VIII  AND  THE  SEPARATION  FROM  ROME         213 

The  Ten  Articles  "for  Establishing  Christian  Quietness"  (1536).  — 
Convocation  met  9  June,  1536,  where,  with  a  view  to  establishing 
order,  Henry  caused  a  body  of  articles  to  be  introduced,  adopted,  and 
imposed  on  the  whole  country.  Five  dealt  with  matters  of  faith, 
which,  it  was  stated,  were  ordained  of  God,  and  hence  necessary  to 
salvation;  five  dealt  with  matters  instituted  by  the  Church,  which 
were  to  be  observed,  though  not  essential  to  salvation.  In  the  first 
group  were  all  the  things  contained  in  the  Bible  and  the  Three  Creeds  l ; 
together  with  three  of  the  seven  sacraments :  baptism,  penance,  and 
the  Holy  Eucharist.2  Luther's  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  was 
also  included  in  this  first  group.  Passing  to  the  second  group,  prayers 
to  saints  were  permitted,  though  they  were  not  to  receive  the  honor 
due  to  God ;  prayers  for  departed  souls  were  also  retained  as  a  good 
and  charitable  custom,  though  the  claim  of  the  Church  of  Rome  to 
deliver  souls  from  purgatory  was  rejected.  As  a  supplement  to  the 
articles,  royal  injunctions  were  issued  which  suppressed  pilgrimages, 
curtailed  the  excessive  number  of  holy  days,  and  forbade  the  worship 
of  images  and  relics.  Many  of  the  latter  were  destroyed,  partly  to 
weaken  the  hold  of  the  ancient  Church  over  superstitious  minds,  and 
partly  to  swell  the  Crown  revenues.  However,  Henry  still  aimed  to 
preserve  the  Catholic  faith,  merely  purged  of  what  he  regarded  as 
glaring  immoralities.3 

The  Pilgrimage  of  Grace  and  Its  Causes  (1536) . — The  recent  changes 
produced  a  serious  revolt  in  the  North  Country,.  There  the  people, 
much  under  the  influence  of  the  priests  and  nobles,  clung, to  the  old 
forms,  and  their  natural  hostility  to  innovations  was  fanned  into  flame 
by  the  dispossessed  monks,  who  wandered  about  pouring  complaints 
into  their  willing  ears.  The  primary  cause  of  the  "  Pilgrimage  of 
Grace  "  was  religious,  but  political  and  social  factors  contributed  to 
make  the  rising  a  complex  and  general  manifestation  of  discontent. 
All  classes  had  grievances.  The  nobles  were  jealous  of  the  preference 
given  to  "  base  born  councilors  "  like  Cromwell.  The  country  gentry 
were  especially  aggrieved  at  the  dispossession  of  the  monks,  to  whom 
they  were  indebted  for  jovial  hospitality  and  for  the  education  of  their 

1  The  three  fundamental  creeds  of  the  Christian  Church  were  the  Apostles', 
the  Nicene^and  the  AthaQasian. 

2  A  sacrament  was  denned  ^.s  an  outward  and  visible  sign  of  an  inward  and 
spiritual  grace.     The  seven  which  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  had  adopted  were : 
baptism,  confirmation,  the  eucharist,  penance,  ordination,  marriage,  and  extreme 
unction. 

3  Yet  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  certain  superstitions,  such  as  worship 
of  images  and  pilgrimages  to  shrines,  had  long  been  discontinued  by  many  devout 
and  orthodox  men. 


214    SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

children.1  Many,  too,  were  put  to  much  inconvenience  and  expense 
by  a  recent  enactment  which  removed  to  Westminster  certain  cases 
which  had  been  formerly  tried  in  the  Northern  courts.  The  sparks 
which  kindled  the  flame  were  three  commissions  sent  out  to  collect  a 
subsidy,  to  supervise  the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries,  and  to  inquire 
into  the  character  and  competence  of  the  parish  clergy.  All  sorts  of 
rumors  were  afloat ;  for  example,  that  Cromwell,  who  was  planning  an 
excellent  system  of  parish  registers,  was  to  impose  a  tax  on  baptisms, 
weddings,  and  funerals. 

The  Risings  in  Lincolnshire  and  the  Northern  Counties.  —  The  first 
outbreak  occurred  at  Louth  in  Lincolnshire,  i  October,  1536.  Thence 
the  revolt  spread  rapidly,  many  being  forced  to  join  by  threats  of 
hanging,  though  there  was  astonishingly  little  violence.  In  a  petition 
to  the  King  the  insurgents  demanded  that :  religious  houses  be  re- 
stored ;  the  subsidy  be  remitted ;  the  Statute  of  Uses  be  repealed ; 
and  villein  blood  be  removed  from  the  Council.  Within  a  week  40,000 
men  had  flocked  to  Lincoln,  where  they  received  a  reply  from  the  King, 
scornfully  repudiating  their  demands ;  and  shire  levies  together  with 
a  royal  army  soon  dispersed  the  ill-organized  rebel  forces.  Meanwhile, 
under  one  Robert  Aske,  the  rising  spread  through  Yorkshire,  Cumber- 
land, and  Westmoreland,  drawing  most  of  the  great  Northern  families 
in  its  toils.  The  Duke  of  Norfolk,  sent  against  the  rebels,  finding 
himself  outnumbered  four  to  one,  promised  a  pardon  for  all  and  a  free 
Parliament  if  they  would  disband.  However,  Henry  found  a  pretext 
for  a  bloody  reprisal  in  the  unauthorized  outbreak  of  certain  rash 
spirits.  Aske  and  the  other  leaders,  in  spite  of  their  efforts  in  subduing 
the  new  rising,  were  convicted  of  treason.  Aske  was  hanged  in  chains 
at  York,  and  many  more  were  hanged  or  beheaded. 

The  Dissolution  of  the  Larger  Monasteries  (1536-1539).  —  A  num- 
ber of  abbots  in  the  disturbed  districts  were  attainted  of  treason,  and 
their  houses  were  suppressed.  The  remaining  larger  monasteries,  not 
involved  in  the  rebellion  and  which  the  Act  of  1536  had  spared,  Henry 
proceeded  to  dispose  of  by  exacting  what  was  pleasantly  called  "  vol- 
untary surrenders."  Those  heads  who  consented  to  yield  were  prom- 
ised pensions  and  other  rewards,  while  such  benefits  were  withheld 
from  those  who  proved  "willful  and  obstinate."  Thus,  chiefly  during 

1  Another  grievance  which  the  gentry  felt  with  particular  keenness  was  the 
Statute  of  Uses,  just  passed.  In  those  days  the  law  did  not  permit  the  devising 
of  lands  by  will,  and  it  had  been  the  custom  to  evade  this  restriction  by  leaving 
them  to  the  use  of  another.  The  Statute  of  1536  —  aimed  against  this  practice  — 
worked  a  great  hardship  to  the  landowner,  for  it  prevented  him  from  providing  for 
his  younger  sons  or  from  raising  money  by  mortgages  hitherto  secured  by  the  use 
of  their  lands. 


HENRY  VIII  AND  THE  SEPARATION  FROM  ROME         215 

the  years  1538  and  1539,  some  hundred  and  fifty  monasteries  and  fifty 
convents  of  women  were  surrendered  into  the  royal  hands.  Also, 
the  various  orders  of  friars,  who  had  thus  far  escaped  the  fate  of  the 
Observants,  were  now  suppressed.  Parliament,  in  1539,  dealt  the 
final  blow  by  passing  an  Act  vesting  in  Henry  and  his  heirs  all  the  mon- 
asteries which  had  already  surrendered  or  should  surrender  for  the 
future  —  victims  mainly  to  the  royal  rapacity  and  the  irresistible 
assertion  of  supremacy,  though  the  pretext  that  their  inmates  led 
"  slothful  and  ungodly  lives  "  was  still  insisted  on. 

The  War  on  Ecclesiastical  Frauds  and  Shrines.  —  In  order  to  make 
the  proceedings  acceptable  to  the  people  that  did  not  share  in  the 
spoils,  efforts  were  made  to  reach  out  and  expose  frauds  and  deceptions. 
A  famous-  opportunity  was  found  in  the  "  Rood  of  Grace  "  at  Boxley 
in  Kent  —  a  figure  on  a  cross  which  had  amazed  and  edified  thousands 
by  moving  its  eyes  and  lips.  It  was  discovered  that  the  miraculous 
effects  were  produced  by  concealed  wires,  whereupon,  although  its 
use  had  apparently  been  discontinued  for  some  time,  the  rood  was 
taken  up  to  London  and  exhibited  to  the  populace.  During  this  same 
year,  1538,  the  papal  world  was  shocked  in  proportion  to  the  swelling 
of  the  royal  coffers  by  the  spoliation  of  the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas  Becket 
at  Canterbury,  whence  wagonloads  of  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones 
and  richly  embroidered  vestments  were  carried  off,  while  the  bones  and 
relics  of  the  Saint  were  contemptuously  burned. 

Results  of  the  Dissolution  of  the  Monasteries.  —  It  has  been  esti- 
mated that  at  least  8000  monks  and  f  rj?  fa  WP™»  HigpnggpggpH  while  about 
ten  times  that  number  of  dependents  were  affected.  Of  their  property 
the  King  retained  not  more  than  a  third.  From  the  balance  a  very 
small  proportion  was  given  in  pensions  to  the  dispossessed  monks; 
some  was  devoted  to  the  erection  of  new  bishoprics,  and  some  was 
applied  to  coast  defenses.  The  greater  part,  however,  was  p^iven  or 
sold  to  certain  favored  nobles  and  gentry,  whereby  some  of  the  best 
known  of  the  present  English  families  started  on  their  upward  road. 
The  purpose  and  effect  of  the  King's  seeming  generosity  was  tojnsure 
the  permanence  of  the  s^-p? ration  fmrr^  finmpj  for  men  gorged  with 
Church  plunder  would  never  return  to  the  fold.  Another  result  of 
the  dissolution  was  to  weaken  the  spiritual  pow^r  ^f  thp  Hnijg.fi  n£_ 
Lords,  since  the  bishops  were  no  longer  reenforced  by  abbots  and  priors. 
Finally,  the  economic  and  social  situation  was  profoundly  affected, 
since  a  further  impulse  to  enclosures  was  given,  and  the  State_was 
forced  to  devote  immediate  attention  to  education  and  poor  relief- 
Although  the  monasteries  had  outlived  their  usefulness  and  had 
ceased  to  make  the  best  use  of  their  resources,  the  method  employed 


2l6     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

by  Henry  and  his  agents  to  suppress  them  was  marked  by  great 
cruelty  and  injustice  and  caused  much  innocent  suffering. 

The  Translation  of  the  Bible,  and  the  King's  Primer.  —  In  spite  of 
Henry's  attachment  to  old  forms,  something  was  done  with  his  sanction 
toward  putting  the  Bible  and  portions  of  the  service  into  English. 
The  version  of  the  Scriptures  due  to  Wiclif  was  not  reprinted,  for  it 
was  antiquated  in  language,  it  savored  of  Lollardy,  and  it  was  based 
on  the  Vulgate.  William  Tyndale  of  Cambridge  was  the  first  to  take 
up  the  work  anew.  He  began  with  the  New  Testament,  basing  his 
translation  on  the  Greek  text  of  Erasmus.  Obliged,  owing  to  his 
extreme  Protestant  views,  to  leave  the  country,  he  finally  brought 
his  translation  to  Worms,  in  1525 ;  whence  copies  were  secretly  in- 
troduced into  England;  but  while  at  work,  in  the  Netherlands,  on 
the  Old  Testament,  Tyndale  was  seized  and  burned  as  a  heretic. 
After  one  or  two  attempts  to  produce  a  satisfactory  edition,  the 
so-called  Great  Bible,  based  on  a  revision  of  so  much  of  Tyndale's 
translation  as  had  already  appeared,  was  published  about  1538,  and 
remained  the  standard  work  for  some  years.  From  the  fact  that 
Cranmer  wrote  the  prefaces  to  some  of  the  editions,  it  frequently  bears 
his  name.  The  placing  of  the  Bible  before  the  people  in  their  own 
tongue  had  a  profound  effect :  it  opened  to  them  a  wonderful  litera- 
ture expressed  in  language  of  unequaled  beauty  and  strength,  and 
first  enabled  them  to  compare  the  religion  founded  by  Christ  and  his 
Apostles  with  that  of  their  own  day.  The  English  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  dates  from  the  next  reign,  though  portions_of  the  service  were 
translated  into  English  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII,  notably  a  manual 
of  devotion  known  as  the  King's  Primer,  printed  in  1545. 

The  Six  Articles  (1539).  —  Nevertheless,  not  only  was  Henry  too 
orthodox  and  conservative  to  permit  any  decided  departures  toward 
Protestantism,  but  the  extravagance  of  the  extremists  served  to 
strengthen  his  antipathy  to  innovation.  This  explains  the  passage, 
in  1539,  of  an  Act  for  "  abolishing  diversity  of  opinion  in  certain 
articles  concerning  Christian  religion,"  commonly  known  as  "  The 
JSix  Articles,"  or  "  The  Whip  with  Six  Strings,"  which  affirmed,  among 
other  things^  that :(  after  consecration  of  the  elements  in  the  Holy 
Eucharist,  the  bread  and  wine  disappeared  and  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ  entered  in  their  place  ^(communion  in  both  kinds  was  not 
essential  to  salvation  i^by  the  law  of  God  priests  could  not  marry j( and 
monastic  vows  must  be  observed./  The  penalty  for  denying  the  first 
article,  i.e.  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  was  death  by  burn- 
ing, with  forfeiture  of  goods.  In  the  case  of  the  others,  the  penalty 


HENRY  VIII  AND   THE   SEPARATION  FROM   ROME         217 

for  the  first  offense  was  forfeiture  and  imprisonment,  for  the  second 
offense,  death  as  a  felon. 

The  Fall  of  Cromwell  (1540).  —  In  October,  1537,  a  male  heir,  the 
[future  Edward  VI,  had  been  born  to  Henry,  while  Jane  Seymour's 
death,  a  few  weeks  later,  left  the  King  free  to  marry  a  new  wife.  His 
position  at  this  time  was  menaced  by  plots  from  within  and  invasion 
from  without.  First,  he  sought  to  avert  the  latter  danger,  which 
tame  from  a  combination  of  Francis  I  and  the  Emperor  Charles  V, 
(by  negotiating  with  each  Power  in  turn  for  a  matrimonial  alliance ; 
put  his  failure  in  each  case  induced  him  to  listen  to  Cromwell,  who 
(advocated  a  Protestant  marriage  and  a  league  with  the  Protestant 
princes.  The  bride  selected  was  Anne,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of 
Cleves,  and  Holbein,  dispatched  to  paint  her  portrait,  at  a  hint  from 
jCromwell,  it  is  said,  produced  most  flattering  results.  Moreover,  the 
Vicegerent  and  the  courtiers  sent  to  arrange  the  match  were  lavish  in 
praising  her  charms.  Unhappily  for  all  concerned,  Henry  committed 
himself  on  these  representations  and  the  marriage  treaty  was  signed, 
6  October,  1539.  Directly  he  beheld  her  —  a  plain,  ungainly 
creature  —  "  he  became  very  sorrowful  and  amazed,"  and  turned 
away  "  very  sad  and  pensive."  Yet  he  saw  nothing  for  it  except 
to  go  on  with  the  marriage,  and  to  make  matters  worse,  nothing  came 
bf  the  projected  alliance.  Cromwell,  who  had  already  served  his 
turn,  paid  the  penalty  with  his  head.  He  was  arrested  10  June,  1540, 
and  a  Bill  of  Attainder  was  framed  against  him,  charging  him  with 
favoring  Protestants,  obtaining  money  by  bribery  and  extortion, 
and  usurping  royal  powers.  No  doubt  all  this  was  true ;  but,  as 
in  the  case  of  Wolsey,  his  main  fault  was  that,  by  miscarriage  of  his 
policy,  he  had  incurred  the  royal  displeasure.  He  was  executed 
28  July. 

Henry's  Designs  on  Scotland.  —  In  June,  1542,  Francis  I,  ambitious 
|to  recover  the  French  ascendancy  in  Italy,  declared  war  on  the 
Emperor,  and  Henry  seized  the  opportunity  which  he  had  long 
coveted,  to  undertake  to  extend  his  sway  over  Scotland.  The  death 
of  James  IV  at  Flodden,  in  1513,  had  left  the  country  a  prey  to  another 
:of  those  long  minorities  which  had  been  its  bane  for  a  century.  In 
'1528,  however,  James  V,  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  made  himself  master 
of  the  distracted  Kingdom  and  sought  to  restore  peace ;  to  that  end 
jhe  put  down  the  Highland  chiefs  and  the  Lowland  earls,  and,  as  a 
counterpoise  to  these  turbulent  elements,  sought  alliance  with  the 
; Church  and  strengthened  the  clergy  with  increased  powers  and 
privileges.  This  and  the  fact  that  he  clung  to  the  French  alliance, 
marrying  two  French  wives  in  succession,  kept  him  at  swords  points 


2l8     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

with  his  uncle,  Henry  VIII,  to  whom  he  attributed  designs  of  fostering 
disorders  along  the  Border  and  broils  among  the  nobility.  Fearing 
to  be  kidnaped,  he  twice  refused  Henry's  proposal  to  meet  for  a 
conference,  he  harbored  refugees  from  the  Pilgrimage  of  Grace,  and 
intrigued  both  with  Charles  V  and  Francis  I.  Such  was  the  situation 
when,  in  October,  1542,  Henry  sent  an  invasion  into  Scotland,  which 
after  some  harrying  and  burning  returned  home.  The  Scotch  King 
retaliated  by  throwing  a  force  across  the  Western  border.  Through 
the  bungling  of  its  leaders  it  was  defeated  at  Solway  Moss,  24  Novem- 
ber, 1542,  with  a  heavy  loss,  and  James  V,  heartbroken  at  the  news, 
died  less  than  a  month  afterwards,  leaving,  as  his  heir,  a  week  old 
baby,  later  known  as  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  Henry  now  asserted 
the  English  sovereignty  over  Scotland  in  stronger  terms  than  ever, 
and  proposed  to  bind  the  two  countries  by  marrying  Edward  and 
Mary  when  they  came  of  age.  A  treaty  was  arranged;  but,  ere 
long,  the  party  attached  to  France  secured  the  little  Princess,  crowned 
her  Queen,  and  assembled  a  Parliament  which  annulled  the  marriage 
treaty. 

War  with  France  (1543-1546).  — To  forestall  aid  from  across  the 
Channel  to  this  Catholic  party,  Henry  concluded  a  treaty  with 
Charles  V,  plunged  into  war  with  France,  and,  in  July,  1544,  crossed 
over  to  Calais  with  the  design  of  joining  forces  with  the  Emperor  for 
a  march  on  Paris.  Since,  however,  the  two  rulers  could  not  work  in 
harmony,  Charles,  contrary  to  agreement,  concluded  a  separate  peace 
with  Francis.  Freed  from  their  enemy  in  the  rear,  the  French  sent 
a  fleet  to  attack  the  English  coast,  but  twice  repulsed  and  much 
thinned  by  plague  it  was  obliged  to  turnback,  August,  1545.  Hert- 
ford l  averted  the  danger  from  the  Border  by  leading  two  destructive 
but  inconclusive  expeditions  into  Scotland.  At  length,  in  June, 
1546,  Henry  and  Francis  made  peace,  in  which  Scotland  was  not 
included. 

Relations  with  Ireland. — Henry's  Irish  policy  proved  in  the  long  run 
to  be  no  more  successful.  The  petty  chiefs  outside  the  Pale  fought 
constantly  among  themselves,  but  were  united  in  their  hostility  to 
English  rule.  Since  it  would  have  been  well-nigh  impossible  to 
conquer  and  hold  down  such  wild  folk  in  a  country  of  impenetrable 
forests  and  trackless  bogs,  Henry,  who  had  few  troops,  preferred 
a  drifting  policy  of  "  politic  drifts  and  amiable  persuasion."  How- 
ever, the  Earl  of  Kildare  —  head  of  the  powerful  Fitzgerald  family  — 
who  became  Lord  Deputy  in  1513,  used  his  power  chiefly  to  fight  his 
personal  enemies,  and  grew  so  shaky  in  his  loyalty  that,  in  1534,  he 

1  Edward  Seymour,  Earl  of  Hertford,  brother  of  Henry's  third  wife. 


HENRY  VIII  AND   THE   SEPARATION  FROM   ROME         219 

was  seized,  taken  to  England,  and  thrown  in  the  Tower.  On  a  rumor 
of  his  death,  his  son  broke  out  in  revolt.  After  hard  fighting  he  was 
reduced  to  submission,  and,  in  1534,  was  hanged,  together  with  five 
uncles,  leaving  only  a  small  child  to  represent  the  line.  Then  Henry 
attempted  to  resume  his  policy  of  conciliation;  in  1541  he  sub- 
,stituted  the  title  of  King  for  that  of  Lord  of  Ireland ;  and,  one  by 
'one,  the  chiefs  agreed  to  acknowledge  his  supremacy  in  Church  and 
jState,  to.  hold  their  lands  of  him  for  an  annual  rent,  to  renounce  all 
{illegal  exactions,  and  to  serve  in  his  army.  Yet  the  fair  hopes  of 
jpeace  proved  delusive.  Though  the  new  rebellion  did  not  come  in 
[Henry's  time  he  was  in  no  small  degree  to  blame.  His  fatal  mistake 
Svas  that  he  thought  in  conciliating  the  chiefs  to  bind  the  clans, 
whereas  he  really  antagonized  the  latter  bodies  by  enriching  their 
leaders  with  lands  claimed  by  the  tribes  as  a  whole.  So,  in  his  re- 
ligious arrangements,  he  might  bribe  the  chiefs  to  abjure  the  Pope 
land  consent  to  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  by  handing  them  a 
share  of  the  spoils ;  but  the  lesser  folk  who  saw  the  shrines  and  relics 
demolished,  the  pilgrimages  suppressed,  the  sacred  buildings  defaced, 
•and  the  familiar  Latin  replaced  by  the  alien  English  service  were 
'bound  to  nourish  sullen  resentment.  Thus  Henry  ruthlessly  trampled 
iupon  the  superstitions  and  sentiments  of  Irishmen.  Moreover,  the 
leaders  of  the  Anglican  Church  in  Ireland  aimed  rather  at  establishing 
English  ascendancy  and  accumulating  wealth  and  power  than  at 
advancing  the  cause  of  religion. 

Henry's  Closing  Years.  —  After  the  passing  of  Cromwell  Henry 
iacted  as  his  own  chief  Minister.  In  spite  of  increasing  bulk,  and  of 
an  ulcer  on  his  leg  causing  intense  pain,  he  was  constantly  occupied 
and  watchful.  While  he  insisted  that  the  doctrine  and  Church 
i system  which  he  defined  and  organized  should  be  strictly  obeyed, 
the  penalties  attached  to  the  Six  Articles  served  mainly  as  a  ferocious 
: warning  and  were  only  fitfully  enforced,  largely  owing  to  the  moderat- 
ing influence  of  Cranmer  and  of  Henry's  sixth  wife,1  Catharine  Parr, 
whom  he  married  in  1543.  The  religious  unrest  was  so  great  as  to 
[draw  from  Henry  at  his  last  appearance  in  Parliament,  December, 
1545,  an  eloquent  and  characteristic  reproof:  "I  am  very  sorry  to 
know  and  hear  how  irreverently  that  precious  jewel,  the  word  of  God, 
is  disputed  and  rhymed,  sung  and  jangled  in  every  alehouse  and 
tavern.  ...  Of  this  I  am  sure,  that  charity  was  never  so  faint 
among  you,  and  God  himself  among  Christians  was  never  less  rever- 

1  In  1540  the  compliant  Convocation  had  annulled  the  marriage  with  Anne  on 
the  pretext  that  she  had  been  precontracted  to  another.  Catharine  Howard,  whom 
Henry  next  married,  was  executed,  in  1542,  on  charges  of  grave  misconduct. 


220    SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

enced,  honored,  and  served."  Protestantism  was  spreading  and 
Cranmer  and  the  Queen  favored  it ;  yet  the  old  faith  was  gaining 
ground  again.  The  King  had  "  destroyed  the  Pope,  but  not  Popery." 
Henry's  Stormy  and  Wrathful  Exit  (1547). — At  the  close  of  Henry's 
life,  the  heir  of  the  greatest  conservative  family  in  England  brought 
the  progress  of  the  Catholic  party  to  an  abrupt  check.  On  12  Decem- 
ber, 1546,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  his  son  the  Earl  of  Surrey,  were 
rudely  thrown  into  the  Tower.  Surrey  was  a  gifted  poet,  but  he  was 
headstrong,  aspiring,  and  indiscreet.  On  the  discovery  that  he  had 
quartered  the  royal  arms  with  his  own  on  an  escutcheon  in  his  private 
chamber,  and  had  boasted  that  his  father  would  one  day  be  Regent, 
he  was  tried  before  a  special  commission,  and  was  beheaded,  19  Janu- 
ary, 1547.  A  Bill  of  Attainder  was  passed  against  Norfolk,  who  con- 
fessed to  concealing  his  son's  acts,  and  received  the  royal  assent,  but , 
before  it  could  be  carried  out  Henry  was  dead.  He  had  of  late  be- 
come so  unwieldy  that  he  could  neither  walk  nor  stand,  and,  28  Janu- 
ary, 1547,  he  passed  away,  masterful  against  opposition  to  the  last. 
A  selfish,  ruthless  despot,  he  had  accomplished  a  momentous  work. 
He  had  transformed  the  whole  ecclesiastical  system  without  a  civil 
war,  he  had  established  a  National  Church  free  from  the  dominion 
of  the  Pope ;  he  had  given  his  subjects  the  Scriptures  in  their  native 
tongue;  he  had  secured  for  England  a  recognized  position  among 
foreign  Powers ;  he  worked  his  will  unopposed ;  and  he  died  in  his 
bed  stanchly  supported  by  the  majority  of  his  subjects. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Fisher ;  Innes ;  Cambridge  Modern  History,  II ;  Lingard ; 
and  Pollard,  Henry  VIII.  J.  A.  Froude,  History  of  England  from  the  Death 
of  Wolsey  to  the  Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada  (12  vols.,  1870-1872)  is  the 
most  complete  work  on  the  period  and  a  masterpiece  of  style,  but  strongly 
biased,  especially  in  favor  of  Henry  VIII. 

Biography.  P.  Friedmann,  Anne  Boleyne  (2  vols.,  1884).  R.  B.  Merri- 
man,  Life  and  Letters  of  Thomas  Cromwell  (2  vols.,  1902)  is  the  standard 
biography.  W.  Roper,  Biography  of  Sir  Thomas  More  (first  printed  in 
1626,  many  later  editions)  is  a  classic ;  Roper  was  More's  son-in-law.  A.  F. 
Pollard,  Life  of  Cranmer  (1904)  is  perhaps  the  most  scholarly  life  of  the 
Archbishop.  A.  D.  Innes,  Ten  Tudor  Statesmen  (1906)  and  M.  A.  S.  Hume, 
The  Wives  of  Henry  VIII  (1905)  are  both  useful.  Dom  Bede  Camm, 
Lives  of  the  English  Martyrs  (1904)  is  from  the  Romanist  standpoint. 

Ecclesiastical.  F.  A.  Gasquet,  Henry  VIII  and  the  English  Monasteries 
(1902),  the  most  exhaustive  work  on  the  subject,  manifestly  sympathetic 
with  the  monasteries.  James  Gairdner,  History  of  the  Church  of  England 


HENRY  VIII  AND  THE  SEPARATION  FROM  ROME        221 

(1904)  is  a  brief  treatment  by  an  acknowledged  authority  on  the  period. 
R.  W.  Dixon,  History  of  the  Church  of  England  (6  vols.,  1878-1902)  covers 
the  period  1529-1570,  thorough  and  scholarly  —  from  the  High  Church 
standpoint.  B.  F.  Westcott,  History  of  the  English  Bible  (1868). 

Selections  from  the  sources.    Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  141-158,  for 
the  whole  reign. 


CHAPTER  XXI 
THE  HENRICIAN  REGIME  (1509-1547) 

Distinctive  Features  of  Henry's  Absolutism.  —  While  Henry 
owed  much  to  his  father,  he  succeeded  in  carrying  royal  absolutism 
far  beyond  the  point  which  it  had  reached  at  his  succession.  The 
Church  was  reduced  by  his  measures  to  a  mere  creature  of  the  Crown. 
The  old  nobility  were  pushed  further  along  the  road  to  ruin  by  the 
extravagance  of  Henry's  Court,  while  his  hostile  watchfulness  pre- 
vented their  leaders  from  recovering  their  old  position  in  public 
affairs.  Several  who  aspired  to  raise  their  heads  were  ruthlessly  put 
to  death.  Almost  invariably  he  chose  new  men  to  sit  in  his  councils 
and  carry  out  his  policy ;  to  them  he  gave  offices,  revenues,  and  lands ; 
and  he  had  an  eye  for  picking  competent  Ministers  from  the  ranks 
of  obscurity.  Wolsey  and  Cromwell  are  merely  the  best  known  of 
many.  By  such  agents,  by  the  spoils  of  the  monasteries,  by  checking 
glaring  abuses,  and  by  the  maintenance  of  stable  government,  the 
middle  class,  already  closely  attached  to  the  father,  were  bound  still 
more  closely  to  the  son. 

Henry's  Management  of  Parliament.  —  Henry's  adroit  manipu- 
lation of  Parliament  was  another  means  by  which  he  strengthened 
his  absolutism.  During  the  first  part  of  the  reign,  before  he  had 
exhausted  the  inherited  royal  treasure  and  before  he  embarked  on 
his  peculiar  policy,  he  followed  Wolsey's  advice  and  rarely  called  a 
Parliament;  from  1529,  however,  he  made  use  of  frequent  Parlia- 
ments to  give  a  color  of  popular  sanction  to  his  measures.  While 
there  are  evidences  of  coercion  and  corruption,  of  interference  with 
elections,  bribery,  creation  of  new  boroughs,  and  pressure  on  mem- 
bers, the  amount  has  been  exaggerated,  and  it  was  mainly  employed 
by  Cromwell  to  maintain  his  own  ascendancy.  Such  methods  were 
scarcely  necessary  in  the  royal  behalf ;  for  the  representation  was 
mainly  in  the  hands  of  the  landed  gentry  and  the  prosperous  com- 
mercial classes,  whose  interests  in  general  were  identical  with  Henry's, 
though  on  the  rare  occasions  when  these  interests  clashed,  Parliament 


THE  HENRICIAN  REGIME  223 

iid  not  hesitate  to  resist  stoutly.  Henry  professed  to  be  a  champion 
af  parliamentary  privilege,  but  he  employed  blandishments,  bargain- 
ing, or  even  trickery  as  need  arose ;  when  important  measures  were 
being  discussed  he  generally  visited  both  Houses  in  person,  and,  if 
the  terror  of  his  presence  was  not  enough,  even  resorted  to  dire  threats 
to  secure  their  passage.  As  a  means  of  blocking  legislation  which 
tie  opposed  he  could  always  resort  to  the  veto,  though,  as  a  matter 
af  fact,  most  of  the  legislation  was  initiated  by  Henry  or  his  Ministers. 

Summary  of  Henry's  Methods.  —  Altogether  Henry's  power  was 
acquired,  not  so  much  by  juggling  with  the  representation  J  as  by  the 
identity  of  interest  between  him  and  the  dominant  classes,  by  his 
Force  of  will,  and  by  his  dextrous  politics.  He  had  the  tact  and 
Foresight  to  draw  back  when  he  saw  that  he  was  going  too  far.  More- 
over, he  had  the  unscrupulous  cunning  to  intrust  great  powers  to  his 
principal  agents,  and  to  make  them  the  scapegoats  for  his  unpopular 
policies.  Finally,  he  had  the  wisdom  not  to  demand  excessive  taxes. 
He  called  upon  Parliament  primarily  to  sanction  grants  which  he  had 
extorted  from  some  other  quarters ;  forced  loans,  for  instance,  which 
were  remitted  by  Statute,  in  1529  and  1543,  forfeitures,  papal  fees, 
and  the  spoils  from  monasteries  and  shrines.  He  borrowed  and 
extorted  so  long  as  he  could,  and  only  agpjied  to  Parliament  jgherjjt 
wasabsolutely  necessary^ 

The  Royal  Extravagance.  —  Henry  dissipated  his  father's  savings 
with  lavish  hand.  Much  went  for  costly  raiment ;  more  was  consumed 
p  revels,  feasts,  tournaments,  and  other  ornate  displays.  When  he 
took  the  field,  in  1513,  he  had  an  enormous  train  of  hundreds  of  wagons 
and  thousands  of  horses  to  carry  his  tents,  his  wardrobe,  his  cooks, 
his  confectioners,  and,  most  amazing  of  all,  the  choir  of  his  chapel 
royal,  consisting  of  115  chaplains  and  singers.  The  splendors  of  the 
later  meeting  at  the  Field  of  Cloth  of  Gold  were  the  wonder  of  the 
age  and  of  generations  to  come.  The  sumptuousness  of  Henry  and 
his  courtiers  stimulated  trade,  furnished  employment  for  many,  and 
Opened  up  many  new  industries ;  yet  in  the  long  run,  the  effect  was 
injurious,  since  the  example  was  ruinous  to  the  lesser  folk,  and  it 
raised  the  prices  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  increase  of  wages  —  the 
:ost  of  agricultural  products  nearly  doubled  from  1495  to  1533,  while 
wages  rose  only  25  per  cent.  Moreover,  the  King  was  in  constant 
jneed  of  money  to  support  such  extravagances,  and  taxes  were  only 
kept  within  the  normal  limits  by  loans,  confiscations,  and  other  irreg- 

The  chief  changes  in  the  composition  came  from  the  exclusion  of  abbots  and 
jriors  from  the  Lords,  and  granting  representation  to  Wales,  Chester,  and  Calais 
n  the  Commons. 


224     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

ular  methods.  One  of  the  most  baneful  means  employed  was  the 
.debasement  of  the  coinage^ a  process  which  Henry  began  as  early  as 
1526,  and  which  went  on  until,  in  1551,  a  silver  coin  contained  only 
a  seventh  of  the  pure  metal  of  one  issued  twenty-five  years  before. 
During  the  two  previous  centuries  there  had  been  several  such  de- 
basements, but  with  less  injurious  effects;  because  of  the  constant 
drain  of  money  to  the  Orient  for  the  purchase  of  goods  and  to  Rome 
for  the  payment  of  papal  dues,  causing  a  scarcity  of  specie  which 
lowered  prices  and  thus  counteracted  the  upward  trend  due  to  debase- 
ment. In  Henry's  time  trade  was  more  evenly  balanced  and  papal 
dues  ceased,1  therefore,  since  debased  coins  circulated  at  their  face 
value,  good  coin  was  hoarded  or  exported,  and  prices  went  on  soaring 
without  a  check. 

The  Laboring  Classes  in  Town  and  Country.  —  While  the  pro- 
ducers, the  manufacturers,  and  the  exporters  of  wool  and  cloth  were 
waxing  fat,  the  condition  of  the  mass  of  the  small  farmers  and  agri- 
cultural laborers  was  growing  steadily  worse.  Enclosing  went  on 
increasing,  and  not  only  leaseholders  but  copyholders  and  even  free- 
holders were  evicted  from  their  tenements.  The  process  received 
a  fresh  impulse  from  the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries,  which  trans- 
ferred great  estates  from  the  easy-going  monks  to  the  hands  of  keen 
greedy  capitalists.  Multitudes  were  thrown  out  of  work,  the  lane 
was  overrun  with  beggars,  and  disorder  multiplied  to  a  degree  thai 
taxed  even  the  iron  rule  of  Henry.  In  order  to  check  enclosures 
measures  were  enacted  limiting  the  number  of  sheep  that  a  single 
owner  could  hold,  and  ordering  a  return  to  tillage  under  penalty  oi 
forfeiture  till  the  law  was  obeyed.  But  since  profits  from  wool  were 
tempting  and  since  the  King  needed  the  support  of  the  class  against 
which  the  measures  were  framed,  the  legislation  proved  futile.  Similai 
disturbing  conditions  prevailed  in  the  towns,  the  rich  were  growing 
richer  and  the  poor  poorer.  The  restrictive  policy  of  the  gilds  was 
only  slowly  breaking  down  and  remained  a  great  clog  on  trade.  Labo; 
and  capital  withdrew  from  the  old  towns  where  the  system  was 
intrenched  and  poured  into  the  smaller  places,  which  grew  as  thei: 
ancient  rivals  declined,  though  the  competition  of  those  displacec 
from  agricultural  pursuits  and  the  increase  of  population  2  largely 
offset  the  benefits  which  the  proletariat  gained  from  their  migration 

1  Although  money  was  growing  steadily  more  plentiful,  owing  to  the  treasur 
brought  by  the  Spanish  from  the  New  World,  England  was  little  affected  durinj 
Henry's  reign. 

2  It  is  estimated  that  the  population  increased  from  2,500,000  to  4,000,000  durinj 
the  reigns  of  Henry  VII  and  Henry  VIII. 


THE  HENRICIAN  REGIME  225 

Public  Health  and  Sanitation.  —  The  plague,  which  continued  a 
frequent  and  destructive  visitor,  was  not  an  unmixed  evil ;  flourishing 
chiefly  in  the  miserable  and  crowded  centers,  it  checked  the  natural 
increase  of  population  among  the  poorer  classes,  and  thus  worked  in 
favor  of  a  higher  standard  of  well-being.  In  London  various  steps 
were  taken  to  prevent  the  spread  of  the  epidemic.  Enactments  were 
passed  requiring  that  infected  houses  be  marked  with  wisps  of  straw 
and  that  exposed  persons  carry  a  white  rod  in  their  hands.  Grad- 
ually, rules  for  isolating  plague-stricken  houses  became  more  rigid, 
searchers  were  appointed  to  give  notice  of  the  presence  of  the  disease, 
and  severe  penalties  were  imposed  for  concealment.  Measures  for 
disposing  of  the  refuse  of  shambles,  against  stray  dogs  and  cats,  and 
tor  cleansing  filthy  streets  are  not  unheard  of,  though  they  were 
apparently  not  enforced  till  Elizabeth's  time. 

Poor  Relief.  —  Among  the  most  interesting  measures  of  Henry's 
reign  were  those  taken  to  relieve  the  deserving  poor  and  to  put  a 
:heck  on  the  idle  and  disorderly  beggars.  During  the  Middle  Ages 
jthe  care  of  the  destitute  was  left  to  private  persons  and  institu- 
tions—  to  voluntary  alms,  to  hospitals  x  and  gilds,  and,  most  of  all, 
to  monasteries.  This  medieval  system  was  very  inadequate.  The 
monks,  in  particular,  gave  in  pursuance  of  the  divine  command  to 
plothe  the  naked  and  to  feed  the  hungry :  since  they  did  not  inquire 
feharply  into  the  needs  of  applicants  they  were  often  imposed  upon 
\)y  the  unscrupulous;  and,  by  their  indiscriminate  almsgiving, 
tended  to  foster  poverty  beyond  the  point  where  they  could  deal  with 
it.  Already,  some  time  before  the  Reformation  and  the  consequent 
Instruction  of  ecclesiastical  foundations,  certain  Continental  munici- 
palities had  taken  up  the  problem  and  devised  measures  of  public 
relief.  In  England,  too,  new  methods  would  soon  have  been  neces- 
^ary  in  any  event.  The  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  made  them 
immediately  imperative.  Great  numbers  of  needy  persons  were 
puddenly  thrown  upon  the  country,  and  at  the  same  time  the  chief 
pieans  of  providing  for  them,  ineffective  as  it  had  been,  was  cut  off. 
jThe  year  in  which  the  first  attack  on  the  monasteries  was  opened 
marked  the  beginning  of  a  new  policy,  quite  at  variance  with  that 
initiated  by  the  Statute  of  Laborers  and  succeeding  measures,  provid- 
ing that  sturdy  beggars  should  be  put  to  work  at  a  fixed  wage  and 
:he  impotent  should  be  licensed  to  beg.  By  an  Act  of  1536  the  dis- 
pensing of  private  alms  was  forbidden.  In  each  parish  a  fund  for  the 

1  A  hospital  was  originally  a  place  for  the  aged  and  destitute  as  well  as  the  sick. 
^  few  parishes  had  poor  funds,  and  so  had  some  of  the  towns  by  the  fifteenth 
:entury,  but  these  were  rare  exceptions. 
Q 


226     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

relief  of  the  poor  was  to  be  collected  on  Sundays  and  festival  days 
by  the  churchwardens  and  other  parish  officials,  and  the  clergy  were 
enjoined  to  stir  up  the  congregation  to  give  freely,  but  no  means  oi 
compulsion  was  provided  for.  Also,  sturdy  beggars  were  to  be  set 
to  work,  though  the  law  did  not  state  how.  This  Act,  while  the 
principles  were  not  yet  worked  out  in  detail,  foreshadows  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  more  famous  laws  of  Elizabeth  which  remained  in  force 
down  to  the  nineteenth  century — the  responsibility  of  the  parish 
for  the  relief  of  those  unable  to  work  and  for  the  employment  of  the 
able-bodied. 

The  Navy.  —  Henry  VII  had  fostered  the  navy,  directly,  to  some 
extent,  by  building  ships  of  war,  and  indirectly  by  developing  the 
merchant  marine,  but  it  was  Henry  VIII  who  marked  a  real  ad- 
vance. Up  to  his  reign  there  had  been  only  a  few  ships  owned  by 
the  Sovereign,  which  in  tune  of  peace  were  either  used  for  police 
purposes  or  let  out  to  merchants.  At  his  death  there  was  a  royal 
fleet  of  71  vessels;  moreover  he  organized  the  navy  into  a  standing 
force  and  placed  it  under  a  separate  Government  Department.  A 
portion  of  the  spoils  of  the  monasteries  was  devoted  to  ship 
building  and  coast  defense ;  the  southeastern  shore  was  studded 
with  castles  provided  with  'permanent  garrisons,  reenforced  b) 
local  levies  in  time  of  need ;  the  King  did  much,  too,  for  makinj 
rivers  navigable,  and  harbors  safer  and  more  accessible ;  he  foundec 
dockyards  on  the  Thames,  and  organized  the  pilots  into  the  cor 
poration  of  Trinity  House.  Although  exploration  was  still  larger) 
a  monopoly  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese,  a  few  Western  voy- 
ages were  undertaken.  Trade  to  the  Levant  flourished  lustily,  anc 
tall  ships  carried  English  cloths  and  hides  to  the  ports  of  the 
Mediterranean  and  brought  back  the  wines,  oils,  carpets,  anc 
spices  of  the  East  to  English  markets. 

Learning  and  Education.  —  Scholars  of  Henry's  day  were  turning 
their  backs  on  the  old  learning  and  pursuing  the  new,  they  we« 
devising  more  rational  systems  of  education  to  replace  the  worn-oul 
medieval  methods,  and  the  King  encouraged  them  by  his  enlightened 
zeal,  by  his  studious  pursuits,  and  by  the  training  of  his  children 
Colet's  foundation,  St.  Paul's,  was  a  model  of  what  a  boys'  school 
should  be ;  Wolsey's  school  at  Ipswich  perished  with  him,  but  before 
the  close  of  the  reign  some  fifty  others  were  founded,  including  five 
attached  to  Henry's  new  bishoprics.  Yet  it  was  in  the  theory  oi 
education  that  the  real  strides  of  progress  were  taken.  Erasmus  left 
England  for  the  last  time  in  1514,  but  his  later  writings  must  have 
penetrated  and  influenced  the  circle  in  which  he  had  lived  and  worked. 


THE  HENRICIAN  RftGTME  227 

mrticularly  his  First  Liberal  Education  for  Boys  (1529)  which,  with 
ts  sage  precepts  and  recommendations,  marks  a  shining  contrast  to 
the  prevailing  mechanical  methods  in  which  flogging  was  employed 
is  the  chief  incentive.  Best  known  among  the  men  of  recognized 
:apacity  selected  as  tutors  for  the  royal  children  was  Roger  Ascham. 
His  famous  treatise  The  Scholemaster  was  not  printed  till  1570,  but 
already,  in  1545,  he  was  putting  in  practice  the  broad  and  liberal  views 
iherein  advocated.  Although  this  book,  on  account  of  its  learning, 
dndly  humor,  appreciation  of  boy  nature,  and  rational  views  has 
deservedly  become  an  English  classic,  its  methods  involved  too  much 
Dams  and  patience  on  the  part  of  the  teacher  to  make  it  acceptable 
it  the  time. 

Nevertheless,  while  Henry's  reign  marks  an  epoch  in  the  theory  of 
Education,  and  while  the  King  deserves  much  credit  for  his  encourage- 
ment of  education  and  for  the  example  which  he  himself  set,  he  con- 
tributed little  material  aid  in  the  way  of  money  and  endowment, 
especially  in  view  of  what  he  took  from  the  monastic  institutions. 
Their  schools  and  those  of  the  chantry  priests :  were  inadequate  and 
out  of  date,  but  their  destruction  was  serious  when  Henry  devoted 
i  major  part  of  their  resources  to  rewarding  his  greedy  supporters 
[nstead  of  establishing  new  schools.  At  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  after 
'scholasticism  and  its  teachers  had  been  expelled,  provision  was  made 
tor  regular  lectures  on  the  ancient  languages  and  the  Scriptures, 
jwhile,  in  1540,  a  few  Regius  professorships  were  endowed,  yet  the 
total  expenditure  was  small  and  Henry  founded  only  one  new  college. 
Altogether,  in  education  it  was  a  time  of  great  promise  but  scanty 
achievement. 

:  Literature.  —  So  it  was  in  literature.  Few  notable  works  were 
produced,  but  the  reign  marks  the  transition  from  a  bygone  period  to 
the  wonderful  Elizabethan  Age.  Breaking  away  from  the  influence 

the  French  medieval  romance,  the  men  of  Henry's  day  began  to 
study  the  classics,  both  directly,  and  indirectly  through  the  Re- 
nascence writers,  chiefly  those  of  Italy.  Much  of  the  writing  of  the 
period  can  be  passed  by  with  a  mere  allusion.  The  disordered  social 
:onditions  and  the  break  from  Rome  produced  a  mass  of  controversial 
jamphlets  which,  valuable  as  they  are  to  the  historian,  hardly  rank 
is  literature.  Latimer's  sermons  are  vivid  and  eloquent,  but  he  was 
i  preacher  rather  than  an  author.  Cranmer  was  a  master  of  the  art 

expression;    but  his  greatest  achievement,  the  English  Book  of 
'ommon  Prayer,  was  the  work  of  the  next  reign.     Four  men  only 

1  A  chantry  was  a  place  where  a  priest  was  appointed  to  sing  masses  for  the  souls 
)f  pious  contributors.  Often  he  acted  as  schoolmaster  in  addition. 


228     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

stand  above  their  contemporaries,  and  herald  the  coming  age  — 
Roger  Ascham,  who  did  his  earliest  writing  in  Henry's  reign,  Sir 
Thomas  More,  the  Earl  of  Surrey,  and  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt.  More's 
most  notable  production  was  his  Utopia,  one  of  those  rare  books 
which,  primarily  written  as  a  protest  against  existing  abuses,  has 
survived  as  a  classic.  An  Elizabethan  critic  refers  quaintly  to  Surrey 
and  Wyatt  as  "  two  courtly  makers,  who  having  traveled  into  Italy 
and  there  tasted  the  sweet  and  stately  measures  of  Italian  poesy, 
greatly  polished  our  rude  and  homely  manner."  It  is  unlikely  that 
Surrey  ever  went  to  Italy,  but  Wyatt  did.  The  two  introduced  the 
sonnet  into  English  speech,  and  their  joint  production,  Songs  and 
Senates,  was  published  in  1557.  Moreover,  Surrey  in  his  translation 
of  two  books  of  the  Mneid  marked  an  epoch  by  employing  blank 
verse  for  the  first  time  in  English.  So  the  Henrician  era,  if  the 
writers  were  few  and  their  product  inconsiderable,  was  significant  in 
literary  development. 

The  King  and  the  Age.  —  The  age,  like  many  another,  has  its  grim 
and  unlovely  and  its  gracious  heroic  sides.  Henry  and  his  officials 
were  self-seeking,  ruthless,  regardless  of  human  life  and  suffering. 
The  merchants,  the  wool  growers,  and  the  cloth  makers,  intent  on 
gain,  were  content  to  let  the  King  have  his  will  and  joined  in  the  op- 
pression of  the  lesser  folk.  Callousness  to  pain  and  lack  of  pity  were 
all  too  general  in  those  times ;  every  class  flocked  to  a  cockfight,  to 
a  bear  baiting,  or  to  witness  a  martyr  burning  at  the  stake  with  equal 
alacrity.  On  the  other  hand,  there  were  strong  earnest  men  and 
women  who  were  content  to  suffer  rather  than  to  sacrifice  their  faith, 
were  it  Protestant  or  Roman  Catholic.  There  were  those  who  had 
prophetic  visions  of  a  new  era  in  literature,  in  education,  in  religion, 
in  industry,  and  did  their  part  in  pulling  down  the  old  medieval 
edifice.  There  was  much  hardship  and  misery  while  the  new  structure 
was  a-building;  but  there  was  sound  and  vigorous  health  in  the 
workers  who  were  striving  for  better  things.  In  the  midst  of  this 
complex  age,  Henry  VIII  stands  out  as  the  great  commanding  figure, 
embodying  its  most  striking  tendencies,  good  and  bad. 


FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

4      Constitutional.      Taylor;    Hallam;    and  Taswell-Langmead.      A.    F. 

Pollard,  Factors  in  Modern  History  (1907)  on  the  "New  Monarchy,"  thi 

'Reformation"  and  the  "Composition  of  Parliament."     Stubbs,  Lectures. 

General  Conditions.    Traill,  and  the  other  works  cited  in  chs.  V,  XIII, 

?tc. ;  Froude,  History  of  England,  I,  ch.  I ;  Innes,  ch.  XI.    Thomas  More, 


THE  HENRICIAN  REGIME  229 

Utopia  (first  published  in  Latin,  1516,  later  translated  and  often  reprinted. 
R.  H.  Tawney,  The  Agrarian  Problem  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  (1912). 
E.  P.  Cheney,  Social  Changes  in  England  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  (1895). 
D.  Hannay,  A  Short  History  of  the  English  Navy  (1898) ;  H.  Oppenheim, 
A  History  of  the  Administration  of  the  Royal  Navy  (1897) ;  W.  L.  Clowes, 
The  Royal  Navy  (vol.  i,  1897).  J.  W.  Fortescue,  History  of  the  British 
Army  (vols.  I- VII,  1899-1912),  the  standard  work  on  the  subject. 

Scotland  and  Ireland.  P.  H.  Brown,  Scotland,  I,  II;  A.  G.  Richey, 
Short  History  of  the  Irish  People  (1887) ;  R.  Bagwell,  Ireland  under  the 
Tudors  (1885),  I ;  J.  E.  Morris,  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  1485-1910  (1914), 
besides  Joyce  and  Turner. 


CHAPTER   XXII 

THE  PROTESTANT  EXTREMISTS  IN  POWER.     EDWARD  VI 
(1547-1553) 

The  Situation  at  Henry's  Death.  —  Henry  left  as  his  successor  a 
child  not  yet  ten  years  old  when  the  situation  demanded  a  strong  man 
of  ripe  wisdom  and  tried  capacity.  "  Abroad  Paul  III  was  scheming 
to  recover  the  schismatic  realm;  the  Emperor  was  slowly  crushing 
England's  national  allies  in  Germany;  France  was  watching  her  op- 
portunity .  .  . ;  and  England  herself  was  committed  to  hazardous 
designs  on  Scotland.  At  home  there  was  religious  revolution  half 
accomplished  and  a  social  revolution  in  ferment ;  evicted  tenants  and 
ejected  monks  infested  the  land,  centers  of  disorder  and  raw  material 
for  revolt ;  the  treasury  was  empty,the_Jdngdom  in  debt,  the  coinage 
debased.  In  place  of  the  old  nobility  of  Di6od^stw5^a  nefirpeerage 
I  raised  on  the  ruins  and  debauched  by  the  spoils  of  the  Church,  and 
•created  to  be  docile  tools  in  the  work  of  revolution." 
*  Hertford  Becomes  Lord  Protector  and  Duke  of  Somerset.  —  Before 
his  death,  Henry  had  named  sixteen  executors  as  a  Council  of  Regency 
during  Edward's  minority.  This  body  was  composed  mainly  of  men 
of  much  ambition  and  little  scruple,  and  under  the  influence  of  Hert- 
ford, whom  they  chose  Governor  and  Protector  of  the  Realm,  they 
gave  full  reirt  to  the_policy-  ^pi  reform  which  tl^^7Tmseryative~  Henry 
ha(H*ekfin  jgiegk.  At  the  same  timeTTfieytficTnot  riEgTect  theirown 
interests,  one  of  their  first  acts  being  to  secure  for  themselves  a  number 
of  new  peerages.  Hertford  the  Protector,  who  became  Duke  of  Somer- 
set, was  already  known  as  a  dashing  and  successful  general.  While 
greedy  of  power,  he  meant  to  serve  his  country  well;  in  addition  to 
carrying  the  Protestant  Revolution  to  its  extreme  limits,  he  strove  to 
unite  England  and  Scotland,  and  labored  to  alleviate  the  wretchedness 
of  the  poor.  But  he  was  a  drearnjer  rather  than  a  practical  ruler  of 
men.  He  was  unable  to  com^prenen^Xfi^jtheyonsent  of  the  Scots 
was  essential  to  any  real  union,  and,  by  attempting  to  carry  it  at  the 
point  of  the  sword,  he  inflamed  their  already  bitter  opposition.  In 
seeking  to  befriend  the  poor  he  excited  hopes  which  he  was  unable 

230 


THE  PROTESTANT   EXTREMISTS  IN  POWER  231 

satisfy,  he  alienated  the  landed  interests  and  widened  the  breach  be- 
tween the  classes.  He  was  arrogant,  impatient  of  advice,  and,  un- 
fortunately, prejudiced  his  reputation  for  disinterestedness  by  his 
rapacity  and  display ;  he  enriched  himself  with  the  spoils  of  the  Church, 
and  applied  the  fabric  of  consecrated  edifices  to  build  a  magnificent 
palace. 

The  Protector's  First  Parliament  (1547-1548) .  — The  first  Parliament 
of  the  new  reign  passed  a  series  of  measures,  all  important  and  many  of 
them  praiseworthy.  The  bulk  of  the  Treason  Acts  since  the  famous  25 
Edward  III  were  done  away  with,  and  it  was  enacted  that,  henceforth, 
charges  of  treason  should  be  preferred  within  thirty  days  after  the 
offense  and  supported  by  two  sufficient  witnesses.  Also  the  heresy 
laws  of  Henry  V  and  the  savage  Six  Articles  were  repealed.  OrTthe 
other  hand,  a  bill,  passed  in  1545,  granting  to  the  Crown  chantries 
and  hospitals,  was  renewed  and  enforced,  and  the  fruits  of  their  sup- 
pression,  togetner  with  the  religious  property  of  gilds,  were  turned  over 
to  the  Council ;  some  was  appropriated  by  those  in  control,  and  a  very 
inadequate  portion  was  later  applied  to  the  founding  of  schools. 

Protestant  Excesses. — The  greatest  confusion,  license,  and  profanity 
prevailed.  Each  parish  became  a  law  unto  itself,  and  individuals  like- 
wise threw  off  all  restraint.  Some  were  honest  zealots,  others  made 
war  on  the  ancient  order  solely  for  gain.  Foreigners  poured  in :  Lu- 
therans from  Germany,  Calvinists  from  Geneva,  Zwinglians  from 
Zurich,  as  well  as  "  heretics  of  every  hue,"  so  that  England  was  re- 
garded by  horrified  orthodoxy  as  "  the  harbor  of  all  infidelity."  l 
During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1547  agents  were  sent  out  by  the 
Council,  under  color  of  royal  authority,  to  enforce  the  use  of  F.ngHsh 
in  the  services;  the  destruction  of  images,  ^stained  glass  windows, 
paintings,  and  carvings ;  and  the  acknowledgment  of  the  royal  su- 
premacy. Various  ceremonies  were  done  away  with,  such  as  the  creep- 
ing to  the  cross  on  Good  Friday^  the  use  of  ashes,  palms,  candles,  and 
holy  water,  while  the  clergy  of  the  old  faith  were  checked  in  their  preach- 
ing activities.^  These  measures  were  resisted  so  stoutly  by  Gardiner, 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  Bonner,  Bishop  of  London,  that  they  were 
imprisoned,  and  Bonner  was  soon  deprived  of  his  See.  This  was  the 
farthest  the  Protector  ever  went  in  religious  persecution. 

The  First  Act  of  Uniformity  and  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  (1549). 
—  In  January,  1549,  Parliament  passed  an  Act  of  Uniformity  which 

1  Neither  Lutheranism  nor  Zwinglianism  exercised  any  abiding  influence,  nor 
was  the  Church  organization  of  Calvin  ever  generally  accepted;  but  his  theology, 
especially  his  doctrine  of  predestination,  and  his  political  principles  came  to 
affect  Englishmen  profoundly. 


232     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

imposed  on  all  subjects  the  form  of  service  contained  in  a  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer  drawn  up  by  a  commission  headed  by  Cranmer.  This  book 
was  an  English  version,  somewhat  simplified,  of  the  old  Latin  ritual. 
The  Act  oJLL£AQ_was  mild  compared  with  the  later  acts ;  for  it  was 
i  limited  to  the  clergy,  it  insisted  only  upon  uniformity  of  outward  ob- 
'  servance,  andTTcTattempt  was  made  to  impose  a  doctrinal  tesL  Prin- 
cess Mary,  wno  refused  to  conform,"  was  allowed  by"the  Protector  to 
hear  mass  in  her  own  house.  Yet  the  new  arrangement  satisfied  nei- 
ther of  the  extreme  parties.  It  still  savored  too  much  of  Rome  for 
the  "  hotgospellers,"  while  the  country  folk,  'under  the  influence  of 
the  parish  priests,  resisted  even  the  moderate  changes  which  it  in- 
troduced. However,  the  men  of  Devon  and  Cornwall,  who  arose  in 
revolt  in  July,  were  suppressed  before  the  end  of  August  by  a  Govern- 
ment force  assisted  by  mercenaries. 

Kett's  Rebellion  (1549).  —  While  the  mainspring  of  the  revolt  in  the 
Southwest  was  religious,  discontent  existed  throughout  the  country, 
due  to  agrarian  distress,  to  the  steady  rise  of  prices  resulting  from  the 
debased  currency,  and  to  the  repressive  vagrancy  laws.  Somerset 
caused  remedial  measures  to  be  framed  which  were  rejected  by  Parlia- 
ment. The  result  was  a  rising  in  the  Eastern  counties  led  by  one 
Robert  Kett.  Though  he  set  up  a  court  before  which  offending  land- 
lords were  summoned,  he  kept  his  forces  in  good  order,  prohibited  all 
bloodshed,  had  prayers  morning  and  evening  and  frequent  addresses 
from  preachers.  A  petition  was  drawn  up,  very  moderate  in  tone, 
begging  that  enclosures  and  other  oppressive  practices  might  be  di- 
minished. "  We  pray,"  it  plaintively  declared,  "  that  all  bondmen 
be  made  free ;  for  God  made  all  free  with  his  precious  blood-shedding." 
The  insurgents  having  rejected  a  pardon  on  the  ground  that  "  Kings 
were  wont  to  pardon  wicked  persons  and  not  innocent  and  just  men," 
were  finally  defeated  by  a  force  under  John  Dudley,  Earl  of  Warwick, 
made  up  partly  of  foreign  mercenaries,  while  Kett  was  captured  and 
later  executed.  Somerset Jiad  been  obliged  to  employ  force  against 
the  very  class__wjiose  hopes  he  had  raised,  and  Warwick  saw  the 
opportunity  which  he  had  long  sought  fCr  overthrowing  his  rival. 
Many  other  things  besides  had  contributed  to  discredit  the  Pro- 
tector. 

Failure  of  Somerset's  Scotch  and  French  Policy.  —  In  May,  1546, 
a  body  of  the  anti-French,  anti-Catholic  nobles  had  murdered  Cardinal 
Beaton  and  seized  the  castle  of  St.  Andrew's.  Somerset,  failingjiijier 
to  makean  alliance  with  tli^Fjpnrh  King  ^r^tojjrevent  him  jrorn_send- 
ing  assistance~To  the  Government  whereby  the  insurgents  were  over- 
corne.lost  a  chance  61  building  up  a  strong  native  Protestant  part) 


THE   PROTESTANT   EXTREMISTS   IN   POWER  233 

He  offered  to  give  up  the  English  claims  to  sovereignty  and  urged  a 
union,  but  he  insisted  that  the  marriage  treaty  of  1 543  should  be  carried 
out :  when  the  Scots  refused,  he  crossed  the  border  and  inflicted  a  de- 
feat on  them  at  Pinkie,  10  September,  1547.  The  infuriated  Scots 
forthwith  proposed  a  marriage  between  the  Princess  Mary  and  the 
Dauphin  Francis.  Mary  was  taken  to  France,  and  the  marriage,  con-j 
eluded  in  course  of  time,  drew  still  closer  England's  two  most  danger-* 
ous  enemies. 

The  Fall  of  Somerset  (1549).  — Another  handle  against  the  Pro- 
tector was  found  in  the  summary  execution,  following  a  Bill  of  Attainder, 
of  his  brother  Thomas,  the  Lord  High  Admiral,  an  unscrupulous  man  of 
boundless  ambitions,  who  plotted  to  make  himself  the  supreme  power 
in  the  State.  Although  he  richly  deserved  his  fate,  the  Protector 
was  blamed  for  thus  arbitrarily  disposing  of  his  own  flesh  and  blood. 
So  Warwick  and  the  other  leaders  of  the  Council,  who  nourished  griev- 
ances or  hoped  for  gain  and  power,  had  many  charges  to  bring  for- 
ward against  the  Protector :  the  strife  engendered  by  his  religious,! 
social,  and  agrarian  policy ;  his  mismanagement  of  foreign  affairs ;  his/ 
treatment  of  his  brother;  his  arrogance  and  heedlessness  of  advice;! 
and  his  profuseness  and  greed.  After  a  vain  effort,  by  means  of  in- 
flammatory pamphlets,  to  rouse  the  lesser  folk  to  rise  in  his  defense, 
Somerset  fled  from  London,  taking  the  young  King  with  him.  In- 
duced by  fair  promises  to  surrender,  10  October,  he  was  nevertheless 
imprisoned  in  the  Toweif.  ,  .  ..  «  r , )  \ * *i  £)\ 

Warwick  Supreme  in  the  Council.  His  Protestant  Zeal.  —  The  f 
control  of  affairs  now  passed  into  the  hands  of  Warwick,  a  brilliant 
soldier,  a  cunning  diplomat,  utterly  unscrupulous,  masking  religious 
indifference  under  a  pretended  zeal  for  the  Protestant  cause.  His 
first  step  was  to  secure  from  Parliament  a  series  of  Acts  making  it  trea- 
son to  ass^mlSle  iorTrTe~pTrrpese-^f-  killing  or  imprisoning  a-member  of 
the  Privy  Council,  or  to  meet  with  a  view  for  breaking  down  enclosures. 
Thus  strengthened  he  proceeded  to  act  his  part  of  advanced  Protestant 
reformer  with  fervid  zeal.  Not  only  did  he  keep  Norfolk,  Bonner, 
and  Gardiner  in  prison,  but  he  deprived  the  latter  of  his  See,  and 
imprisoned  and  deprived  half  a  dozen  more  of  the  bishops  as 
well.  With  the  bishoprics  thus  acquired  he  rewarded  the  leaders  of 
the  reform  party.  The  destruction  of  the  altars,  images,  and  painted 
windows  went  on  merrily,  and  the  ecclesiastical  lawlessness  increased, 
though  for  the  sake  of  balance,  one  Anabaptist  and  another  extremist 
were  burned.  Warwick's  adherents  were  as  greedy  of  pelf  as  ever 
Somerset  had  been :  they  gorged  themselves  with  such  church  plate 
as  remained  unappropriated,  and  with  proceeds  from  chantry  lands 


234     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

reserved  for  the  support  of  dispossessed  priests,  for  the  education  of 
the  youth,  and  the  support  of  the  poor. 

i  The  "  Judicial  Murder  "  of  Somerset  (1552).  —  From  1550  to  1552, 
1  Warwick  got  on  without  a  Parliament.  He  packed  the  Council  with 
Ihis  own  followers,  he  made  himself  its  president,  he  had  himself  created 
\Duke  of  Northumberland,  but  he  did  not  venture  to  assume  the  title 
jbf  Lord  Protector.  His  old  rival  was  released  from  the  Tower,  6  Feb- 
ruary, 1550,  and  re-admitted  to  the  Council  in  April.  When  he  nat- 
urally sought  to  recover  his  lost  power  he  was  once  more  arrested, 
1  6  October,  1551,  and  tried  by  a  court  selected  by  Northumberland 
from  his  satellites,  in  which,  after  much  stretching  of  evidence,  he  was 
finally  convicted  of  felony  for  inciting  an  unlawful  assembly.  He  was 
executed  22  January,  1552,  by  a  royal  order  fraudulently  obtained  for 
the  purpose.  The  popular  indignation  almost  provoked  a  riot,  while 
strong  opposition  manifested  itself  in  Parliament,  which  met  the  fol- 
lowing day. 

The  Second  Act  of  the  Uniformity  (1552).  —  Yet,  voicing  the  increas- 

ing Protestant  sentiment,  this  same  Parliament  sanctioned  a  revised 

.edition  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  in  which  the  priest  was  called 

a  "  minister  "  and  the  altar  a  "  table."    Though  the  Holy  Communion 

was  still  to  be  received  kneeling,  it  was  declared  that  the  posture  meant 

"  no  adoration  to  any  Real  Presence  of  Christ's  natural  flesh  and  blood.  " 

I  A  second  Act  of  Uniformity  enjoining  the  use  of  the  Book  thus  revised 

I  also  imposed  penalties  for  non-observance  upon  the  laity  as  well  as  the 

I  clergy.     Any  one  neglecting  to  attend  service  on  Sunday  and  holidays 

was  liable  to  excommunication,  and  the  penalty  for  attending  any  other 

form  was  six  months'  imprisonment  for  the  first  offense,  a  year  for 

the  second,  and  life  for  the  third.     Cranmer^  who  had  been  in  charge 

of  the  work  of  revision,  also  drew  UP  a  series  ^fjorty-two  articlesjie- 

fmingthe  faith,  which  were  sanctioned  by  a  royaTprocTamation  in  June, 

t"  Parliament. 


v.*riforthumberland's  Plot  (1553).  —  As  his  arbitrariness  and  self-seeking 
became  increasingly  evident,  the  Duke  lost  ground  steadily  ;  even  the 
preachers  who  had  hailed  him  as  a  new  Moses  or  a  new  Joshua,  began 
to  denounce  him.  Realizing  that  Edward's  brief  and  sickly  life  was 
drawing  to  a  close,  he  devised  his  last  and  most  daring  scheme,  dgj 
signed  to  secure_ji_su£cessor  over  jyhom  he  migh_t_exercise  control. 
By  promises  and  threats  he  got  the  CounciTand  thejudges  to  p'ass 
over  the  King's  two  sisters,  Mary  and  Elizabeth,  who  were  the  next 
heirs,  and  to  vest  the  succession  in  a  grandniece  of  Henry  VIII  —  Lady 
lane  Grey  —  whom  he  married  to  his  fourth  son  Guilford  Diicfleyr 
This  was  in  June,  1553.  On  6  July,  King  Edward  VI  died  in  his  six- 


THE  PROTESTANT  EXTREMISTS   IN  POWER  235 

teenth  year.    The  matter  was  kept  secret  as  long  as  possible,  and 
10  July,  Lady  Jane  Grey  was  proclaimed  in  London. 

Edward's  Characteristics.  His  Foundations.  —  Edward  was  a 
frail  sedate  youth,  devoted  to  his  books,  who,  as  he  grew  older,  began 
to  exhibit  more  and  more  his  father's  masterful  temper  and  regal 
dignity,  and  had  he  lived  would  probably  ere  long  have  shaken  off 
the  ascendancy  which  Northumberland  managed  to  gain  over  him. 
To  precocity  of  intellect  he  united  an  intense  religious  ardor;  even 
wherTa  lad  TiH tfurfeen  he  was7  we  are  told,  "  exerting" all  his  powers 
for  the  restoration  of  God's  kingdom,"  and  his  premature  death  from 
consumption  was  a  sudden  check  on  the  course  of  the  Reformation. 
In  spite  of  the  greedy  adventurers  who  surrounded  him,  he  was  able 
to  do  something  for  learning  and  charity.  From  the  sale  of  chapels, 
chantries,  and  other  Church  property  .he__endowed,  or  re-endowed, 
upwards  of  thirty  jprra.Tpma.r_sr.hnnls.  Christ's  Hospital,  founded  for 
the  sons  of  the  poor,  formerly  the  Grey  Friars  monastery,  became  the 
famous  Bluecoat  School.  Funds  were  given  to  two  hospitals  for 
the  medical  treatment  of  the  indigent,  and  one  palace  was  turned  into 
an  institution  of  the  same  sort.  The  royal  palace  of  Bridewell  became 
a  workhouse  or  a  house  of  correction  for  "  ramblers,  dissolute  and 
sturdy  beggars."  Inadequate  as  all  this  was,  it  was  more  than  Henry 
VIII  had  attempted. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  A.  F.  Pollard,  History  of  England,  from  the  Accession  of 
Edward  VI  to  the  Death  of  Elizabeth  (1910),  together  with  Innes,  Lingard, 
Froude,  and  Cambridge  Modern  History.  A.  F.  Pollard,  England  under 
Protector  Somerset  (1900),  the  standard  work  on  the  Protector,  rather  in 
the  nature  of  an  apology. 

Constitutional  and  ecclesiastical :  the  works  already  cited. 

Selections  from  the  sources.    Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  159-162. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 
THE  ENGLISH  COUNTER-REFORMATION.     MARY  (1553-1558) 

Defeat  of  the  Northumberland  Plot  (1553).  —  When  Majryjearned 
of  the  events  in  London  she  tqok-refuge  in  a  fortified  manor  house  in 
Suffolk.  At  once,  loyal  gentlemen  and  theiFTetamers  flocked  toTier 
support.  On  the  other  hand,  London  showed  no  enthusiasm  for 
Lady  Jane  Grey,  and  the  citizens,  alienated  by  the  religious  excesses 
of  the  late  reign  and  the  attempt  to  deprive  the  rightful  heir,  pre- 
served an  ominous  silence  as  Northumberland  led  forth  an  army 
against  the  Marian  forces.  When,  after  his  departure,  Lady  Jane's 
own  father  proclaimed  Mary  as  Queen,  19  July,  they  responded 
joyously  by  ringing  bells,  lighting  bonfires,  and  shouting  applause. 
Northumberland's  troops  dropped  away  as  he  marched,  so,  20  July, 
he  declared  for  Mary  himself,  protesting  tearfully  that  he  knew  her 
to  be  a  merciful  woman.  Ordered  to  disband  his  army,  he  was 
arrested  and  taken  to  London,  and,  3  August,  1553,  the  new  Queen, 
accompanied  by  a  glittering  escort,  rode  into  me  Uity.  jjrler  first 

Gardiner  ,  and  various  other  prisoners. 


Of  those  who  had  plottecTagainst  her  accession  sevefTwere  tried  and 
condemned,  though  only  three  were  executed  ;  even  Lady  Jane  Grey 
was  only  imprisoned  ;  but  Northumberland  tried  in  vain  to  avert  his 
richly  deserved  fate  by  professing  himself  a  Catholic. 

Mary's  Character  and  Policy.  First  Measures  of  the  Reign.  — 
In  spite  of  contemporary  accounts  of  her  beauty,  portraits  of  Queen 
Mary  represent  her  as  prim  and  unprepossessing.  Because  of  her 
unflinching  lovaltv_^Q-4tfeg-motber^and_to_the  okLceligion^  she^had 
smiered  mul^m  her  youth  Jtem  LliL  -harshness  ofJEfrnry  VTTT  and 
his-'agents;  yeb-slWwas  highly  educatedVand  not  only  her  mental 
endowments  but  her  accomplishments  were  uncommon,  while,  not- 
withstanding flurries  of  temper  due  to  her  joyless  existence  and 
constant  ill-health,  she  was  much  loved  by  her  servitors  and  ministers 
for  her  generosity  and  kindness.  Her  dearest  wish  was  to  restore 
England  -to__the_Cnfhr)liri  fold  ;  fnr  that  she^had  embittered  her  life 
anfl  all  but  lost  hfr  birthright  Almost  directly  upon  her  accession 

236 


THE   ENGLISH   COUNTER-REFORMATION  237 

she  issued  a  proclamation  urging  all  men  to  return  to  the  old  faith, 
she  ordered  the  restoration  of  much  of  the  stolen  church  plate,  and 
she  gave  warning  to  "  busy  meddlers  in  religion,"  though  the  formal 
settlement  of  the  religious  problem  was  reserved  to  Parliament. 

The  System  of  Henry  VIII  Restored  by  Parliament  (1553).  —  Par- 
liament, which  met  fi  October,  it; 53,  went  no  farther  than  to  pass  an" 
actl-epealmgalTTaws  of  Edwajyi^  ^feign  affecting_religion  and  the 
Church  and  restoring  the  service  as  it  was  in_the  last  yearTrf  Henry 
VilL  Most  oi  the'me7nberslia^~ho~^Mr^toTe^eTs'e  Henry's  policy 
and  again  to  accept  papal  rule.  There  was  a  general  desire  to  have 
the  Queen  marry  and  settle  the  succession,  though  a  considerable 
majority  opposed  a  plan  to  unite  her  with  Philip,  son  of  the  Emperor' 
Charles  V  and  heir  to  his  Spanish  dominions,  a  plan  designed  tocounter-r 
act  the  Franco-Scot  alliance  and  to  restore  the  power  of  the  Pope  with' 
Imperial  aid.  As  a  protest  against  the  projected  Spanish  matifli,  the 
Commons  prepared  an  address  praying  the  Queen  to  marry  an  English 
noble;  but  Mary,  who  had  determined  on  Philip,  rebuked  them 
sharply.  In  January,  1554,  the  marriage  articles  were  arranged,  and 
upon  terms  most  favorable  to  England.  If  the  Queen  should  die 
without  issue  her  husband  was  to  make  noT'claim^  on  the  succession-. 
On  the  niVipr_hand.  any  childjborn  of  the  marriage  would  succeed 
both  to  theEnglishTCmgrlorn  and  f.ft  PhjTjr^sjnJTeTTFRnrp  irt  tfrrr^ow 
CountriesT^STso,  Philip  agreed  not  to  engage  England  in  his  father's 
wars  with  France. 

Wyatt's  Rebellion  (1554).  —  Popular  opposition  was  aroused  to 
a  pitch  sufficient  to  give  Mary's  enemies  a  chance  to  plan  a  wide- 
spread rebellion,  which,  while  professing  to  free  her  from  her  evil 
councilors  and  to  prevent  the  Spanish  marriage,  really  aimed,  with 
French  help,  to  depose  the  Queen  and  to  set  up  Lady  Jane  Grey  or 
Elizabeth  in  her  place.  But  the  design  leaked  out  prematurely  and 
a  complete  confession  was  wrung  from  one  of  the  leaders.  Three 
separate  outbreaks  had  been  planned.  One  in  Devon  and  one  in  the 
Midlands  were  easily  suppressed,  but  the  third,  starting  in  Kent, 
under  Sir  Thorr^^Jfcatt,1  a  young  Catholic,  was  serious ;  for  he 
succeeded  in  m^l  ws  forces  into  the  heart  of  London  before  he 
could  be  overcoH  K^ut  sixty  of  the  insurgent  leaders,  including 
Wyatt,  were  put  w^BRh,  and  Lady  Jane  Grey  and  her  husband  were 
now  executed  for  their  part  in  the  old  Northumberland  plot.  An 
effort  to  implicate  Elizabeth  failed  from  lack  of  evidence. 

The  Arrival  of  Philip  and  the  Return  to  Rome  (1554).  — Wyatt's 
rebellion  was  followed  by  more  rigorous  measures  against  Protestants. 

1  He  was  a  son  of  the  poet,  v.  p.  228. 


238     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

\Foreign  congregations  were  ordered  to  quit  the  realm,  married  clergy 
jwere  forced  to  give  up  their  wives  or  to  leave  their  benefices,  and 
(altars  were  erected  in  the  village  churches.  On  20  July  Philip  landed 
in  England.  Mary  met  him  at  Winchester,  where,  on  the  25th,  they 
were  married.  After  a  month  of  festivities  the  royal  pair  journeyed  to 
London  with  a  stately  train,  including  twenty-eight  carts  filled  with 
bullion.  But  Philip  was  unable -to  overcome  the  general  aversion 
with  which  he  was  regarded,  and  his  attendants  were  hustled  and 
beaten  in  the  streets.  Parliament  met  again,  12  November,  1554, 
the  sheriffs  had  been  ordered  to  return  men  of  "a  wise,  grave,  and 
Catholic  sort,"  and,  29  November,  in  answer  to  their  petition,  Cardinal 
VPole,  who  had  recently  arrived  as  papal  legate,  solemnly  recerveoTlhe 
realm  "  again  into  the  unity  of  our  own  Mother  the  Holy  Church." 
•This  reunion,  however,  even  with  a  packed  Parliament,  would  never 
have  come  to  pass  but  for  his  assurance  that  the  Pope  had  consented 
to  waive  the  restoration,  of  the  Church  lands.  Parliament  then 
completed  the  revival  of  the  old  order  by  repealing  all  measures 
"  against  the  See  Apostolic  of  Rome  since  the  twentieth  year  of  King 
Henry  VIII,"  and  restoring  all  the  hercay  laws/ 

The  Marian  Persecutions  (1555-1558). — Then  began  four  horrible 
years  of  persecution  which  have"  stained  indelibly  the  memory  of  the 
Queen  and  fastened  upon  her  the  name  of  "  Bloody  Mary."  Up  to 
this  time  comparatively  lenient,  the  national  opposition,  which  had 
manifested  itself  in  armed  rebellion,  really  marked  the  turning  point 
in  her  reign.  Other  causes,  however,  contributed  to  change  her 
policy.  Philip,  who  had  married  her  purely  for  reasons  of  State, 
grew  colder  and  colder,  and  soon  left  the  country,  Jo  return  only  once 
again  when  he  wanted  aid;  then  Mary  was  denied  what  she  most 
desired,  an  heir  to  perpetuate  her  name;  "and r  finally t  heF health, 
never  robust.  gmw~-steadirv-woT5e.  While  these  facts  help  to  explain 
the  cruelty  of  her  methods,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Mary  re- 
garded it  as  her  supreme  duty  to  extirpate  heresy  and  restore  the 
purity  of  the  faith.  Moreover,  the  reformers  were  violently-aktisive ; 
there  was  no  idea  of  toleration  in  those  days,  JMftk^sy  was  regarded 
as  a  loathsome  disease  to  be  stamped  out  atfl  • ;  thousands  on 
the  Continent  suffered  for  their  faith,  andB  Hfi  of  human  life 
and  suffering  were  everywhere  a  feature  of  M^jfF  ^Mjiry_-was-not 
alone_irxthinking  that  obstinate  heretics  should  suffer  death  for  "  the 
reat  horroftjf  their  oncen~se~'ai'id  the  mahifest  example_pf  other 
Christians-"  ;  still,  if  her  lot  had  been  a  happiert5ne~anorEer  subjects 
"EaTTnot  risen  against  her,  she  might  have  softened  her  stern  sense  of 
duty  by  considerations  of  policy  and  humanity. 


THE   ENGLISH   COUNTER-REFORMATION  239 

Parliament  shares  the  blame  for  the  persecutions  which  followed. 
Gardiner,  the  Queen's  cruet  Minister,  adviSecT  the  step ;  but  he  hop~ed 
tEal  a  few  tAdiiiplcij  vwJ±±iE^strfficient,  and  he  died  less  than  a  year 
after  the  persecutions  had  begun.  Pole  was  too  gentle  a  spirit  to 
enter  into  heresy-hunting  with  any  zeal ;  although  Mary  forced  him 
into  line,  he  more  Jthan  once  admonished  the  bishops  to  moderation. 
Philip,  keen  scenter  and  torturer  of  heretics  in  his  own  dominions,  for 
reasons  of  policy  took  no  share  in  the  proceedings  in  England.  Bishop 
Bonner  has  often  been  charged  with  exceptional  activity  and  cruelty, 
but  he  seldom  spoke  at  the  examinations,  while,  after  an  accused 
person  had  been  condemned,  he  often  worked  secretly  to  make  him 
recant.  Furthermore,  the  Queen  frequently  had  to  spur  his  lagging 
zeal.  His  reputation  seems  to  have  been  due  to  the  fact  that  there 
were  more  executions  in  his  diocese  than  elsewhere,  but  it  con- 
tained the  bulk  of  the  heretics ;  and,  when  he  felt  duty  bound  to  pro- 
ceed with  energy,  he  was  hot-tempered  and  treated  prisoners  roughly, 
but  more  likely  to  frighten  them  into  recanting  than  because  he  was 
bloodthirsty. 

The  Martyrs.  —  Mary's  victims  numbered  nearly  ^300.  a  total 
greater  than  that  in  Henry  VIII's  reign  of  thirty-eight  years  or 
Elizabeth's  of  forty-five.  At  the  stake  many  faithful  ministers  of 
devoted  flocks,  and  humble  artisans  and  tillers  of  the  soil  as  well, 
showed  unflinching  courage  and  serene  imperviousness  to  frightful 
torture.  In  the  pages  of  Fox's  Martyrs  their  names  shine  brightly 
with  those  of  their  fellow  sufferers  high  in  social  or  church  rank.  On 
16  October,  1555,  Bishop  Latimer,  the  matchless  popular  orator,  and 
Bishop  Ridley  were  burned  at  Oxford.  At  the  stake  he  called  to  his 
weaker  companion :  "  Be  of  good  comfort,  Master  Ridley,  we  shall 
this  day  light  such  a  candle  by  God's  grace  in  England  as,  I  trust, 
shall  never  be  put  out."  He  received  the  flame  as  if  embracing  it, 
crying  vehemently  in  his  own  English  tongue :  "  Father  in  Heaven, 
receive  my  soul."  Cranmer,  perplexed  and  fearful  of  suffering, 
signed  at  least  six  recantations  before  he  was  finally  condemned. 
Yet  his  end  was  truly  heroic.  Confessing  himself  "  a  wretched 
caitiff  and  a  miserable  sinner,"  he  thrust  first  into  the  flames  the 
hand  which  had  signed  the  recantation,  crying:  "This  hand  hath 
offended."  He  perished,  20  March,  1556.  The  effect  upon  the 
people  was  tremendous.  The  Primate  of  the  National  Church,  the 
author  of  the  beautiful  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  had  been  martyred 
for  an  ecclesiastical  system  which  an  English  King  and  an  English 
Parliament  had  discarded.  Plainly  such  examples  encouraged  rather 
than  frightened  the  weaker.  Even  the  most  devoted  Romanists 


240      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

recoiled,   but   the   stern  misguided   Queen  persisted  in  the  useless 
butchery. 

War  with  France  (1557).  Loss  of  Calais  (1558). — Everything, 
however,  worked  against  her.  A  new  Pope.  Paul  IV.  insisted  upon 
the  restoration  of  the  Church  lands,  tlms__aiiejmtin^^ma.ny_]o|  her 
Catholic  supportersT~~  In  March,  f557,  Philip,  during  the  course  of 
aHJiree  months1  visit",  succeeded  in'drawing  the^fenglish  intojijvar 
between  Spain  and  France  which  had  just  broken  out.  An  excuse 
was" furnished  by  anti-Marian  plots,  supposed,  in  spite  of  his  denial, 
to  have  been  assisted  by  the  French  King;  but  the  result  of  this 
violation  of  the  marriage  treaty  was  most  humiliating  and  damning 
to  Mary.  On  6  January,  15.^8,  Calais,  the  last  English  possession 
on  French  soil,  was  captured  by  fop  French .  Three  months  later 
Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  was  married  to  the  Dauphin.  At  home  the 
EngTTsK  prospects  were  as~da,rk-anel~threatening  as  they  were  abroad. 
An  ague  fever  raged  through  the  land  during  the  summer  and  autumn 
of  1557  and  1558,  corn  was  dear,  trade  and  agriculture  languished, 
and  heavy  taxes  were  imposed  to  meet  the  cost  of  the  unsuccessful 
and  unpopular  war. 

Death  of  Queen  Mary  (1558).  —  In  the  midst  of  sullen  discontent 
engendered  by  persecution,  foreign  and  papal  intermeddling,  financial 
stress,  and  national  humiliation,  Mary,  long  ailing  in  health  and  broken 
down  by  a  cumulation  of  disappointments,  succumbed  to  the  prevail- 
ing epidemic.  The  loss  of  Calais  was  the  crowning  grief.  "  When 
I  am  dead  and  opened,"  she  said  in  her  last  illness,  "  you  will  find 
Calais  lying  upon  my  heart."  She  died  17  November,  1558.  Pole, 
who  had  succeeded  Cranmer  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  followed 
her  to  the  grave  within  a  few  hours.  In  a  prayer  book,  said  to  be  hers, 
the  pages  which  contain  the  prayers  for  the  unity  of  the  Holy  Cath- 
olic Church  are  stained  with  tears  and  much  handling.  H^rmarriage 
to  Philip  was  the  greatest  mistake  of  her  life ;  it  outraged  national 
sentiment  and  ruihe3jwhaTcha«ee^ there  was"  of  making  herjrejigious 
policyprevaiu7  whilejhe  oppositions'  wMctrit-extitedT^nd^its  ^ther 
unhappy  consequences,  accpntjjatpH  her  a.nstp.rp.  aen^jQfjj^ty  into 
blintftarraticisnT: — 

~nre~Resuits  of  the  Marian  Exile.  —  The  Activity1  of  the  Marian 
exiles,  who  flooded  the  country  with  furious  and  inflammatory  writ- 
ings, made  the  lot  of  those  who  remained  behind  much  harder  than 
it  might  otherwise  have  been.  At  the  beginning  of  the  reign  all 
foreign  exiles  had  been  ordered  to  leave  the  realm  within  twenty-four 
days  under  pain  of  imprisonment  and  loss  of  goods.  About  800 
migrated,  together  with  200  English  disciples.  During  their  sojourn 


THE  ENGLISH   COUNTER-REFORMATION  241 

abroad,  Calvinism  took  a  firm  hold  upon  the  Marian  exiles,  an  earnest 
and  thinking  class.  On  their  re'turn  under  Elizabeth  they  brought 
back  and  spread  their  views  among  their  countrymen,  with  marked 
effect  upon  England's  future  religion  and  politics. 

Calvinism.  —  Calvinism  had  two  sides.  The  cornerstone  of  its 
. doctrine  was  predestination,  which  came  to  be  accepted  even  by  many 
loyal  members  of  the  Church  of  England.  Then  there  was  its  system 
of  Church  government,  which  substituted  for  the  Episcopal  hierarchy 
a  series  of  representative  assemblies.  Each  church  had  its  "  kirk 
session,"  consisting  of  the  pastor  or  "  presbyter  "  and  a  body  of 
elders  chosen  by  the  congregation.  These  were  grouped  into  "  presby- 
teries, or  classes,"  which,  in  their  turn,  were  grouped  into  "  synods." 
Finally  there  was  the  "  general  assembly,"  composed  of  represen- 
tatives from  the  smaller  bodies,  and  exercising  jurisdiction  over 
the  whole.  This  Calvinistic  system  ultimately  came  to  be  the  form 
established  in  Scotland.  In  England,  where  it  never  received  any 
official  sanction,  it  was  adopted  by  an  aggressive  and  influential 
class  and  played  an  important  part  in  public  affairs  for  over  a  century. 

TTp  to  fhp  time  nf  Calvin  thp  principle  of  the  Reformation  had 
tes&jcujus  regio,  ejus  religio,  meaning ^the  religion  of  the  ruler  shall 
be  the  religion  of  the  lancL^  That  had  been,  and  was  to  remain,  the 
oasis  oi  settlement  in  Germany  and  in  England.  Calvinism,  on  the 
other  hand,  like  Roman  Catholicism,  was  opposed  to  national  in- 
dependence and  State  control.  Each  claimed  to  be  a  universal 
Church  superior  to  all  rulers.  The  State  was  regarded  as  thp  servant^ 
ITot  the  master  of  the  Cnurch.  Yet  there  was  one  fundamental 
difference  between  the  two.  The  Roman  organization  was  monar- 
chical, while  the  Calvinistic  was,  in  theory  at  least,  republican.  The 
pastors  and  elders  were  supposed  to  be  the  representatives,  the  chosen 
instruments  of  the  congregation.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  wherever 
Calvinism  got  a  foothold  the  presbyters  sought  to  gain  complete 
control  in  political  as  well  as  religious  affairs.  This  is  the  chief 
reason  why  the  mass  of  Englishmen  ultimately  rejected  it ;  not,  how- 
ever, before  it  had  accomplished  a  great  work,  in  helping  to  make  the 
Reformation  something  more  than  a  transference  of  religious  head- 
ship from  Pope  to  King. 

The  Scotch  Reformation.  John  Knox.  —  The  overthrow  of  the 
Church  of  Rome  in  Scotland  is  unique  in  that  it  was  brought  about, 
not  under  the  leadership  of,  but  in  opposition  to,  the  Sovereign. 
After  the  death  of  James  V  the  control  of  the  government  was  grad- 
ually secured  by  Cardinal  Beaton  and  the  Queen  Dowager,  who 
finally  became  Regent,  in  1554.  In  her  effort  to  maintain  Roman 


242     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Catholic  ascendancy  under  a  French  alliance  there  were  three  elements 
ranged  against  her :  the  Protestants,  the  anti-French  party,  and  the 
nobles,  poor  and  greedy,  who  coveted  the  riches  of  the  Church.  The 
burning  of  George  Wishart,  i  March,  1546,  occasioned  the  first  rising, 
when  a  body  of  nobles  banded  together  and  murdered  in  his  bed, 
29  May,  Cardinal  Beaton,  the  great  and  worldly  Archbishop  of  St. 
Andrew's,  author  of  Wishart's  death.  Seizing  the  Castle  of  St. 
Andrew's  they  were  joined  by  many  of  the  anti-Catholic,  anti-French 
party.  Among  those  who  came  was  John  Knox  (1505-1572)  who, 
more  than  any  other  man,  was  the  author  and  organizer  of  the  Scotch 
Reformation.  Hard,  narrow  he  was,  but  a  born  leader,  eloquent  and 
fearless.  In  July,  1547,  when  the  castle  surrendered  to  a  combined 
force  of  French  and  Scots,  he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  served  in  the 
French  galleys  till  February,  1549.  Then  he  became  a  preacher  in 
England,  but,  shortly  after  Mary's  accession,  fled  to  the  Continent. 
There  he  met  Calvin,  whose  views  he  adopted,  and  settled  in  Geneva 
as  minister  of  the  English  congregation.  In  the  autumn  of  1555  he 
paid  a  brief  visit  to  Scotland,  during  which  he  started  an  organization 
of  the  nobles  that  resulted,  3  December,  1557,  in  a  bond  or  "  covenant" 
to  "  establish  the  most  blessed  word  of  God."  The  signatories,  or 
"  Lords  of  the  Congregation,"  as  they  were  called,  were  actuated 
partly  by  political  motives  and  hope  of  gain,  but  a  petition,  framed 
in  1558,  shows  that  they  demanded  reform  in  the  Church;  "the 
right  of  public  and  private  prayer  in  common  speech,  of  explaining 
and  expounding  the  Scriptures,  and  of  communion  in  both  kinds." 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Pollard,  Innes,  Lingard,  Froude,  and  Cambridge  Modern 
History.  M.  J.  Stone,  Mary  I,  Queen  of  England  (1901) ;  an  apology  for 
Mary. 

Constitutional  and  ecclesiastical  as  above.  John  Fox,  Acts  and  Monu- 
ments, popularly  known  as  the  Book  of  Martyrs  (first  published  in  1563, 
best  edition  Townshend's,  8  vols.,  1843-1849)  although  marred  by  inaccu- 
racies and  bias ;  this  is  the  classic  contemporary  account  of  the  Marian 
Martyrs. 

Selections  from  the  sources.    Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  163-166. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

THE  ELIZABETHAN  RELIGIOUS  SETTLEMENT  AND  THE  EARLY 
YEARS  OF  THE  REIGN  (1558-1572) 

Elizabeth's  Accession  and  Character.  —  When  Elizabeth  received 
the  news  that  she  was  Queen  of  England  she  cried :  "  This  is  the 
Lord's  doing,  and  it  is  marvelous  in  our  eyes."  It  was  a  great  heritage 
and  one  which  brought  with  it  tremendous  problems  for  a  young  woman 
of  twenty-five.  The  new  Queen,  however,  was  endowed  with  rare 
qualities  which  had  been  sharpened  by  hard  schooling  in  the  world 
of  men  and  books.  Hers  was  a  puzzling  contradictory  nature,  though 
the  gold  glittered  brightly  through  the  dross.  While  vain,  uncertain 
of  temper,  and  unscrupulous,  she  united  imperious  dignity  with  pru- 
dence and  tact,  and  was  an  adept  in  the  art  of  concealing  her  meaning 
in  well  sounding  words.  Her  physical  vigor  and  endurance  were  re- 
markable, she  could  hunt  all  day,  dance  or  watch  masques  and  pageants 
all  night,  and  when  necessary  apply  herself  unremittingly  to  business. 

Her  Diplomatic  Courtships.  —  Her  youth  had  only  been  less  hard 
than  that  of  her  sister  Mary.  Parental,  brotherly,  and  sisterly  affec- 
tion were  all  excluded  from  her  life.  Her  first  love  affair  was  with 
Somerset's  self-seeking  brother,  who  aimecTto  use  her  as  an  instrument 
of  his  ambition,  and,  freeing  herself  only  with  dimcuiTy~from  the  charge 
ofcompT>idiLy"~lrTnis  plots,  she  ceased  henceforth  to  trust  any  one. 
Thomas  Seymour  was  the  first  of  a  long  line  of  suitors,  though  her 
subsequent  courTships  were  merely  a  part  of  the  great  diplomatic  game 
which  she  played  so  successfully  throughout  her  reign.  While  to  gain 
political  advantage  she  led  men  on,  she  was  determined  never  to  marry. 
This  question,  as  well  as  that  of  the  succession,  she  was  bound  that 
Parliament  should  not  discuss,  and  members  who  presumed  to  disobey 
were  overwhelmed  with  her  wrath.  Elizabeth  was  as  lacking  in  reli- 
gious sense  as  shej^as-ia-sefuple  and  3elicacy ;  she  had  no  sympathy 
wrfch  tho  advgfTced  Protestantism  of  Edward's  reign  and  still  less  with 
Mary's  Roman  Catholic  restoration. 

Elizabeth's  Favorites  and  Councilors.  —  Sure  that  they  would  not 
influence  her  judgment  at  crises,  the  Queen  all  through  life  indulged 

243 


I 


244     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

her  passion  for  the  flattery  of  handsome,  accomplished  men  and  kept 
a  large  following  of  favorites.  The  chief  of  them  all  was  Robert  Dud- 
ley, Earl  of  Leicester^json  of  the  notorious  Northumberland;  his 

^tep-sonTT^oSert  Devereux,  Earl  of  Essex,  was  "  a  pleasing  and  fruit- 
less oEject "  whom  ElizaBeElTEodlnip  in  hfeold  age  ;  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
with  far  greater  abilities  and  merits  than  either,  came  to  a  tragic  end 
in  the  next  reign.  For  serious  business  Elizabeth  chose  good,  wise 
Ministers.  William  Cecil,  Lord  Burghley  (1520-1598),  was  her  chief 
advisor  for  forty  years ;  though  lacking  the  vision  andJdeals_cII2^e 
highest  "type  of  statesmanship,  he  was  cautious,  sane,  methodical,  and 
amazingly  industriou^.  Francis"  Walsingham  |i  530-1  SQO)  ,  who  served 
as  Secretary  of  State  from  1573  till  his  death,  was  a  zealous  Protes- 
^pnf^nnya1p«Q^r^hjs_skill_in  uiiidveliuu  plots  against  flJeTtnTone, 
and  excellently  versed_in  foreign  afjairs.  In  spite  of  their  capacity 
and  devotion  Elizabeth  was  often  at  odds  with  her  Ministers,  largely 
because  of  their_eycessive  Protestant^zeaL Her  outlook  wasTdoubtless 
broader  than  theirs^  tor  Awhile  they  were  convinced  that  the  only  hope 
of  safety  lay  in  a  rigid  anti-Catholic  regime,  she  saw  the  wisdom  of 
attaching  moderates  of  both  parties  to  her  side,  realizing  that  if  she 
committed  herself  to  the  jiltnjjEratestant  policy  it  would  inevitably 
provoke  civil  and  foreign  war. 

Her  Problems  and  Policy.  —  The  exhausted  country  was  deeply^ 
in  debt.     Two  parties  nf  religions  extremists  Wprp  striving  for  mastery. 

*  Mary~had  been  dragged  by  her  Spanish  consort  into  a  disastrous  war 
with  France,  and  the  French  King,  with  one  foot  on  Calais  and  another 
in  Scotland,  loomed  up  doubly  threatening.  Foreign  Powers  and  many 
^>f  Elizabeth's  own  subjects  held  her  to  be  a  heretic  and  no  true  heii. 
of  her  father^  and  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  the  next  Qjfkr>flr>Y  kpir,jy  c 
united  in  marriage  10  th e  Da  i iph i n  Spain,_too,  migbt^conceivably 
Cumpube1  lleF political  differences  with  her  northern  neighbor  and  CQm- 
bine  in  a  grand  Cathnlir.  a.nja.nrp  to  crush  one  of  the  few  remaining 
o^utpoSts-  of  rrqTgsTantism.  It  was  the  aim  of  Elizabeth  to  prevent 
this.  But  she  sought  to  achieve  herjjurpose  by  diplomacy,  steering 
clear  of  wars  and  alliances,  and  contenting  herself  with  occasional  — 
so  far  as  possible  secret  —  aid  to  the  Protestants  in  Scotland  and  the 
Netherlands  and  the  Huguenots  in  France.  There  were  three  reasons : 
she  desired  to  give  her  overburdened  country  a  chance  to  rest  aiigMff, 
develop  its  resources;  moreover,  she  hoped  by  preservin^jeutrajity. 
to  unite  all  classes  of  subjects  irrespprtivp  r>f  party  •  finally,  she  was 
proud  of  her  diplomatic  j^jfts,  thnnpft  hpr  diplomacy  was  .frequently 
nothing  but  tteceit: — ¥eT7~with  all  her  pettiness,  Elizabeth-had  a  true 
love  foTtlePpeople,  and  in  times  of  stress  could  rise  to  the  noblest 


THE   ELIZABETHAN   RELIGIOUS   SETTLEMENT 


245 


heights.     In  general,  her  hesitating  policy  was  best,  since  it  enabled 
her  jpjplay  off^nn  flirting  ffljypg  <~>"p_as;ainst_another,thereby  gaining 


_ 

ips)  -thr  healing  properties  of  which  she  understoocTscTwelir'  The 
result  was  that  she  left  Protestantism  established  on  a  secure  founda- 
tion, she  insured  a  peaceful  succession  which  led  to  ultimate  union 
with  Scotland,  she  found  poverty  and  strife  and  left  prosperity  and 
national  unity. 

Peace  with  France  (1559).  —  One-ajjjiejiew  Queen^sfirst  steps  was 
to  refuse  an  offerof  marriage  from  Philip  II  and  to  declafe~to~PaTria- 
ment  her  intention  to  remain  single,  which  meant  that  with  the  helrrof 
her  people  she  was  to  solve  her  problems  independently,  not  as  a  prov- 
ince of  Spain.  In  April,  .1550,  she  made  peace  with  France  by  yield- 
ing Calais,  a  concession  which  relieved  the  country  of  great  expense 
and  helped  in  the  withdrawal  from  foreign  complications. 

The  Acts  of  Supremacy  and  Uniformity  (1559).  —  While  extricating 
the  State  from  foreign  entanglements  Elizabeth  also  had  turned  her 
attention  to  the  religious  settlement.  By__steering  a_middle__course 
she  sought  to  unite  the  moderates  of  both  parties  against  theextrem- 
ists  ;  THOfeeverT""  new-tangledness  "  repelled  her  because  IF  stood 
for  popular  or  clerical  control,  while  Romanism  meant  subordination 
to  the  Pope.  Parliament,  after  a  hard  struggle,  carried  in  April,  1559, 
two  Acts  embodying  the  Elizabethan  Settlement,  which,  save  for  a 
fewTalenhodifications,  is  practically  that  ofthe  Church  of  England 
to-day.  By  the  first  of  these  Acts  —  popularly  known  as  the  "  Act^pf 
Supremacy  "  —  the  reactionary  legislatipno^Marjr  was  repealgd-aad 
mosL  of  the  anti-papanaws  of  Henry  Vlllwere  restored.  A  few  of 
Henry's  claims~were-«ot--fevived  ;  for-exampIeTin  place  of  the  title 
of  "  Supreme  Head,"  Elizabeth  assumed  that  of  "  Supreme  Governor  " 
of  the  Church,  thus  avoiding  offense  to  the  Catholics  who  recognized 
only  the  Pope,  and  to  the  Puritans  who  accepted  Christ  alone  as  Head. 
Obedience  to  the  Act  was  secured  by  an  oath  imposed  upon  all  clergy- 
men and  holders  of  civil  office,  while  those  who  maintained  the  author- 
ity of  any  foreign  prince  or  prelate  were  subject  to  severe  penalties. 
The  second  measure,  the  "  Act  of  Uniformity  ofCommon  Prayer/^ 
enforced  the  form  of  service~tif  a  iiewly^reyiseoTPfaver  JRnnk  qpd  prn-_ 
hibited  all  others.  Ministers  who  disobeyed  were  punished,  and  every 
one  refusing  to  go  to  church  had  to  pay  a  fine.  Submission  to  the 
Established  Church  was  regarded  as  a  test  of  loyalty  to  the  State  ; 
and,  in  those  troublous  times,  disobedience  was  regarded  as  the  blackest 
of  crimes.  For  the  time  being,  the  Elizabethan  Settlement  apparently 
satisfied  all  but  a  few  extremists  among  the  rank  and  file,  though  the 
bishops,  all  but  one  of  whom  opposed  it,  either  fled  abroad  or  were  de- 


246     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

prived  and  imprisoned.  Matthew  Parker  (1504-1575)  was  conse- 
crated Archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  place  of  Pole.  Wise  and  moderate 
as  well  as  learned,  he  desired  ever  to  conciliate,  though  he  was  later 
forced  into  sharp  opposition  against  the  Puritans. 

The  Triumph  of  the  Scotch  Protestants  (1559-1560).  —  No  sooner 
had  Elizabeth  brought  English  affairs  into  some  degree  of  order  than 
she  was  drawn  into  the  struggle  across  the  Border.  John  Knox  re- 
turned to  Scotland  in  1559  and  at  once  took  the  lead  against  the  Regent. 
An  attempt  to  suppress  the  Protestant  preachers  furnished  the  im- 
mediate occasion,  but  back  of  it  was  a  growing  feeling  against  French 
influence.  The^Lords  of  the  Congregating  who  fnrnjshed.Knox's 
fighting  force,  applied  to  Elizabeth  forjiid.  Fearing  to  gotooTaFlest 
sheTmghTgeT  a  precedent  for  foreign  Powers  to  combine  with  her 
Catholic  subjects  to  drive  her  from  her  throne,  she  agreed  to  assist  the 
Scots^in  expelling  the  French,,  provided  they  continued  to  acknowledge 
their~Queen,  Tvlary,  wiie  ot  Francis  II  of  France.1  Since  the  French 
were  fully  occupied  by  internal  troubles,  and  since  the  masterful  Regent 
died,  in  June,  1560,  the  Lords  of  the  Congregation,  with  such  help  as 
they  got  from  the  cautious  Elizabeth,  were  able  to  overcome  the  Franco- 
Catholic  party.  In  August,  1560,  they  called  a  meeting  of  the  Estates, 
which  renounced  the  authority  of  the  Pope,  and  forbade  the  saying 
or  hearing  mass  under  penalties  culminating  in  death  for  the  third 
offense. 

Mary's  Return  to  Scotland  (1561).  —  In  December,  1560,  Francis  II 
died,  and  in  August  of  the  following  year  Mary  returned  to  Scotland. 
Her  guiding  aim  was  to  secure  the  succession' to  the  English  throne. 
Hef^rcempUshments,-added-^o^her  perso"fiaT~charm,  made  heF  well- 
nigh  irresistible,  and  she  was  daring,  persistent,  and  unscrupulous  as 
well.  In  her  struggle  with  Elizabeth,  however,  she  was  handicapped 
by  various  disadvantages  besides  inferior  resources.  Her  loves  and 
hates  frequently  prevailed  over  her  State  policy,  whereas  Elizabeth, 
equally  fearless  and  unscrupulous,  always  kept  her  feelings  under  con- 
trol /Elizabeth's  interests,  too,  were  generally  identical  with  those  of 
the  Bnglish  people,  while  Mary  looked  on  the  Scotch  solely  as  a  means 
of  furthering  her  own  ambitions.  In  spite  of  herself,  Mary  advanced 
the  cause  of  the  Reformation.  Her  claims  to  the  English  throne 
forced  Elizabeth  to  seek  the  support  of  her  Protestant  subjects  and 
drew  patriotic  Catholics  to  her  side ;  it  also  insured  to  Protestant  Eng- 
land the  friendship  of  Philip  II  as  a  counterpoise  to  Franco-Scotch 
ascendancy,  while  a  similar  fear  led  Elizabeth  to  lend  effective,  if 
grudging,  aid  to  the  Protestant  Iords7\ 

1  He  succeeded  his  father,  H/enry  II,  July,  1559. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN  RELIGIOUS   SETTLEMENT  247 

Mary's  Marriage  to  Darnley  (1565).  —  In  the  course  of  a  few  years, 
partly  owing  to  her  winning  graces,  partly  to  the  repellent  austerity 
of  Knox  and  his  ministers,  Mary  had  gained  great  strength,  when  suH- 
d^nly,  70  J'lly,  T^'  sne  married  her  cousin  Lord  Darnley.  Thus  she 
j  broke  away  from  her  half  brother  Lord  James  StewarF,1  leader  of  the 
dominant  Protestants,  and  put  herself  at  the  head  of  the  Catholic 
[party  in  Scotland  and  England.  Her  motives  in  this  marriage  were 
j  political,  not  romantic ;  for  Darnley  was  next  to  herself  in  the  succes- 
sion and  of  her  own  faith.  The  Catholic  cause  seemed  triumphant. 
Moray  and  the  Protestant  lords,  after  an  unsuccessful  appeal  to  arms, 
fled  to  England,  and  Mary  set  to  work  to  induce  the  French  and  Span- 
ish to  sink  their  political  jealousies  in  a  common  war  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  Protestantism.  She  was  destined  to  bitter  disappointment. 

Darnley's  Breach  with  Mary.  His  Murder  (1567). — Darnley 
proved  weak,  dissipated,  and  presuming.  His  excesses  disgusted 
the  Queen,  while  he,  infuriated  at  his  exclusion  from  all  authority, 
laid  the  blame  on  Mary's  secretary  David  Rizzio.  So  he  was  easily 
persuaded  to  enter  into  a  bond  with  the  exiled  lords  to  bring  them  back 
and  dispose  of  his  rival.  On  9  March,  1566,  he  burst  into  the  Queen's 
chamber  in  Holy  rood  Palace,  followed  by  a  body  of  armed  men  who 
tore  Rizzio  from  her  skirts  where  he  clung  for  protection,  dragged  him 
to  the  door,  stabbed  him,  and  flung  his  body  down  the  stairs.  Mary 
met  the  situation  with  promptness  and  decision.  Feigning  reconcili- 
ation with  her  ineffectual  Consort,  she  drew  him  from  his  fellow  con- 
spirators, and  restored  to  favor  such  of  the  Protestant  lords  as  had 
not  been  involved  in  the  crime.  However,  her  natural  aversion  to 
Darnley  was  rendered  complete  by  a  passionate  attachment  which  she 
formed  for  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  a  reckless,  aspiring  noble,  who,  although 
a  Protestant,  was  the  declared  enemy  of  Moray.  It  was  at  this  junc- 
ture that,  9  February,  1567,  Kirk  O'Field,  the  house  in  which  Darnley, 
just  recovering  from  a  serious  illness,  was  lodged,  was  blown  up  and 
his  dead  body  was  found  in  the  adjoining  garden.  Mary,  who  brought  I 
him  to  the  house,  had  left  him,  only  a  few  hours  before  the  explosion.! 

Mary's  Flight  to  England.     Her  Captivity  (1569-1587).  — Though  I 
Bothwell  was  accused  with  one  voice,  no  one  dared  to  appear  against  / 
him.    After  his  acquittal  at  a  trial  which  was  nothing  more  than  a 
farce,  he  took  Mary  captive,  apparently  by  arrangement  planned  with  \ 
her  beforehand.     Having  secured  a  divorce  from  his  own  wife,  he  and  \ 
the  Queen  were  married,  15  May,  1567.     This  outrageous  proceeding 
led  to  a  revolt  —  in  which  Mary  was  overcome.     Bothwell  escaped 
while  she  herself  was  imprisoned  in  Lochleven  Castle,  forced  to  yield 

1  Earl  of  Moray  in  1562. 


248     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  throne  to  her  infant  son,  James,  born  ig  June,  1566,  and  to  nomi- 
nate Moray  Regent.  She  escaped  after  a  few  months  only  to  receive 
another  defeat,  May,  1568,  when,  in  despair,  she  fled  across  the  Border, 
threw  herself  on  th£_siiBBQrt  ofElizabeth,  aind  demanded  a  hearing 
against  her  subjects.  After  a  Txxiy  of  Commissioners,  representing 
the  two  Queens  and  the  rebellious  Scots,  had  delayed  for  months  on 
the  case  Elizabeth  was  able  to  announce  a  characteristically  in- 
definite conclusion,  blaming  neither  party.  Nevertheless,  Mary  was 
held  a  captive  for  nearly  twenty  years.  (Fortunately  for  England, 
the  French  and  Spanish  Kings  were  for  a  time  fully  occupied  with  their 
own  affairs,  and,  in  spite  of  the  danger  of  rousing  the  Catholics,  Mary 
proved  a  valuable  hostage) 

The  Rising  of  the  Northern  Earls  (1569).  —  Not  long  after  Mary's 
arrival  in  England  the  plotting  began.  Thomas,  Duke  of  Norfolk, 
planned  to  marry  her.  Lacking  courage  to  declare  himself,  he,  never- 
theless, aroused  Elizabeth's  suspicions,  who  had  him  locked  up  in  the 
Tower,  October,  1569.  A  fortnight  after  his  arrest  a  great  rebellion 
broke  out  in  the  north.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Pilgrimage  of  Grace, 
the  movement  was  due  to  a  mixture  of  religious,  political  and  economic 
causes.  However,  me  specific  demands  of  the  insurgents  were  the 
restoration  of  the  old-religion,  the  purging  of  new  men  from  the  Council, 
the  release  of  Norfolk,  and  the  restoration  of  Mary  to  her  throne) 
Once  more,  however,  lack  of  concert  among  them  proved  fatal,  with 
the  result  that  the  Queen's  army  was  soon  able  to  restore  order.  How- 
ever, a  strong  party  still  survived  who  firmly  believed  that  Elizabeth 
had  no  right  to  rule  and  that  it  was  their  religious  duty  to  put  Mary 
Stuart  in  her  place ;  they  looked  to  Rome  for  support,  and,  when  occa- 
sion offered,  intrigued  with  Spain  and  France. 

i  Elizabeth  and  the  Catholics.  —  Elizabeth  sought  to  meet  the  Roman 
Catholic  danger  in  two  ways :  abroad,  by  stirring  up  the  Protestant 
subjects  of  the  rulers  whom  she  feared ;  at  home,  by  restrictive  legis- 
lation. She  demanded  only  outward  conformity ;  for,  as  she  proudly 
declared,  she  "  made  no  windows  into  men's  souls."  Moreover,  noorie' 
was  put  to  deathfoj  ^ff'on  ^rrngthp  first  seventeen  years  ofner 
reign!  Persecution  was  forced  upon  heVby  prditkal  necessity: — While 
ItbeTrFy  of  worship  was  forbidden  from  the  first,  the  restrictions  later 
imposed  were  due  in  most  cases  to  aggressions  from  Rome  or  to  marked 
successes  of  the  Catholic  cause  abroad.  The  events  of  1562  illustrate 
this.  The  Pope  struck  a  hard  blow  at  the  loyalty  of  the  moderate 
Catholics  by  a  brief  in  which  he  denounced  the  Prayer  Book  and  for- 
bade the  faithful  to  attend  the  services  of  the  Church  of  England.  In 
France  the  Huguenots,  or  Protestants,  met  with  a  series  of  reverses, 


THE  ELIZABETHAN  RELIGIOUS   SETTLEMENT  249 

and  English  troops,  which  Elizabeth  had  reluctantly  sent  to  their  aid, 
were  driven  out  of  Havre.    The  result  was  a  series  of  measures-,  .aimed 
to  offset  these  papal  assertions  and  gains.     So  the  Forty-two_ 
revised  and  rpHnrpHto^jbirty-njpp;t  were  adopted  by  Conv<j 
1563  ;  *  ~wrlite  an  AcfofParliament  extendedthe  Oath  of 
to  member's  Ot  the  House  of  Commons,  to^scEoolmastersT^ric 
FiTrrbermore,  the  Court  of High. .CWn  mission,  ajithori? 
of  Supremacy,  began  actively  to,inquire  into  the  faith  of  the** 

The  Counter-Reformation.  '-/There"  was  still  great 
England  might  be  engulfed  hr-the  "  Counter-reformation, ''ks  the 
great  movement  was  called  by  which  the  Church  of  Rome  sought  to 
reform  itself  and  to  recover  the  countries  which  had  broken  away. 
Practically  every  spark  of  heresy  was  stamped  out  in  Spain  and  Italy, 
France  was  retained  by  hard  fighting,  so  were  ten  of  the  seventeen 
provinces  in  the  Low  Countries,  while  Poland,  Southern  Germany,  and, 
later,  Bohemia,  were  all  won  back.  Four  main  factors  pla^gd_a_jie- 
qsive  part  in  the  Roman  Catholic  renascence.  First,  zealous  and 
religious  Popes  were  elected.  Secondly,  the  counsels  of  progressive 
and  higrT-thinking  men  began  to  hp  hparH)  who  s7mghlTTo~Teg~eTrerate 
the  Church  from  within  in  order  to  tempt  back  those  who  had  wandered 
from  the  fold.  Steps  even  toward  reconciliation  with  the  Lutherans 
were  undertaken  by  progressive  Italian  Catholics ;  but  were  checked 
by  Francis  I  who  persuaded  Paul  III  that  religious  unity  in  Germany 
would  make  Charles  V  dangerously  strong.  So  the  question  was  re- 
served for  a  General  Council  soon  to  meet  at  Trent. 

Before  it  came  together  a  new  religious  order  sprang  into  being,  the 
influence  of  which  prevented  all  reconciliation. 

The  Jesuits.  —  This  third  and  most  aggressive  £a£tQF-UL4&e  regen- 
eration of  the^Cbm-ch  —  the  Tamous  Society  of  Jesus  —  was  the  crea- 
ttoftjif-ignalius  Lm^ola,  a  Spanish  knight,  who  developed  a  wonderful 
organization,  the  members  of  which,  pledged  to  absolute  obedience, 
were  to  be  Christian  soldiers  in  a  grand  spiritual  campaign  to  convert 
all  outside  the  pale  of  the  Church  and  to  suppress  free  thought  and 
inquiry  within.  The  Society  received  the  papal  sanction  in  1540, 
and  Loyola  became  its  first  general  in  1541.  Training  schools  and 
colleges  were  established ;  and  the  Order,  which  numbered  thousands 
and  extended  over  Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  and  America,  was  divided 
into  provinces,  each  under  a  provincial,  while  the  general  at  Rome 
wielded  power  over  Popes  and  Princes.2 

1  Ratified  by  Parliament  in  1571.. 

2  They  were  greatly  assisted  in  their  work  of  suppression,  by  the  Inquisition, 
an  institution  as  old  as  the  twelfth  century;    but  which,  with  an  elaborate  or- 


250     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  Council  of  Trent  (1545-1563).  The__Council  '  of  Trent,  the 
fourth  factor  in  counteracting  the  Protestant  Reformation,  was  opened 
in  1545,  and  continued  its  session  intermittently  till  1563.  Here  the 
Jesuits  prevailed  over  the  party  of  mediation.  The  leading  doctrines 
'oF~Protestantism,  such  as  individual  interpretation  of  the  Bible  and 
justification  by  faith,  were  condemned  ;  the  chief  dogmas  of  the  Church 
were  defined  more  rigidly,  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope  was  reaffirmed. 
glaring  abuses  were  reformed,  and  stricter  disrjpljpp 


Thus  reformed  and  reorganized,  strengthened  by  the  terrible  arm  of 
the  Inquisition,  the  Church  of  Rome  under  pious  and  energetic  Popes 
sought  the  support  of  Spain  and  France,  and  started  anew  on  its  road 
of  recovery  and  conquest.  England,  however,  who  had  so  much  to 
fear  from  this  powerful  combination,  was  to  enjoy  a  period  of  respite. 
Philip  II,  keen  enough  to  reestablish  the  power  of  the  Church,  wa 
held  back  for  some  years  by  fear  of  France,  who  aimed  to  extend 
power  across  the  Channel  by  making  Mary  Stuart  Queen  of  Englanc 
During  the  interval,  the  French  Government  was  occupied  in  a  serie 
of  religious  wars  with  the  Huguenots,  while  Philip  himself  was  calk 
upon  to  face  a  revolt  of  his  Protestant  subjects  in  the  Netherlands 
The  Revolt  of  the  Netherlands  (1567).  —  Charles  V  had  ruled  wit 
great  moderation,  respecting  carefully  their  provincial  privileges  to 
which  they  clung  tenaciously;  but  Philip  II,  unlike  his  father,  had 
not  been'brought  up  among  them  and  was  Spanish  to  the  core.  Cold 
and  unbending,  he  determined  to  mold  them  into  the  vast  religious 
and  political  system  by  which  he  sought  to  control  his  dominions  in 
Europe,  America,  and  the  Eastern  Ocean.  The  opposition  started 
with  a  combination  of  the  local  nobility,  led  by  William  of  Orange, 
against  an  attempt  to  ignore  their  share  in  the  government.  Then 
the  activity  of  the  Inquisition  in  punishing  heresy  led  to  their  union 
with  the  people  in  a  common  bond  to  uproot  and  expel  the  iniquitous 
instrument  of  oppression.  As  a  result  of  a  great  popular  outburst,  the 
Regent,  who  governed  for  Philip,  made  certain  concessions  which  led 
many  of  the  nobles  and  some  of  the  moderate  folk  to  return  to  their 
allegiance,  though  the  Prince  of  Orange  held  aloof  and  withdrew  to 
Germany.  Philip,  instead  of  meeting  his  subjects  halfway,  adopted 
the  advice  of  the  Duke  of  Alva,  the  most  uncompromising  of  his  gen- 
erals, and  sent  him  with  Spanish  troops  to  repress  and  punish  those 
who  had  presumed  to  rebel  against  his  authority.  Directly  on  his 
arrival,  in  May,  1567,  Alva  set  up  a  tribunal  known  as  the  "  Blood 
Council  "  to  try  those  concerned  in  the  recent  outbreak,  and  among 

ganization  of  courts  and  officials,  had  been  particularly  active  in  Spain  for  about  a 
century. 


THE   ELIZABETHAN  RELIGIOUS   SETTLEMENT  251 

those  put  to  death  were  nobles  who  had  renounced  the  extremists. 
William  of  Orange,  who  during  his  exile  had  become  a  Calvinist,  led 
an  army  against  the  savage  executioner,  but  had  to  withdraw  de- 
feated. 

The  Ridolfi  Plot  and  the  Execution  of  Norfolk  (1572). — The  cause 
of  Protestantism  was  exposed  to  serious  menace,  and  the  Protestant 
cause  received  another  blow  from  the  assassination  of  Moray",  Regenf 
oFTfTe~Scolb,  2J  Ja,uudiy7i57o Ttrcap  all,  tHeTPope  issued  aHtrall  of  ex- 
Loliimumialiini  against  Queen  Elizabeth.  Her"reply  was  a  new"series 
of  measurSs-against  the^CatholicsT  IfT  1571  Parliament ^lecTaretl  it 
high  treason  to  call  the  QueerTa  Tieretic,  to  affirm  that  any  particular 
person  was  her  successor,1  or  to  publish  any  papal  bull  against  her. 
In  this  year  "  Ridolfi's  Plot,"  engineered  by  a  Florentine  resident 
in  England,  came  to  light^a  plot  which,  with  the  aid  of  Alva,  Philip  II, 
and  the  Pope,  aimed  to  liberate  Mary  and  to  marry  her  to  the  Duke 
of  NorfolkA  Norfolk  paid  the  penalty  with  his  head,  1572.  Though 
the  clouds  still  hung  heavy,  Elizabeth  had  already  achieved  mud] 
and  was  steadily  gaining  ground! Sheliact  settled  the  religion  of  her 
realm,  she  haa  helped  to  set  up  Protestantism  in  Scotland,  she  held 
her  rival  captive,  she  had  put  down  a  dangerous  rising,  and,  while 
Catholicism  was  gaining  ground  abroad,  the  two  leading  Powers  of 
that  faith  were  at  odds  with  each  other  and  busy  repressing  religious 
revolts  among  their  own  subjects.  Further  dangers  were  in  store  for 
England's  Queen ;  but  when  they  came,  she  proved  ready  to  meet 
them,  backed  by  the  moderate  men  of  both  camps  who  saw  that  the 
salvation  of  their  country  depended  upon  united  effort. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Pollard  ;  Innes ;  Lingard ;  Froude  ;  and  Cambridge  Modern 
History.  Creighton,  Queen  Elizabeth  (1909),  the  best  biography  of  the 
Queen.  Creighton,  The  Age  of  Elizabeth  (6th  ed.,  1885),  a  good  brief  survey. 
M.  A.  S.  Hume,  The  Courtships  of  Queen  Elizabeth  (1896)  and  The  Great  Lord 
Burghley  (1898)  are  useful. 

For  Relations  with  Scotland.  Cambridge  Modern  History,  III,  ch.  VIII 
(bibliography  810-815)  is  an  a°le  and  impartial  survey  of  the  Mary  Stuart 
problem.  See  also  P.  H.  Brown,  Scotland;  Andrew  Lang,  History  of  Scot- 
land (1900-1902)  and  W.  L.  Mathieson,  Politics  and  Religion  (1902). 

J.  R.  Seeley,  Growth  of  British  Policy  (2  vols.,  1895)  contains  a  stimulating 
and  suggestive  account  of  the  broader  features  of  the  diplomacy  of  the  reign. 

Ecclesiastical.  In  addition  to  Wakeman  and  Dixon,  W.  H.  Frere, 
History  of  the  English  Church,  1588-1603  (1904).  F.  Proctor  (ed.  W.  H. 

1  This  was  of  course  aimed  at  Mary  and  her  adherents. 


I 
I 


252     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Frere)  New  History  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  (1901).  H.  Gee,  The 
Elizabethan  Prayer  Book  and  Ornaments  (1902).  H.  N.  Birt,  The  Elizabethan 
Religious  Settlement  (1907)  treats  the  subject  from  the  Roman  Catholic 
standpoint. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  167  ff. ;  for  a 
more  complete  selection  G.  W.  Prothero,  Select  Statutes  and  Other  Constitu- 
tional Documents  (1894,  new  ed.,  1913). 


CHAPTER  XXV 
ELIZABETH'S  ASCENDANCY  AND  DECLINE  (1572-1603) 

The  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  (24  August,  1572). — Alva's 
triumph  was  short-lived.  His  bloodthirstiness  and  his  oppressive 
taxation  roused  the  Netherlanders  to  fury :  encouraged  by  French  and 
English  aid,  town  after  town  rebelled,  and,  in  July,  1572,  four  of  the 
Northern  provinces  united  under  William  of  Orange  as  Stadholder. 
One  result  was  a  wild  assault  on  the  Huguenots  in  France.  That 
country  was  practically  governed  by  the  masterful  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  mother  of  the  nominal  King  Charles  IX,  who  had  recently 
fallen  under  the  influence  of  Admiral  Coligny,  the  noblest  of  the 
Huguenot  leaders.  Momentarily  freed  from  fear  of  Spain,  Catherine, 
recoiling  at  the  thought  of  Protestant  ascendancy,  combined  with 
the  hated  Guises1  to  get  rid  of  her  son's  new  mentor  and  to  destroy 
Ihis  followers.  The  opportunity  came  when  the  wedding  of  Henry 
of  Navarre,  18  August,  1572,  brought  large  numbers  of  the  Hugue- 
not party  to  Paris.  Representing  to  her  feeble-minded  son  that  his 
jthrone,  his  religion,  and  indeed  his  life  were  in  danger,  Catherine 
prevailed  upon  him  to  order  a  general  massacre,  which  began  in  the 
early  morning  of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  24  August.  Coligny  was 
the  most  notable  victim,  though  few  of  the  leaders,  except  Henry  of 
Navarre,  escaped.  The  slaughter,  spreading  from  Paris  to  the  other 
'towns  of  France,  lasted  for  days.  England  was  plunged  in  deepest 
gloom,  and  when  the  French  ambassador  succeeded  in  obtaining  an 
audience  he  was  received  by  the  whole  Court  in  mourning. 

The  Union  of  Utrecht  (1579). — Alva,  now  that  the  Netherlands 
jwere  cut  off  from  French  help,  hoped  to  crush  them  utterly ;  but  his 
ruthless  methods  only  stirred  them  to  more  desperate  resistance. 
iPhilip,  in  despair,  soon  recalled  him,  and  sent  a  successor  pledged  to 
p,  more  pacific  policy.  The  French  Government,  too,  were  not  long 
|n  recognizing  the  futility  of  the  policy  of  bloodshed,  and  sought  to 
conciliate  the  Huguenots  by  a  new  edict  of  toleration.  In  the  Neth- 

1  A  powerful  Lorraine  family  who  furnished  many  Roman  Catholic  leaders  in 
Ihurch  and  State. 

253 


254     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

erlands  the  new  Governor,  Alexander  of  Parma,  managed  to  breal 
up  the  combination  of  the  seventeen  provinces  by  artfully  fomenting 
religious  dissension.  The  ten  southern,  prevailingly  Catholic,  formec 
a  separate  union  and  gradually  fell  back  to  Spain,  while  the  sever 
northern,  by  the  Union  of  Utrecht,  1579,  combined  under  William  oi 
Orange,  and  ultimately,  after  an  heroic  struggle,  achieved  thei] 
independence,  which  was  finally  acknowledged  in  1648. 

Roman  Catholic  Movements  against  Elizabeth  in  Ireland  anc 
Scotland.  —  In  view  of  the  large  number  of  disaffected  in  Ireland 
Scotland,  and  Wales  a  plan  was  concocted  by  certain  English  exiles 
with  the  sanction  of  the  Pope,  to  strike  at  Queen  Elizabeth  in  al 
those  three  centers  simultaneously.  Ireland  offered  a  peculiar!) 
favorable  field.  While  Henry  VIII  had  alienated  many  by  his 
attempts  to  bribe  the  chiefs  with  tribal  lands,  attempts  in  Mary's 
reign  to  plant  English  settlers  in  western  Leinster  had  only  increased 
the  bitterness.  The  natives  were  in  constant  turmoil,  and  the  English 
officials,  strong  enough  for  oppression  and  extortion,  had  not  sufficient 
forces  to  maintain  order.  In  consequence,  Irishmen  listened  eagerly 
to  papal  emissaries  who  promised  deliverance  from  tyranny.  How- 
ever, a  joint  invasion  and  rising,  centering  in  Kerry,  in  1579,  led  by 
two  brothers  of  the  powerful  House  of  Desmond,  and  supported,  with 
the  sanction  of  Gregory  XIII,  by  a  few  Spanish  and  Italian  troops, 
was  ruthlessly  suppressed  by  a  new  Lord  Deputy,  an  achievement 
which  Elizabeth  joyfully  acknowledged  as  an  act  of  God.  Followed 
by  devastations  and  seizures,  its  only  result  was  to  widen  the  breach 
between  England  and  her  subject  people.  In  Scotland  an  attempt 
at  a  Catholic  revival  was  made  through  Esme  Stuart,  sent  in  1579 
by  the  Guises  with  the  design  of  converting  James  VI  and  restoring 
the  French  alliance.  Easily  gaining  a  complete  ascendancy  over 
the  young  King,  who  created  him  Duke  of  Lennox,  he  was  for  some 
months  virtually  master  of  Scotland,  and  was  on  the  point  of  calling 
in  a  force  of  Spanish  troops  when,  in  August,  1582,  a  group  of  nobles 
seized  King  James  while  hunting  and  forced  him  to  order  Lennox  to 
leave  the  country.  After  a  period  of  aimless  lingering  the  defeated 
intriguer  withdrew  to  France,  where  he  died  soon  after. 

The  Seminary  Priests  and  Jesuits  in  England  (1579-1581).  —  The 
third  center  of  attack  was  in  England  itself.  Among  other  evidences 
of  the  zeal  inspired  by  the  Jesuits  was  the  founding  of  a  Seminary 
at  Douay  (soon  transferred  to  Rheims)  and  of  a  college  at  Rome  for 
the  training  of  English  Catholics.  Burning  with  enthusiasm,  the 
Englishmen  who  went  from  them 1  strove  to  convert  their  Protestant 

1  Known  as  "  seminary  priests  "  when  they  took  Holy  Orders. 


ELIZABETH'S  ASCENDANCY  AND   DECLINE  255 

countrymen  and  to"  arouse  the  native  Catholics  from  their  lethargy. 
In  June,  1581,  a  mission  led  by  two  Jesuits,  Edmund  Campion,  a 
j  high-minded  enthusiast  of  captivating  eloquence,  and  Robert  Parsons, 
la  restless  intriguer,  landed  in  England.  Moving  from  place  to  place 
in  disguise  they  preached  to  large  crowds,  they  set  up  a  printing 
press,  circulated  controversial  pamphlets,  and  converted  considerable 
I  numbers.  Alarmed  at  their  success,  the  Government  passed  an  Act 
of  Parliament  which  declared  it  high  treason  to  convert  the  Queen's 
subjects  to  the  Church  of  Rome  or  to  aid  or  to  conceal  those  engaged 
in  such  work.  Heavy  fines  were  imposed  on  any  priest  who  said  mass 
or  on  any  one  who  refused  l  to  go  to  Church.  A  rigid  persecution 
was  begun;  houses  were  searched  for  concealed  priests;  Campion 
;and  some  of  the  other  Jesuits  were  captured  and  put  to  death ;  but 
iParsons  escaped  and  troubled  the  Government  for  years  to  come. 

Further  Measures  against  the  Roman  Catholics  (1584-1593). — The 
idiscovery,  in  1583,  of  another  plot  to  put  Mary  on  the  throne  with 
foreign  aid,  and  the  assassination  of  William  the  Silent,2  in  July,  1584, 
led  to  the  formation  of  a  voluntary  association  to  protect  the  Queen, 
which  was  legalized  by  Parliament  early  in  1585.  Another  Act 
ordered  all  Jesuits  and  seminary  priests  to  quit  the  realm  within 
forty  days  and  declared  any  found  thereafter,  or  any  who  had  harbored 
them,  guilty  of  high  treason.  The  final  anti-Catholic  Act  of  the 
reign,  passed  in  1593,  provided  that  recusants  of  the  wealthier  sort 
should  be  forbidden  to  travel  more  than  five  miles  from  their  homes  3 
and  that  those  of  the  poorer  class  should  be  banished. 

The  Protestant  Extremists.  —  Meantime,  since  the  beginning  of 
the  reign,  the  extreme  Protestants  had  been  giving  serious  trouble. 
Three  classes  may  be  distinguished :  the  Puritans  or  moderate  Non- 
conformists, who  wanted  to  stay  in  the  Church, but  desired  to  "purify" 
its  services  from  forms  and  ceremonies  savoring  of  Rome ;  the  Presby- 
terians, who  aimed  to  substitute  their  form  of  government  for  the 
Episcopal  form  established  by  law ;  finally,  the  Separatists  or  Brown- 
ists,  called  Independents  or  Congregationalists  in  a  later  time,  who 
insisted  on  the  right  of  each  congregation  to  manage  its  own  affairs. 
Differing  among  themselves  on  many  fundamental  points,  they  agreed 
Jn  denouncing  what  they  regarded  as  "  Romish  "  forms  and  cere- 
monies. The  Puritans,  who  objected  to  the  vestments  prescribed 

1  Such  persons  were  called  "recusants."     The  fine,  £20  a  month,  too  heavy  to  be 
enforced,  was  intended  mainly  as  a  threat. 

2  The  popular  name  for  William  of  Orange. 

3  They  were  retained  as  a  source  of  revenue  from  the  fines  which  might  be  im- 
posed. 


256     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

for  the  clergy,  and  to  various  forms  and  Ceremonies,  such  as  the 
observance  of  saints'  days,  the  sign  of  the  Cross  in  baptism,  and 
organ  music,  opened  the  fight  in  Convocation,  in  1563.  Failing  to 
secure  any  concessions,  they  began  to  meet  in  "  conventicles,"  where 
they  held  services  according  to  their  own  rules,  instead  of  those  laid 
down  in  the  Prayer  Book.  Elizabeth  desired  to  avoid  trouble,  but 
they  flouted  the  ritual  to  which  she  was  attached ;  their  contempt  of 
form  and  denunciation  of  amusements  were  unpalatable  to  the 
majority  of  her  subjects;  and  they  defied  royal  authority.  Ac- 
cordingly, she  insisted  on  the  observance  of  the  forms  of  worship  by 
law  established. 

The  Presbyterians.  —/Later,  the  Presbyterians  entered  the  field 
with  an  onslaught  upon  the  very  structure  of  the  Episcopal  churcri) 
In  two  "  Admonitions  to  Parliament,"  in  1572,  they  denounced  the 
government  of  bishops  as  contrary  to  the  word  of  God  and  demanded 
government  by  presbyters.  Not  only  were  their  views  startlingly 
democratic  but  their  language  was  immeasurably  violent.  A  mild 
sample  is  their  description  of  the  Archbishop's  court  as  "  the  filthy 
quagmire  and  poisoned  splash  of  all  abominations  that  do  infect  the 
whole  realm."  The  advent  of  the  Separatists  about  the  same  time 
added  another  element  of  confusion.  In  1583  the  Court  of  High 
Commission  was  put  on  a  permanent  footing  with  enlarged  powers, 
though  for  ten  years  previously  it  had  been  active  in  enforcing  the  Act 
of  Uniformity  against  Protestants  as  well  as  Catholics.  On  the 
other  hand,  Archbishop  Parker's  successor  had  to  be  suspended  for 
refusing  to  suppress  meetings  of  those  of  advanced  views,  while 
Whitgift,  an  orthodox  and  energetic  prelate  who  followed  him,  1583, 
was  greatly  hampered  from  the  fact  that  extreme  Protestantism  had 
secured  strong  sympathizers  in  the  Council  and  Parliament. 

The  Marprelate  Libels  (1588). — Attempts  at  repression  only 
embittered  the  extremists,  who  replied  with  violent  abuse  which 
reached  its  height  in  the  Martin  Marprelate  libels,  in  1588.  In 
them  the  Archbishop  was  graced  with  such  names  as  "  Beelzebub  of 
Canterbury,  the  Canterbury  Caiaphas;  Esau,  a  monstrous  anti- 
Christ  ;  a  most  bloody  oppressor  of  God's  saints."  The  bishops 
were :  "  false  governors  of  the  Church,  petty  popes ;  proud,  popish, 
profane,  presumptuous,  paltry,  pestilent,  pernicious  prelates,  and 
usurpers;  enemies  of  God  and  the  State."  The  clergy  were :  "popish 
priests,  ale  hunters,  drunkards,  dolts,  hogs,  dogs,  wolves,  desperate 
and  forlorn  atheists,  a  crew  of  bloody  soul  murderers,  sacrilegious 
church  robbers."  These  pronouncements  of  certain  hot  zealots, 
"  who  for  Zion's  sake  could  not  hold  their  peace,"  were  bound  to  hi 


ELIZABETH'S  ASCENDANCY  AND   DECLINE  257 

the  cause  of  the  earnest,  moderate  men  opposed  to  the  Elizabethan 
State  Church.  Indeed,  the  very  year  in  which  the  libels  appeared 
marked  a  reaction  toward  the  Establishment,  to  which  many  other 
circumstances  contributed.  For  one  thing,  numbers  came  to  realize 
that  it  was  both  graceless  and  futile  to  engender  strife  against  a 
Sovereign  who,  however  sternly  she  repressed  extremists,  had  done 
jso  much  for  the  Protestant  cause ;  she  was  growing  old  and  they  could 
wait  to  push  their  claims  under  a  successor  to  whom  they  were  not 
bound  by  such  ties  of  gratitude.  To  dispose  of  the  irreconcilables, 
Parliament,  in  response  to  a  royal  demand,  passed,  1593,  an  Act 
'"  against  seditious  sectaries  and  disloyal  persons,"  providing,  among 
other  things,  that  those  who  frequented  conventicles  or  assailed  the 
(royal  supremacy  in  matters  ecclesiastical  should  abjure  the  realm 
and  never  return  under  pain  of  death.  In  the  same  year  three, 
including  Penry,  the  chief  author  of  the  Marprelate  libels,  suffered 
for  their  faith,  though  the  cause  assigned  was  malicious  defaming  of 
the  Queen  with  intent  to  stir  up  rebellion. 

Elizabeth's  Intervention  in  the  Netherlands  (1585).  —  Doubtless 
ithe  chief  reason  for  harmonizing  religious  differences  was  the  necessity 
of  meeting  a  great  invasion  sent  by  Philip  II,  and  the  burst  of  loyalty 
jwhich  followed  its  triumphant  repulse.  The  attack  was  due  mainly 
:to  two  causes:  English  intervention  in  the  Netherlands  and  the 
(aggressiveness  of  the  English  sea  p«wer.  With  the  murder  ff  William 
of  Orange  and  the  continued  successes  of  Alexander  of  Parma,  the  cause 
of  the  Netherlands  seemed  to  be  doomed,  particularly  when  the 
childless  Henry  III  of  France,  allowing  his  religious  sentiments  to 
triumph  over  his  fear  of  Spain,  joined  Philip  II,  1585,  to  exclude  from 
the  French  throne  his  heir  Henry  of  Navarre,  leader  of  the  Huguenots, 
and  to  extirpate  Protestantism  in  France  and  the  Low  Countries. 
Elizabeth,  who  had  hitherto  lent  only  enough  assistance  to  the  revolt 
to  keep  it  alive,  saw  that  the  time  for  active  intervention  had  come, 
j She  refused  the  offer  of  sovereignty,  though,  with  her  accustomed 
(thrift,  she  demanded  from  the  Dutch  certain  "  cautionary  towns  " 
as  pledges  for  expenses  incurred.  Toward  the  end  of  1585  Leicester 
] was  sent  over  with  a  force  of  foot  and  horse.  Thoroughly  incom- 
ipetent,  cramped  from  lack  of  funds,  and  opposed  by  Parma,  the 
i greatest  general  of  the  time,  he  accomplished  nothing,  and  wags  put 
j  in  his  mouth  the  words,  veni,  vidi,  redii.1  Leicester's  futile  expedition 
i  is  only  important  as  a  leading  cause  of  Philip's  attack  on  England. 

The  Rise  of  the  Elizabethan  Sea  Power.  —  More  alarming  to  the 

1  "I  came,  I  saw,  I  returned,"  a  brilliant  distortion  of  Caesar's  famous,  veni, 
vidi,  vici. 


258     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Spanish  King  than  the  English  intervention  in  the  Netherlands  were 
the  attacks  of  English  seamen  upon  his  commerce  and  his  American 
possessions.  Since  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  the  maritime  power 
of  the  country  had  sprung  into  a  stage  of  growth  which  ultimately 
brought  it  to  a  height  unequaled  in  the  world's  history.  Although 
the  royal  navy  was  developing,  this  was.  the  peculiar  work  of  the 
explorers  and  of  sea-rovers  or  privateers,  recruited  from  the  merchant 
marine.  They  braved  the  perils  of  unknown  seas  and  unknown 
lands,  they  broke  through  the  colonial  and  commercial  monopoly  of 
Spain,  and  strove  as  well  to  strike  deadly  blows  at  Philip's  world- 
wide religious  and  political  domination.  Thus  fame  and  booty,  the 
profit  and  glory  of  England,  and  the  defense  and  spread  of  Protestant- 
ism mingled  curiously  and  effectively  to  spur  them  on.  And  in  the 
Queen  they  found  a  persistent  if  shifty  supporter,  for  she  shared  in 
their  profits  and  gained  by  their  victories.  Though  her  policy  was 
in  essence  defensive  —  to  preserve  national  independence  and  Protes- 
tantism —  she  sought  to  realize  it,  to  a  considerable  degree,  by  offen- 
sive means.  She  had  no  mind  to  declare  war ;  but  she  sent  aid  to  the 
Dutch  in  revolt,  first  "  underhand  "  and  at  length  openly,  and  from 
the  beginning  of  her  reign  she  steadily  kindled  the  enthusiasm  of  her 
subjects  for  buccaneering  enterprises  against  the  Spanish  commerce 
and  the  Spanish  colonies,  though  protesting,  all  the  while,  that  she 
was  not  responsible  for  the  acts  of  her  subjects. 

The  English  Buccaneers  and  Their  Aggressions  against  Spain.  — 
The  pioneer  of  the  Elizabethan  "  sea-dogs  "  was  John  Hawkins,  who 
initiated  the  traffic  in  slaves  from  the  Guinea  coast  of  Africa  to  Spanish 
America,  the  Queen,  it  is  shameful  to  relate,  sharing  in  his  profits. 
His  young  cousin  Francis  Drake  accompanied  him  on  his  second 
voyage  and  commanded  a  ship  on  a  third  and  more  famous  one,  in 
1567,  when  they  were  attacked  in  the  Mexican  port  of  San  Juan 
d'Ulloa,1  whence  they  escaped  only  after  the  bulk  of  their  crew  had 
been  massacred.  While  they  had  given  great  provocation,  the  act 
was  a  piece  of  deliberate  treachery 2  and  determined  Drake  to  devote 
the  remainder  of  his  life  to  a  relentless  war  against  Spain  and  her 
possessions  in  the  new  world.  In  his  famous  voyage  round  the  world, 
1577-1580,  Drake  marked  his  course  by  devastation  and  plunder; 
yet  the  magnitude  of  his  achievement  and  the  fortitude  which  he 

1  The  roadstead  of  Vera  Cruz. 

2  Elizabeth  replied  to  the  incident  at  San  Juan  by  seizing,  in  December,  1568, 
Genoese  ships  laden  with  Spanish  treasure  for  the  Duke  of  Alva  in  the  Netherlands, 
a  step  which,  with  amazing  effrontery,  she  justified  on  the  ground  that,  having  saved 
it  from  the  privateers,  she  was  entitled  to  take  it  as  a  loan. 


ELIZABETH'S  ASCENDANCY  AND   DECLINE  259 

displayed  amply  merited  the  acclaim  which  greeted  him  on  his  return. 
Elizabeth  economically  rewarded  him  with  a  knighthood  for  the 
share  of  treasure  which  he  brought  her.  Trembling  for  the  safety 
of  his  lands  and  trade,  Philip  for  some  years  had  sought  to  check 
JElizabeth's  aggressions  by  seizing  ships  in  Spanish  waters.  Her 
reply  was  to  send  privateers  to  the  scene  of  action.  Most  disastrous 
to  the  enemy  was  the  activity  of  Drake,  in  1585.  Striking  first  at 
the  coast  of  Spain  he  seized  a  quantity  of  shipping ;  thence  he  passed 
to  the  West  Indies  and  the  Spanish  Main,  overcoming  great  cities, 
and  plundering  and  destroying  as  he  went.  The  simultaneous 
joperations  of  Drake  and  Leicester  led  Philip  to  plan  a  joint  attack 
on  England  from  Spain  and  the  Netherlands.  Under  cover  of  a 
jfleet,  Parma  was  to  land  an  army,  the  English  Catholics  were  to  rise 
!for  Mary,  Elizabeth  was  to  be  disposed  of,  and  Parma  was  to  marry 
the  new  Queen  and  to  govern  the  country  for  his  master. 

Babington's  Plot  (1586).  Execution  of  Mary. — The  miscarriage 
of  Babington's  plot  in  behalf  of  Mary,  1586,  shattered  this  project, 
but  furnished  Philip  with  another  pretext  for  invading  England. 
Mary  was  brought  to  trial  and  sentenced  to  death.  After  two 
months  of  vacillation  and  after  she  had  made  a  vain  effort  to  induce 
Mary's  keeper  to  mujrder  his  royal  captive,  Elizabeth  finally  signed 
the  death-warrant  and  handed  it  over  to  a  Secretary  without,  how- 
ever, giving  him  any  authority  to  carry  it  out.  By  order  of  the  Council 
who  assumed  the  responsibility,  Mary  Stuart  was  beheaded,  8  February, 
1587,  going  to  her  death  with  magnificent  fortitude.  Elizabeth  pro- 
tested to  France  and  Scotland  that  she  was  innocent  of  the  deed  and, 
as  a  proof  of  her  good  faith,  fined  and  dismissed  the  poor  Secretary. 

The  Sailing  of  the  Armada  (1588). — Before  Philip,  now  the  avenger 
of  Mary's  death  and  the  claimant l  to  the  English  throne,  had  com- 
pleted his  ponderous  preparations,  the  terrible  Drake  assumed  the 
;offensive.  Sailing  from  Plymouth  harbor,  in  April,  1587,  he  made 
: for  Cadiz,  plundered  the  town,  and  destroyed  a  vast  amount  of 
stores  and  shipping,  darted  thence  to  Lisbon  Bay,  creating  havoc 
with  the  fleet  which  the  Spanish  commander  was  making  ready,  and 
then  intercepted,  off  Cape  St.  Vincent,  a  squadron  of  transports  from 
the  Mediterranean.  This  exploit,  which  is  called  "  singeing  the  King 
of  Spain's  beard,"  frustrated  Philip's  plans  for  that  year.  At  length, 
in  May,  1588,  the  great  Armada  was  ready  to  sail ;  but  at  the  very 
outset  it  encountered  a  furious  storm  off  Lisbon  which  so  crippled 

1  Mary  before  her  death  had  disinherited  her  son  James  in  his  favor  as  a  claimant. 
Philip  based  his  claim  on  his  descent  from  a  marriage  of  John  of  Gaunt  with  a 
Portuguese  princess. 


260     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and  scattered  the  ships  that  the  second  and  final  start  was  delayed 
till  12  July. 

Comparative  Strength  of  the  English  and  Spanish  Fleets.  —  At 
least  three  serious  obstacles  confronted  the  invaders.  Parma's  army 
was  blockaded  by  a  Dutch  fleet  and  that  blockade  would  have 
to  be  broken ;  then  it  was  necessary  to  overcome  the  English  in 
the  Channel  in  order  to  convey  his  army  across ;  finally,  Parma,  if 
he  succeeded  in  landing,  would  have  to  conquer  the  country  —  in 
all  probability,  in  the  teeth  of  opposition  even  from  the  Catholics. 
The  critical  struggle  took  place  in  the  Channel,  and  in  spite  of 
the  terror  of  the  Spanish  name  and  the  imposing  appearance  of  the 
Spanish  fleet,  the  English  captains  anticipated  a  victory  from  the 
outset.  £Hzabe^h^  to  be  sure,  was  not  well  prepared,  for  she  had 
hoped  to  avert  war ;  but  her  commander,  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham, 
was  a  man  of  experience,  prudence,  and^  valor,  and  had  some  of  the 
most  brilliant  sea  fighters  of  the  age  to  help  him.  The  Spanish 
fleet  numbered  130  ships  with  a  total  tonnage  and  an  equipment  of 
men  and  guns  double  the  English.  On  the  other  hand,  while  the 
English  royal  navy  counted  only  34  ships,  others  contributed  by 
the  nobles,  the  gentry,  and  the  seaports,  brought  their  aggregate  up 
to  197.  Moreover,  the  Spanish  galleons  were,  high  fore  and  aft, 
offering  excellent  marks  for  the  English  gunners,  and,  drawing  little 
water,  they  were  unable  to  move  rapidly  —  a  serious  impediment  to 
their  classic  style  of  fighting,  which  consisted  of  closing  with  the 
enemy  and  making  use  of  their  superior  numbers  in  hand-to-hand 
encounters.  The  English  ships,  lighter  and  better  handled,  kept  the 
weather  gauge,  and  firing  three  times  to  the  enemy's  one,  poured  their 
shot  with  deadly  effect  into  their  lofty  exposed  hulls.  The  clumsy 
Spanish,  on  their  part,  wasted  their  fire  in  a  vain  effort  to  disable 
the  vessels  that  they  could  not  reach,  by  aiming  at  their  rigging. 

The  Camp  at  Tilbury.  —  The  English  land  forces  were  gathered  at 
Tilbury  where  Elizabeth  appeared  before  them  mounted  on  a  war 
horse,  holding  a  general's  staff,  and  arrayed  in  a  breastplate  of  steel. 
Followed  by  a  page  who  bore  her  helmet,  she  rode  bareheaded  through 
the  ranks,  and  roused  them  to  the  highest  pitch  of  loyalty  by  her 
stirring  words.  "  I  am  come  among  you  at  this  time,"  she  said, 
"  being  resolved  ...  to  lay  down  for  my  God  and  for  my  Kingdom, 
and  for  my  people,  my  honour  and  my  blood,  even  in  the  dust.  I 
know  that  I  have  but  the  body  of  a  feeble  woman,  but  I  have  the  heart 
of  a  King  and  a  King  of  England  too."  No  wonder  they  prayed 
heartily  the  Spaniards  might  land  quickly,  and  "  when  they  knew 
they  were  fled,  they  began  to  lament." 


ELIZABETH'S  ASCENDANCY  AND   DECLINE  261 

The  Destruction  of  the  Armada.  —  On  19  July,  1588,  the  long- 
ixpected  Armada  was  first  sighted  off  the  Cornish  coast.  Repulsed 
n  a  series  of  engagements  in  the  waters  about  Portsmouth  and  the 
[sle  of  Wight,  the  invaders  started  up  the  Channel  to  join  Parma. 
When  they  reached  Calais  the  English  turned  loose  a  number  of  fire 
ihips,  scattering  the  Spanish  vessels  in  all  directions ;  before  they  had 
ime  to  recover,  they  were  engaged  by  the  English  fleet  in  force  and 
)bliged  to  break  and  flee.  The  victors,  however,  were  in  no  con- 
lition  to  pursue  them,  for  their  ammunition  was  exhausted,  their 
)rovisions  had  run  short,  and  what  remained  was  spoiled  —  a  mishap 
lue  partly  to  the  faulty  and  inadequate  supply  system  of  those  days 
ind  partly  to  Elizabeth's  parsimony.  The  "  invincible  Armada  " 
sped  north  driven  by  a  stiff  gale,  rounding  the  north  of  Scotland  and 
:he  west  of  Ireland ;  about  half  of  the  original  force  finally  reached 
Spain.  Beside  those  lost  in  fighting,  many  were  wrecked,  of  whom 
lumbers,  cast  alive  on  the  Scotch  and  Irish  shores,  were  slain  by  the 
latives  or  by  English  officials.  Wind  and  weather  had  fought  against 
:he  proud  Spaniard,  yet,  after  all  has  been  said,  the  result  was  chiefly 
lue  to  the  courage  and  skill  of  Elizabeth's  seamen. 

Significance  of  the  Repulse  of  the  Armada.  —  While  the  Armada 
md  never  seemed  so  formidable  to  English  seamen  as  to  the  Catholic 
Powers  of  the  Continent,  its  repulse  marked  a  grandly  significant 
noment  in  the  history  of  England.  It  justified  at  home  and  abroad 
Elizabeth's  wise  policy  of  jnoderatjoji,  She  had  won  her  people  with 
peace,  light^  taxes,  and  the  fostering  of  tradjgj  and  had  prosecuted  re^ 
igious  extremists  only  so  far  q.s  nerpssitips  qf  Steffi  df  ma,nrlpd-  When 
:he  crisis  came  her  subjects,  forgetting  their  religious  differences, 
locked  to  the  defense  of  their  Sovereign  and  their  Kingdom.  And  the 
victory  was  not  only  an  indication,  it  was  also  a  further  cause  of  na- 
-ional  unity.  Achievement  in  a  common  national  undertaking  drew 
nore  closely  together  subjects  of  all  shades  of  opinion.  For  the  first 
.ime,  too,  it  revealed  to  Christendom  the  greatness  of  English  sea 
jower.and  marked  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the  Spanish  sea  power, 
me  of  the  leading  causes  of  Spanish  ultimate  downfall. 

New  Aggressions  against  Spain  and  the  Final  Stages  of  the  Struggle 
vith  Philip  II.  —  The  younger  generation  were  thirsting  for  great 
exploits.  Not  content  with  preying  upon  Spain's  commerce  and 
yorrying  her  with  occasional  dashes  against  her  coasts,  they  aspired 
,o  break  up  her  dominion  beyond  the  seas  and  to  set  up  an  English 
lominion  in  its  place.  At  the  head  of  this  party  stood  Essex,  a  nephew 
)f  Leicester,  and  Raleigh,  who  wanted  to  override  the  older,  wiser,  and 
nore  cautious  councilors  like  Burghley  and  Walsingham.  A  futile 


262     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

expedition,  in  1589,  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  a  Portuguese  claimant 
to  the  throne  of  Portugal  is  an  instance  of  their  extreme  aggressive 
policy.  In  August,  1 589,  Henry  III  was  assassinated,  whereupon  Henry 
of  Navarre  was  able  to  fight  his  way  to  the  throne,  while  the  assistance 
which  Philip  II  and  Parma  vainly  sent. to  his  opponents  gave  England 
and  the  Netherlands  a  happy  respite.  In  1593  Henry  IV,  as  he  now 
was,  declared  himself  a  Catholic ;  but  this  was  only  for  State  purposes, 
and,  in  1598,  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes  he  granted  a  generous  toleration 
to  Huguenots.  Already,  more  than  a  year  earlier,  after  Philip's  forces 
captured  Calais,  he  joined  the  English  in  an.  expedition  which  sacked 
Cadiz  and  destroyed  the  shipping  in  the  harbor.  This  was  the  last 
great  naval  expedition  of  the  reign  against  Spain.  Burghley  succeeded 
in  persuading  the  Queen  to  make  his  son,  Robert,  Secretary  of  State, 
and  the  peace  party  was  able  to  put  a  check  upon  the  fiery  Essex  fac- 
tion. Philip,  in  1596  and  1597,  sent  fleets  against  England  and  Ire- 
land successively,  but  neither  reached  its  destination.  In  1598  Henry 
IV  concluded  a  peace  with  Spain  which  made  Philip  free  to  pursue  his 
designs  on  England  and  the  Netherlands,  but  he  died  the  very  same 
year,  leaving  a  bankrupt  and  crumbling  heritage. 

Elizabeth's  Last  Years.  —  The  repulse  of  the  Armada  marked  the 
climax  of  Elizabeth's  glory.     The  years  that  followed  were  years  of! 
increasing  loneliness  and  isolation.     Her  favorites  and  her  trusted 
councilors  dropped  off  one  by  one:  Leicester  in  1588;  Walsingharnj 
in  1590;  Burghley  in  1598. 1    The  system  which  she  represented  had 
.outlived  its  time;  the  old  absolutism  had  served  its  turn,  and  new! 
men  and  new  policies  were  eagerly  waiting  their  chance.    The  romance,  i 
too,  of  her  life  was  ended ;  for  even  at  Court  her  popularity  declined 
with  her  fading  charms.     The  admiration  of  the  younger  courtiers 
came  to  be  more  and  more  a  pretense.     Yet,  old  as  she  was.  she  re- 
fused to  face  the  prospect  of  death  or  to  provide  for  the  succession, 
and  clung  to  vain  display  till  the  last.     Once  when  the  Bishop  of  St.j 
David's  ventured  to  preach  on  the  text,  "  Lord,  teach  us  to  numbei 
our  days  that  we  may  apply  our  hearts  unto  wisdom,"  she  burst  oul 
stormily :  "  He  might  have  kept  his  arithmetic  to  himself,  but  I  set 
that  the  greatest  clerks  are  not  the  wisest  men."     Yet,  too,  there  wen; 
times  when  she  showed  flashes  of  that  tact  and  insight  which  had  beer 
so  characteristic  of  her  in  her  prime.    In  1601  when  Parliament  force< 

1  Essex  was  beheaded,  in  1601,  in  consequence  of  an  armed  uprising  against  hi 
Court  opponents,  to  whom  he  attributed  an  humiliating  sentence  to  imprisonmeD 
in  his  house,  after  he  had  burst  into  the  royal  presence  unannounced  on  his  retur 
from  Ireland,  where  he  failed  to  deal  effectively  with  a  rebellion  he  was  sent  t 
quell.  Elizabeth  never  recovered  from  the  shock  of  signing  his  death  warrant. 


ELIZABETH'S  ASCENDANCY  AND    DECLINE  263 

her  to  revoke  some  grants  of  monopolies,  regarded  as  burdensome,  she 
yielded  very  gracefully,  and  declared :  "  I  have  more  cause  to  thank 
you  all  than  you  me ;  for,  had  I  not  received  a  knowledge  from  you,  I 
might  have  fallen  into  the  lap  of  an  error  only  from  lack  of  true  in- 
formation." Yet,  when  the  subject  had  been  raised  four  years  earlier, 
she  had  expressed  the  hope  that  her  loving  subjects  would  not  take 
away  her  prerogative,  and  had  done  nothing. 

Elizabeth's  Death  (24  March,  1603).  —  Elizabeth  died  24  March, 
1603,  in  the  forty-sixth  year  of  a  reign,  which,  judged  by  its  achieve- 
ments, was  most  notable.  She  maintained  the  established  religion 
without  civil  war  and  kept  England  from  being  absorbed  either  by 
the  House  of  Valois  or  the  House  of  Hapsburg.  By  preventing  the 
question  of  the  succession  from  being  decided  prematurely,  she  peace- 
fully prepared  the  way  for  the  Scotch  Protestant  line  and  the  union 
of  two  countries  that  naturally  belonged  together.  While  she  kept 
England  out  of  war  she  diverted  its  energies  into  trade,  exploration, 
and  colonization,  thus  helping  to  lay  the  foundations  of  its  future 
greatness.  She  was  blessed  with  a  long  reign  in  which  she  labored  to 
educate  her  people  into  a  sense  of  unity  and  national  self-conscious- 
ness. She  trusted  to  time  which,  though  it  was  ruthless  to  her  as  a 
woman,  blessed  her  policy. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL   READING 

M.  A.  S.  Hume,  Treason  and  Plot  (1901)  deals  with  the  struggles  of  the 
Roman  Catholics  for  supremacy  in  the  last  years  of  Elizabeth.  E.  P. 
Cheyney,  A  History  of  England  from  the  Defeat  of  the  Armada  to  the  Death 
of  Elizabeth  (vol.  I,  1914)  is  the  most  thorough  account  of  the  history  of  the 
period. 

See  also  the  references  for  ch.  XXIV  above. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 
ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  (1558-1603) 

The  Strength  of  the  Later  Elizabethan  Monarchy.  —  After  Eliza- 
beth had  weathered  the  storms  of  the  first  part  of  her  reign,  the  Mon- 
archy seemed  to  be  even  stronger  than  under  her  triumphant  father. 
Necessity,  sentiment,  and  gratitude  all  contributed  to  this  apparent 
result.  The  Protestants  of  every  shade  of  opinion  had  been  forced 
to  support  her  through  fear  of  civil  war  and  foreign  invasion.  They 
clung  to  her  against  Mary  Stuart,  backed  by  France  and  the  Papacy 
and,  at  length,  by  Spain.  After  Mary's  death  the  moderate  Catholics 
ranged  themselves  on  Elizabeth's  side  against  the  Spanish  invasion 
and  the  conquest  which  it  threatened  to  involve.  The  sentiment  of 
chivalrous  devotion  to  a  woman,  although  it  took  absurdly  extravagant 
forms,  particularly  at  Court,  was  another  real  source  of  strength  that 
the  Queen,  not  from  vanity  alone,  knew  how  to  foster.  Finally,  the 
gentry  and  the  commercial  and  trading  classes  were  bound  to  the  throne 
by  ties  of  material  interest  and  gratitude.  Henry  VII  had  done  much 
for  them ;  Henry  VIII,  continuing  his  father's  policy,  had  shared  with 
them  the  spoils  of  the  monasteries  and  contributed  to  their  prosperity 
in  other  ways ;  under  Elizabeth  came  peace,  economical  rule,  depreda- 
tions against  Spain,  and  the  expansion  of  trade,  together  with  the 
glorious  deliverance  of  1588. 

Opposition  and  Sources  of  Weakness.  —  Nevertheless,  forces  were 
already  at  work  which  indicated  that  absolutism  was  tottering.  A 
new  order  of  things  was  inevitable,  though  it  was  precipitated  by 
the  advent  of  the  Stuart  dynasty.  The  very  services  rendered  by  the 
Tudors,  and  particularly  by  Elizabeth,  had  put  the  subjects  of  the 
realm  in  a  position  to  assert  themselves.  They  no  longer  feared  the 
old  nobility  who  had  oppressed  them  in  the  past  and  had  been  respon- 
sible for  the  terrible  disorders  of  the  fifteenth  century ;  they  were  no 
longer  threatened  with  a  Catholic  successor ;  the  combination  between 
France  and  Scotland  had  been  broken  by  the  union  of  the  English 
and  Scotch  crowns ;  Spain  had  been  repulsed  and  the  Romanist  party 

264 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  265 

had  shrunk  to  a  faction  of  plotters  who  were  looked  at  askance  by 
the  loyal  members  of  their  own  communion ;  and  Ireland,  long  a  storm 
center,  seemed  for  the  moment  quelled.1  The  grievances,  actual  and 
potential,  against  which  the  disaffected  could  now  assert  themselves, 
were  both  religious  and  political.  While  religious  strife  practically 
ceased  after  the  Armada,  the  extreme  Protestants  had  not  been  crushed  ; 
they  were  only  waiting  more  auspicious  times.  Since  the  bishops 
and  their  followers  among  the  clergy  turned  to  the  Crown  for  support 
and  sought  to  strengthen  their  position  by  exalting  the  royal  pre- 
rogative, their  opponents  turned  to  Parliament,  combining  with  those 
whose  grievances  were  primarily  political,  with  those  who  were  op- 
posed to  arbitrary  taxation  and  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  extraordinary 
courts  which  had  grown  up  under  the  Tudors.  In  order  to  follow  the 
conflict  in  the  two  following  reigns,  it  is  necessary  to  understand  the 
situation  in  Church  and  State  on  the  eve  of  the  struggle. 

The  Royal  Supremacy  over  the  Church.  —  The  Sovereign  was  su- 
preme governor  over  all  ecclesiastical  persons  and  causes,  and,  directly 
or  indirectly,  controlled  the  legislation,  administration,  and  revenues 
of  the  Church.  Convocation  was  summoned  and  dissolved  by  the 
Crown,  and  none  of  its  acts  were  valid  without  the  royal  assent,  while 
the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  finances  2  and  justice  was  under 
royal  control  from  the  fact  that  the  bishops  were  appointees  of  the 
Crown.  The  regular  Church  courts  were  those  of  the  Archdeacon, 
the  Bishop,  and  the  Archbishop.  Their  competence  extended  over 
temporal  as  well  as  spiritual  causes ;  for,  in  addition  to  sacrilege,  heresy , 
perjury,  and  immorality,  probate  and  divorce  fell  within  their  scope.3 
Appeals  in  the  last  instance  went  to  the  High  Court  of  Delegates,  com- 
posed of  judges  appointed  by  the  Sovereign  whenever  need  arose.4 
Until  1641,  however,  the  ordinary  ecclesiastical  courts  were  practically 
superseded  by  the  Court  of  High  Commission,  empowered  by  the  Act 
of  Supremacy  to  exercise  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  to  inquire  into 
and  punish  heresy  and  other  offenses  of  a  like  nature.  At  first  its 
energies  were  devoted  to  enforcing  the  Acts  of  Supremacy  and  Uni- 
formity against  the  Romanists ;  but,  when  it  came  to  be  used  against 
the  Protestants  as  well,  it  began  to  be  hated  more  and  more,  until  it 
was  finally  suppressed.  Moreover,  its  procedure  was  most  oppres- 

1  In  1602  by  Essex's  successor  Lord  Mount  joy. 

2  Among  various  revenues  derived  from  the  clergy  were  first  fruits  and  tenths, 
clerical  subsidies  voted  in  Convocation,  and  occasional  benevolences. 

3  Their  jurisdiction  over  matrimonial  and  testamentary  cases  was  taken  away  in 
1857- 

4  In  1833  its  duties  were  transferred  to  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy 
Council. 


266     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

sive ;  for  it  dispensed  with  juries,  and,  by  the  so-called  ex  officio  oath,  it 
could  oblige  the  accused  to  answer  any  question  that  might  be  put  to 
him,  quite  contrary  to  the  fundamental  provision  of  common  law  that 
no  man  could  be  obliged  to  testify  against  himself. 

The  Crown  and  Parliament.  —  From  the  break  with  Rome  the 
Tudors  had  used  Parliament  as  an  instrument  of  government.  Eliza- 
beth's most  notable  acts,  though  framed  by  herself  and  her  councilors, 
all  received  parliamentary  sanction.  But  the  right  of  summoning, 
proroguing,  and  dissolving  were  in  her  hands,  and  she  preferred  to 
summon  that  body  as  infrequently  as  possible.  Moreover,  when  it 
was  called  together,  the  Sovereign  had  various  means  of  controlling 
its  composition  and  workings.  In  the  Upper  House  the  Bishops, 
composing  a  third  of  the  total  membership,  were  royal  nominees.  The 
temporal  peers,  of  whom  there  were  about  sixty,  could  be  controlled 
by  favor,  by  new  creations,  and  promotions.  Elizabeth  relied  rather 
on  favors  than  appointments.1  The  membership  in  the  Lower  House 
could  be  regulated  by  the  establishing  of  new  boroughs.2  Sixty-two 
date  from  Elizabeth's  reign,  some  from  the  sparsely  inhabited  Cornish 
districts ;  but,  in  general,  there  was  little  corruption  for  Crown  pur- 
poses ;  the  increase  of  representation  was  a  natural  outcome  of  increase 
of  population  and  a  reliance  on  the  support  of  the  middle  classes.  Be- 
sides, it  was  easy  to  control  Parliament  in  other  ways.  When  roads 
were  few  and  bad  and  the  postal  service  inadequate  and  when  public 
meetings  and  caucuses  were  unknown,  no  effective  opposition  could 
be  organized  outside,  nor,  with  such  short  and  infrequent  sessions,  was 
much  to  be  feared  from  the  disaffected  after  they  had  assembled. 
Furthermore,  the  names  of  the  members  were  known  to  the  Govern- 
ment before  they  were  to  each  other ;  important  measures  were  in- 
troduced by  the  royal  councilors ;  and  the  election  of  the  Speaker  was 
controlled  by  the  Crown.  If,  in  spite  of  all,  an  opposition  member  ap- 
peared dangerous,  Elizabeth  would  forbid  his  attendance  or  order  his 
imprisonment ;  also  she  might  prohibit  the  discussion  of  an  unpopular 
bill,  or  withdraw  it  in  the  midst  of  a  discussion.  In  the  last  instance 
she  could  resort  to  the  veto. 

The  Privy  Council.  —  Under  Elizabeth  the  actual  government  was 
not  in  Parliament,  but  in  the  hands  of  the  Privy  Council,  which  num- 
bered seventeen  or  eighteen  members,  mostly  laymen,  nominated  by 
the  Queen.  Its  functions  were  threefold ;  executive  or  administra- 
tive, legislative,  and  judicial,  and  its  business  extended  over  a  me 

1  Henry  VII  created  or  promoted  20;  Henry  VIII,  66;  Edward,  22;  Mary, 
Elizabeth,  29. 


sabeth,  29. 

;  Henry  VIII  had  created  5  ;   Edward,  22;   and  Mary,  14. 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  267 

varied  field  —  local  government,  industry,  and  trade,  Irish,  colonial, 
and  foreign  affairs.  Legislation  was  exercised  by  means  of  ordinances 
or  proclamations.  Emanating  usually  from  the  Sovereign,  they  were 
executed  by  means  of  administrative  orders  issued  by  the  Secretary 
(or  Secretaries,  for  there  were  generally  two)  who  had  come  to  super- 
sede the  Chancellor  as  the  chief  officer  of  State.  Judicial  functions 
were  exercised  in  the  Star  Chamber  sessions.  Altogether,  the  system 
of  government  by  Council  was  very  simple  and  workable  and  might 
be  very  oppressive  under  a  despotic  ruler.  It  framed  and  executed 
its  own  measures,  and  even  on  occasion  tried  cases  arising  from  them. 

Revenues  and  Taxation.  Ordinary  Crown  Revenues.  —  Taxation 
formed  a  leading  issue  in  the  coming  struggle,  partly  because  the  sub- 
ject wished  to  protect  his  purse,  and  partly  because  the  control  of  sup- 
ply was  an  effective  weapon  against  absolutism.  In  ordinary  times 
the  Sovereign  was  expected  "to  live  of  its  own";  but  the  Crown 
revenues  were  far  from  adequate.  Elizabeth,  with  all  her  economy, 
'left  a  debt.  The  ordinary  revenues,  largely  under  royal  control,  were 
derived  from  several  sources  —  Crown  lands,  feudal  dues,  court  fees 
and  fines,  and  customs  duties,  especially  tonnage  and  poundage.  In 
',  addition  to  tonnage  and  poundage  and  the  hereditary  customs,  the 
!  Crown  claimed  the  right  to  levy  certain  additional  duties  known  as 
"  impositions,"  though  the  Tudors,  in  contrast  to  their  two  successors, 
•employed  these  largely  to  regulate  trade. 

Monopolies,  Benevolences,  and  Forced  Loans.  —  Certain  other  royal 
exactions  were  resisted  even  under  the  popular  Tudors.  There  were 
monopolies,  though  Elizabeth  abolished  some  of  the  more  objection- 
able patents,  in  1601.  Then  there  were  benevolences1  and  forced 
loans.  Elizabeth,  however,  rarely  if  ever  exacted  benevolences;  as 
to  forced  loans,  while  Henry  VIII,  with  parliamentary  sanction,  re- 
ipudiated  most  of  his,  Elizabeth  usually  repaid  hers,  though  not  often 
in  money. 

Extraordinary  Grants  by  Parliament.  —  Extraordinary  grants  im- 
i posed  by  direct  taxation  were  wholly  in  the  hands  of  Parliament. 
iThey  were  of  two  sorts,  (i)  Tenths  and  fifteenths,  consisting  origi- 
nally of  a  tenth  of  the  income  of  burgesses  and  a  fifteenth  from  the 
shires,  came  to  be  fixed  in  the  fourteenth  century  at  £39,000  for  each 
assessment,  and,  owing  to  exemptions  and  other  causes,  grew  to  be 
very  unequal  in  its  distribution.  (2)  Less  early  in  origin  was  another 
form  of  direct  tax  —  the  subsidy.  Originally  this  term  had  been  used 

1  The  Tudor  Henrys  had  revived  benevolences  —  which  Richard  III  had 
abolished  in  1484  —  on  the  ground  that,  as  a  usurper,  his  legislation  was  invalid. 
They  maintained  also  that  they  were  not  taxes  but  gifts. 


268     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

loosely  as  a  name  for  additional  customs ;  in  its  later  and  stricter  sense 
it  meant  a  parliamentary  tax  of  45  in  the  £  on  land,  and  zs  8d  on  goods, 
though,  by  the  time  of  Elizabeth,  a  subsidy  had  become  fixed  at  about 
£80,000.  Unable  to  secure  adequate  grants  from  the  taxes  under 
the  control  of  Parliament,  the  two  rulers  who  followed  Elizabeth  re- 
sorted, with  disastrous  consequences,  to  the  irregular  devices  already 
in  existence,  but  sparingly  used  by  their  predecessor. 

The  Justices  of  the  Peace  and  the  Common  Law  Courts.  —  Only 
less  fruitful  in  precipitating  the  conflict  to  come  was  the  arbitrary 
jurisdiction  exercised  by  the  various  special  courts  set  up  during  the 
Tudor  period.  Just  as  the  High  Commission  came  to  supplant  the 
regular  Church  courts,  so  these  extraordinary  tribunals  superseded,  to 
a  large  degree,  the  normal  judicial  system.  Lowest  in  the  scale  of  the 
latter  were  the  justices  of  the  peace,  chosen  by  the  Chancellor  from  the 
landed  gentry  in  the  counties  and  from  the  magistrates  in  cities  and 
boroughs.  A  single  justice  could  commit ;  but  it  required  two  for  a 
judicial  decision.  In  such  petty  sessions,  as  they  came  to  be  called, 
they  dealt  with  minor  criminal  cases,  while  more  important  ones  were  re- 
served for  sittings  of  the  justices  of  the  whole  county,  known  as  Quar- 
ter Sessions,  because  they  were  held  four  times  a  year.  Next  above  the 
Quarter  Sessions  were  the  Assizes  held  at  the  county  seat  and  presided 
over  by  one  of  the  King's  justices,  assisted  by  such  of  the  local  justices 
as  were  commissioned  to  sit  with  him.  Above  the  Assizes  were  the 
three  Common  Law  Courts  sitting  at  Westminster.1  The  Court  of 
King's  Bench  and  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  had  each  a  chief  jus- 
tice and  three  associate  or  puisne  judges ;  the  judges  in  the  Exchequer 
Court  were  called  barons.  The  Court  of  Exchequer  Chamber  was 
a  court  of  still  higher  resort,  consisting  of  certain  of  the  judges  who 
had  not  previously  heard  the  case,  and,  occasionally,  a  specially  im- 
portant case  would  be  referred  to  all  twelve  judges  at  the  start.  In  the 
last  instance  a  case  went  either  to  the  Privy  Council  or  the  House  of 
Lords.  Even  over  these  Common  Law  courts  the  Sovereign  had  great 
control ;  for  their  judges  were  appointed  by  the  Crown,  usually  during 
pleasure,  though  Elizabeth  was  careful  not  to  abuse  her  powers. 

The  Special  Jurisdictions.  —  Of  the  special  courts,  Chancery,  of 
course,  greatly  antedated  the  Tudors.  Primarily  designed  to  decide 
questions  of  equity,  its  jurisdiction  was  often  employed  to  invade  the 
proper  field  of  the  Common  Law  courts.  Among  the  Tudor  creations 
were  certain  local  courts  modeled  after  Star  Chamber,  notably  the 
President  and  Council  in  the  North  Parts  and  the  Council  of  Wales 

1  It  was  their  judges  who  held  the  Assizes  when  the  central  courts  were  not  in 
session.  England  was  divided  into  several  circuits  for  the  purpose. 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  269 

and  the  Marches,  set  up  in  1539  and  1542  respectively  for  dealing  with 
disturbances  on  the  Borders.  Other  bodies  were  established  for  deal- 
ing with  particular  branches  of  the  revenue,  such  as  the  Court  of 
Wards  and  Liveries.  In  most  cases  their  original  purpose  was  justi- 
fied ;  but  their  powers  were  greatly  abused,  and  few  of  them  survived 
the  Puritan  Revolution. 

Local  Government.  —  The  Elizabethan  period  is  especially  impor- 
tant in  the  history  of  local  government ;  for  one  thing,  it  was  the  sys- 
tem in  which  the  American  colonists  were  trained  and  which  they 
developed  in  their  new  homes.  Old  organs  were  losing  much  of  their 
vitality.  The  sheriff,  for  instance,  was  deprived  of  most  of  his  im- 
portance ;  his  military  duties  as  head_of_the_county  militia,  organized 
tojjgal  withjnsurrection  and  mvasionr  were  taken  over  by  the  Lord 
Lieutenant  —  a_cojmiy--^fficial  d^tiag-£ronL.Edward  VI,1  while  his  ju- 
dicial and  administrative  duties  passed  to  the  justices  of  the  peace,. 
Beginning  with  the  Statutes  of  Laborers,  it  became  the  work  of  the 
tatter  to  license  beggars,  to  force  the  sturdy  to  work  and  to  repress 
vagrants ;  with  the  passage  of  the  poor  laws  and  the  recusancy  acts, 
more  burdens  were  laid  upon  them,  such  as  regulation  of  wages  and 
prices,  management  of  roads  and  prisons ;  while  subsequent  "stacks  of 
statutes  "  weighed  them  down  with  innumerable  duties,  which,  on 
the  whole,  they  discharged  effectually. 

The  smallest  administrative  division  was  the  parish,  which  looked, 
after  the  maintenance  of  the  church  services.;  .had  the  care  of  the  roads 
within  its  borders  ^  and^was^esponsible  for  -the,  support  of  its  poor, 
levying  rates  for  each  of  these  purposes.  Each  parish  furnished  its 
quota  for  the  Lord  Lieutenant's  levy  and  was  intrusted  with  police 
powers  exercised  by  elected  constables.  Some  parishes  too  supported 
3r  helped  to  support  schools.  Business  was  transacted  in  parish 
meetings  under  the  charge  of  church  wardens,  assisted  by  a  committee 
ranging  from  eight  to  twenty-four  members.  The  whole  was  known 
as  a  vestry,  which  was  generally  a  close  corporation,  i.e.  vacancies  were 
filled  by  surviving  members.  The  city  and  borough  governments 
were  growing  equally  oligarchical  throughout  the  sixteenth  and  seven- 
ceenth  centuries.  Thus,  from  the  Council  to  the  parish,  there  was 
i  complete  but  well-knit  system  of  administration,  in  which,  however, 
lone  but  the  select  few  had  any  share. 

Material  Conditions. — Except  for  the  humbler  folk,  the  Elizabethan 
oeriod  was  one  of  increased  prosperity,  .of  improved  methods  of  farm- 
,ng,  of  the  growth  of  manufactures,  of  the  extension  of  trade  and  com- 
merce. The  Queen's  wise  measures  —  her  restoration  of  the  coinage, 

1  His  military  powers  were  not  taken  away  till  1871. 


270     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

her  peaceful  policy,  economy,  and  light  taxes,  and  her  encouragement 
of  exploration  and  maritime  enterprise  —  were  greatly  favored  by 
circumstances.  •  England,  as  a  wool-producing  country,  was  bound, 
in  the  long  run,  to  prevail  as  a  manufacturer  of  cloth.  The  necessity 
of  feeding  those  engaged  in  the  new  industry  made  arable  farming 
again  profitable.  Moreover,  from  her  position  on  the  very  threshold 
of  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  it  was  inevitable  that  the  Island  Kingdom 
should  profit  by  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  and  the  new  trade 
routes.  Also,  the  revolt  of  the  Netherlands  and  the  ruin  of  Antwerp 
gave  London  and  the  other  English  commercial  cities  opportunities 
which  they  were  not  slow  to  seize. 

The  Restoration  of  the  Coinage. — The  disorganization  of  the 
currency,  begun  under  Henry  VIII,  continued  through  the  next  reign, 
and  Mary,  in  spite  of  well-meant  efforts,  was  able  to  accomplish  little 
toward  remedying  the  evils.  It  remained  for  Elizabeth  to  overcome 
the  "  hideous  monster  of  base  money."  She  called  in  the  debased 
coins  at  a  figure  far  below  that  at  which  they  circulated  and  somewhat 
less  than  their  real  value,  issuing,  in  their  place,  pure  new  coins.  The 
extension  of  credit  combined  with  the  improved  currency  to  help  the 
growth  of  business.  Discarding  the  old  notion  that  all  lending  at 
interest  was  usurious  and  wrong,  both  Henry  VIII  and  Elizabeth 
recognized  the  legality  of  moderate  interest.1  Owing  to  the  policy  of 
mercantilism,  to  the  expansion  of  trade  and  commerce,  and  to  the 
privateering  against  Spain,  prices  kept  rising ;  but  the  rise  was  of  a 
healthier  sort  than  that  due  to  scarcity  and  debased  money.  Since 
rents  and  wages  went  up  more  slowly,  the  landlords  and  la- 
borers did  not  feel  the  change  so  fully  or  so  quickly  as  the  merchant 
and  manufacturer,  though  the  increasing  demand  for  the  products 
of  the  soil  steadily  improved  the  condition  of  the  landed  gentry  and 
gave  the  laborers  more  regular  employment.  Many  of  the  former, 
too,  invested  in  trading  and  buccaneering  enterprises  which  brought 
them  large  returns.  Prosperity  had  developed  to  such  a  point  ir 
1569  that  the  Government  which  had  hitherto  borrowed  abroad  placec 
a  loan  at  home. 

Development  of  Agriculture.  —  There  was  a  marked  revival  o 
farming  in  Elizabeth's,  reign.  Country  gentlemen  began  again  t< 
turn  their  attention.  to-the_jailtiyation  of  their  estates,  agriculture 
writers  discussed  improved,  me  thods^jwhilejiew 'sources  of  profit  begai  \ 
fcT  arise  from  market  gardening.  Sheep  raising,  however,  had  t> 
contend  against  various  obstacles ;  not  only  was  the  practice  of  en 
closing  still  discouraged  by  law,  but  also  there  was  a  decline  i 

1  In  1571  it  was  fixed  at  10  per  cent. 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  271 

the  price  of  wool,  possibly  owing  to  a  temporary  over-stocking  of 
the  market,  more  likely  because  rich  pasturage 1  coarsened  the 
quality.  In  addition  to  tne  growth  of  population  and  the  in- 
creasing demand  for  food  supplies,  the  policy  of  the  Queen  contri- 
buted greatly  to  favor  the  revival  of  tillage.  When  the  price  of 
corn  was  moderate  she  encouraged  its  export  in  the  interest  of  the 
farmer  and  the  shipper ;  only  in  times  of  scarcity  was  export  checked 
in  the  interest  of  the  consumer.  One  exception,  however,  was  made 
on  political  grounds ;  after  hostilities  opened  with  Spain  no  foodstuffs 
could  be  sent  to  that  kingdom  at  all.  New  and  better  roads  opened 
new  markets  at  home,  more  attention  was  paid  to  fertilizing,  and  with 
the  revival  of  market  gardening,  onions,  cabbages,  carrots,  and  parsnips 
began  to  be  grown.  In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  relatively  to  tillage 
and  cattle  raising,  sheep  farming  was  becoming  less  profitable,  and  that 
most  of  the  enclosures  were  for  the  purpose  of  convertible  husbandry. 

Discovery  and  Exploration.  —  The  notable  exploits  of  Elizabethan 
seamen  have  influenced  profoundly  the  history  of  England  and  the 
history  of  the  world  in  a  multitude  of  ways.  In  these  men  the  spirit 
cf  the  Renascence  was  wonderfully  manifested,  and  geographical  know- 
ledge, literature,  religion,  commerce,  industry,  colonization,  and  the 
spread  of  civilization  all  bear  the  marks  of  their  achievements.  They 
circumnavigated  the  globe  ;  they  opened  Russia  and  the  East  to  Eng- 
lish trade,  they, .extended.  English  commerce  into  the  Mediterranean 
and  along  the  African  coast ;  they  took  the  first  steps  toward  securing 
a  foothold  in  India ;  they  undertook  Arctic  voyages  in  search  of  north- 
east and  northwest  passages  to  Cathay;  and.  they, made  possible  the 
beginnings  of- English-  c^leftizatioTr  in  America. 

The  Opening  up  of  Russia  and  Central  Asia.  —  The  opening  up  of 
Russia  began  with  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  two  daring  explorers, 
Richard  Chancellor  and  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  in  search  of  the  north- 
east passage.  Of  the  three  ships  which  began  the  voyage,  in  1553, 
two,  including  Willoughby's,  were  lost.  Chancellor,  "  very  heavy, 
pensive,  and  sorrowful,"  proceeded  alone.  He  rounded  the  North 
Cape,  passed  southward  to  the  White  Sea,  and  landed  near  the  present 
Archangel.  Thence  he  journeyed  fifteen  hundred  miles  on  sledges 
to  Moscow,  the  court  of  Ivan  the  Terrible,  King  of  the  Muscovites. 
After  remaining  three  months  he  returned  to  England  with  letters 
from  Ivan  and  an  account  of  the  condition  and  resources  cf  his  King- 
dom. Chancellor  was  drowned  on  his  return  from  a  subsequent 
voyage,  but  the  Muscovite  ambassador  who  accompanied  him  was 

1  Due  to  the  development  of  mixed  farming  or  convertible  husbandry  when 
lands  used  for  tillage  one  year  were  turned  into  pasture  the  next,  and  vice  versa. 


272     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND  AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

received  at  Mary's  court  in  1557.  Having  secured  a  foothold  in 
Russia  and  the  favor  of  the  Tsar,  English  enterprise  was  extended 
under  Elizabeth,  by  journeys  along  the  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea 
into  Turkestan  and  northern  Persia,  valuable  commercial  privileges 
being  secured  in  all  these  countries.  However,  the  death  of  Ivan, 
in  1584,  marked  the  decline  of  English  trade  in  this  direction,  the 
Dutch  broke  in  upon  the  monopoly,  and  new  fields  of  commerce  and 
other  routes  to  the  further  east  were  sought. 

The  Mediterranean.  The  Overland  and  Sea  Routes  to  India.  - 
One  was  overland  from  the  Mediterranean,  a  natural  development 
from  the  Turkey  trade  which  was  being  pushed  forward  vigorously. 
Most  notable  of  all  was  an  overland  expedition  led  by  John  New- 
berrie  and  Ralph  Fitch.  Starting  from  Syria,  in  1583,  they  went  in 
company  as  far  as  the  western  coast  of  India.  There  Fitch  parted 
pany  with  Newberrie,  and  penetrated  to  Bengal  and  other  parts  of 
the  eastern  side  of  the  peninsula,  probably  the  first  Englishman  who 
ever  made  the  journey.  The  other  route  was  by  sea  around  southern 
Africa.  James  Lancaster  and  George  Raymond,  the  first  English- 
men to  venture  past  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,1  returned  in  1594,  having 
gone  as  far  as  Malacca  and  Ceylon.  The  tales  of  these  explorers  and 
the  desire  to  compete  with  the  Dutch,2  who  were  beginning  to  supplant 
the  Portuguese  in  the  East  Indies,  led  to  the  formation  of  the  English 
East  India  company,  in  1599. 

The  English  Seamen  in  the  Western  World.  —  Biggest,  however, 
in  results,  as  we  view  them,  were  the  voyages  to  our  American  shores' 
and  the  first  steps  toward  colonization  within  the  limits  of  the  present 
United  States.  The  Cabots  had  prepared  the  way  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  VII,  but  little  more  was  done  till  Elizabeth's  time,  when  Haw- 
kins and  Drake  stirred  the  spirit  of  English  maritime  adventure,  the 
crowning  achievement  being  Drake's  circumnavigation  of  "  the  whole 
globe  of  the  earth  "  from  1577  to  1580.  There  was  still  much  specu- 
lation as  to  the  possibility  of  a  northwest  passage,  and  Englishmen 
hoped  to  discover  gold  as  well  as  a  trade  route  in  the  bleak  northern 
regions.  Thither,  Martin  Frobisher  made  three  voyages  (1576-1578) 
adding  much  to  the  knowledge  of  Greenland  and  Labrador. 

Early  English  Attempts  at  Colonization.  —  Attempts  at  conquest 
and  settlement  followed  in  the  wake  of  these  voyages  of  discovery 

1  The  Portuguese,  Bartholomew  Diaz,  was  the  first  to  round  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  in  1486.     In  1497-1498  Vasco  de  Gama  made  his  celebrated  voyage  from 
Portugal  to  India. 

2  Their  various  trading  companies  were  united  into  the  Dutch  East  India  Com- 
pany, in  1602. 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  273 

and  plundering  raids.  The  pioneer  was  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  who, 
in  1578,  received  a  patent  for  "  the  planting  of  our  people  in  America." 
Failing  in  his  first  two  voyages,  he  sailed  again,  in  1583,  and  reached 
the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  where  he  founded  the  first  colony  in 
British  North  America.  On  his  return  voyage  he  went  down  with 
his  ship,  crying  with  pious  courage  to  those  in  a  neighboring  vessel : 
"  We  are  as  near  heaven  by  sea  as  by  land."  His  half-brother,  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  took  over  his  patent,  and  the  region  which  he  selected 
for  colonization  was  named  "  Virginia,"  after  England's  virgin  Queen. 
Although  the  various  colonies  which  he  sent  failed  to  establish  a  per- 
manent settlement  on  the  Carolina  coast,  he  deserves  credit  for  his 
efforts  in  a  work  so  big  in  future  results.  Never  setting  foot  himself  on 
the  shores  of  North  America,  he  did,  however,  make  a  voyage,  1595, 
in  search  for  El  Dorado,  the  fabulous  city  —  an  expedition  that  gave 
the  English  their  claim  to  the  present  British  Guiana.  Also,  Eliza- 
bethan seamen  undertook  numberless  other  journeys  to  remote  lands 
and  distant  seas,  and  the  whole  wonderful  story  may  be  read  in  the 
stirring  pages  of  the  contemporary  Richard  Hakluyt  (1552-1616) 
whose  Principal  Navigations,  Voyages,  and  Discoveries  of  the  English 
Nation  —  form  the  "  best  collection  of  the  exploits  of  the  heroes  in 
whom  the  new  era  was  revealed." 

Foreign  Trade.  —  Governmental  regulation  of  trade  still  prevailed. 
New  navigation  laws  were  passed,  partly  for  protection  and  partly 
to  foster  English  seamenship.  The  latter  motive  also  played  a  part 
in  the  encouragement  of  the  fisheries,  which  explains  why  England, 
a  Protestant  country,  not  only  enforced  fast-days  by  law,  but  added 
Wednesday  as  a  new  "  fish  day."  In  order  to  nurse  infant  industries 
the  importation  of  certain  manufactured  goods  and  the  export  of  raw 
materials  (except  wool  which  was  an  English  staple)  were  discouraged. 
One  curious  enactment  provided  that,  on  Sundays  and  holidays,  every 
English  subject  over  six  years  of  age  must  wear  a  cap  of  native  manu- 
facture or  pay  a  fine.1  Monopolies  were  another  means  of  fostering 
English  industry  and  commerce,  though,  later  in  the  reign,  they  were 
also  employed  as  a  means  of  adding  to  the  royal  revenues.  All  sorts 
of  luxuries  and  some  necessities  were  imported.  Trade  was  largely 
monopolized  by  great  merchant  companies.  The  old  Merchant  Ad- 
venturers, who  had  received  a  patent  from  Henry  VII,  were  incor- 
porated with  extended  privileges  in  1564,  while  most  noteworthy 
among  the  many  new  companies  was  the  famous  East  India  Company, 
which  laid  the  foundations  of  the  present  Indian  Empire  of  Great 

1  The  "woolsack",  on  which  the  Chancellor  sits  in  the  House  of  Lords,  had  its 
origin  in  the  same  effort  to  foster  the  national  industry. 


Britain.  Though  the  Dutch  still  led  in  almost  all  branches  of  com- 
merce and  though  agriculture  still  remained  England's  chief  industry, 
this  period  is  marked  by  progress  in  manufactures  and  trade  which 
led  within  two  centuries  to  her  preeminence  over  all  rivals. 

Burghley's  Economic  Policy.  —  This  great  development  was  due, 
in  a  considerable  degree,  to  Burghley.  With  him  the  strength  of  the 
State  was  the  main  aim,  and  much  of  his  industrial  and  commercial 
legislation  was  designed  toward  that  end.  He  developed  mining  and 
manufacturing  with  a  view  of  enabling  England  to  supply  her  own 
ordnance  and  ammunition,  and,  in  order  to  increase  the  effectiveness 
of  the  navy,  he  took  steps  to  preserve  the  timber  lands,  to  increase 
the  native  supply  of  hemp  and  sailcloth,  and  actively  encouraged 
the  merchant  marine.  Among  the  means  which  he  employed  were : 
the  formation  of  trading  companies,  granting  patents  of  monopoly, 
fostering  the  fisheries,  and  improving  the  harbors.  In  some  respects 
his  policy  was  sharply  opposed  to  that  of  Elizabeth :  he  was  against 
piracy,  which  she  secretly  encouraged,  and  he  disapproved  of  the  navi- 
gation laws  on  the  ground  that,  while  they  helped  the  growth  of  Eng- 
lish shipping,  they  encouraged  the  importation  of  luxuries,  such  as 
wines,  silks,  and  spices. 

Internal  Trade  and  Industry.  —  Industry  was  greatly  stimulated 
by  immigrants  from  France  and  Flanders,  who  went,  in  limited  num- 
bers, to  towns  authorized  by  license  to  receive  them,  introducing,  among 
other  things,  thread  and  lace  making  and  silk  weaving.  The  gilds 
which  had  long  regulated  industry,  at  first  independently  and  then 
under  central  control,  were  already  on  the  decline  before  the  Reforma- 
tion, and  the  confiscation  of  their  religious  and  charitable  funds  under 
Henry  VIII  and  Edward  VI  practically  forced  them  to  the  wall.  In 
many  places  "  livery  companies  "  were  formed  to  take  their  place, 
new  organizations,1  which  were  associations  of  employers  authorized 
by  the  Crown  instead  of  the  municipalities,  and  often  included  several 
trades.  Their  aim  was  to  supervise  the  quality  of  wares,  to  keep 
records  of  entered  apprentices,  and  to  protect  the  natives  of  corporate 
towns  in  competition  with  aliens.  In  order  better  to  control  condi- 
tions of  labor  and  production,  Elizabeth,  in  the  fifth  year  of  her  reign, 
passed  the  famous  Statute  of  Apprentices,  not  repealed  till  1813.  All 
able-bodied  men,  with  certain  exceptions  noted  in  the  Act,  were  liable 
to  serve  as  agricultural  laborers;  measures  were  framed  to  prevent 
irregular  and  brief  employment,  vagrancy,  migration  of  laborers  and 
artificers  alike ;  and  the  term  of  apprenticeship  was  fixed  at  seven 
years  in  both  town  and  country.  In  the  choice  of  apprentices  the 

1  Not  to  be  confused  with  the  merchant  companies  who  traded  abroad. 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  275 

rural  districts  and  the  corporate  towns  were  given  special  advantages 
over  market  towns,  which  checked  the  drift  toward  the  newer  towns 
where  conditions  of  employment  had  been  unregulated  and  lax.  Also 
the  Act  intrusted  the  assessment  of  wages  to  the  justices  of  the  peace 
acting  under  the  supervision  of  the  Council,  and  wages  were  no  longer 
arbitrarily  fixed  as  had  been  the  case  under  the  old  Statutes  of  Laborers, 
but  were  to  be  regulated  according  to  plenty  or  scarcity  and  accord- 
ing to  local  conditions. 

The  Poor  Laws.  —  Important  as  were  the  poor  laws  of  Henry  VIII 
in  foreshadowing  new  principles,  he  failed  to  provide  effective  means 
for  enforcing  them.  While  something  was  done  to  improve  his 
system  under  both  Edward  and  Mary,  it  remained  for  the  government 
of  Elizabeth  to  put  the  laws  in  a  shape  which  survived,  in  most  of 
their  features,  down  to  the  nineteenth  century.  The  famous  "  Old 
Poor  Law  "  of  1601  was  really  only  the  embodiment  in  permanent 
form  of  a  series  of  statutes  extending  from  1563  to  1598.  In  sub- 
stance it  provided  that:  contributions  for  the  relief  of  the  poor 
should  be  compulsory;  habitations  were  to  be  furnished  for  the 
impotent  and  aged ;  children  of  paupers  were  to  be  apprenticed ; 
stocks  of  hemp  and  wool  were  to  be  provided  for  the  employment 
of  sturdy  idlers ;  and  houses  of  correction  were  to  be  set  up  for  those 
who  obstinately  refused  to  work. 

Royal  Progresses.  —  The  Queen  in  her  tireless  pursuit  of  pleasure 
and  her  fondness  for  magnificent  display l  naturally  set  the  fashion 
for  her  people,  particularly  the  Court  and  the  upper  classes.  This 
ostentation  was  peculiarly  manifest  in  the  royal  progresses,  when 
she  was  entertained  so  lavishly  as  to  bring  many  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  to  the  verge  of  ruin.  These  journeys  and  visits  served  va- 
rious purposes :  they  gratified  the  Queen's  inordinate  vanity ;  they  were 
a. part  of  her  economy,  for  during  long  intervals  she  was  supported 
at  the  expense  of  others ;  and  finally  they  kept  her  before  her  subjects 
and  stimulated  rivalry  in  loyalty.  The  most  famous  of  the  entertain- 
ments in  her  honor  was  that  provided  by  Leicester  at  Kenilworth 
Castle,  where  she  stayed  three  weeks  in  the  summer  of  1575.  There 
were  all  sorts  of  pageantry  and  poetry,  giants,  nymphs,  fireworks, 
a  floating  island  in  a  pool  in  front  of  the  palace,  hunting,  tilting,  bear 
baiting,  tumbling,  rustic  sports,  songs,  and  masques. 

Dress   and   Manner   of  Living.  —  Extravagance   and   artificiality 

were  characteristic  of  the  dress,  the  manners,  and  the  speech  of  the 

period.     Women  dressed  their  hair  in  most  elaborate  fashions ;   they 

surrounded  their  necks  with  enormous  ruffs  held  by  wire  or  starch 

1  In  spite  of  her  parsimony  she  left  a  wardrobe  of  3000  gowns. 


276     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

and  wore  huge  farthingales  or  hoop  skirts.  And  the  men  were  fully 
as  bad.  They  perfumed  themselves  with  musk  and  civet ;  and  with 
tight-fitting  nether  stocks  and  trunk  hose,  surmounted  by  padded 
doublets  or  jackets,  with  highly  ornamented  cloaks  slung  over  their 
shoulders,  with  gaudy  befeathered  hats,  and  girt  with  swords  and 
adorned  with  bracelets  and  earrings,  they  presented  an  imposing 
show.  The  dress  of  the  laborer  was  of  necessity  very  plain;  but 
sumptuary  laws  were  passed  from  time  to  time  to  check  the  extrava- 
gance of  the  lower  classes  and  to  encourage  the  use  of  homemade 
woolens.  There  were  abundant  sports  and  diversions  in  town  and 
country.  The  man  of  fashion  lounged  in  the  nave  of  St.  Paul's  of 
a  morning ;  he  dined  at  a  tavern,  drinking  heavily  and  smoking  tobacco, 
a  practice  introduced  from  the  New  World  before  the  close  of  the 
reign ;  then  he  might  choose  between  bull  and  bear  baitings  and  the 
theater  for  further  amusements.  Masques  and  interludes  were  fre- 
quent, and,  for  the  hardier  sort,  tennis,  football,  wrestling,  fencing, 
tilting,  hunting,  and  hawking.  There  were  still  numerous  holidays, 
each  with  its  appropriate  festival,  with  mummings,  games,  and 
abundant  eating  and  drinking.  The  merits  of  soap  were  not  yet  fully 
recognized,  though  refinements  and  luxuries  were  on  the  increase, 
such  as  chimneys,  glass  windows  and  carpets  in  place  of  lattice  and 
rushes.  Plate  and  glassware  were  abundant  among  the  wealthy,  while 
the  poor  used  pewter.  Knives  supplanted  the  fingers  in  eating,  more 
and  more,  and  forks  were  soon  to  appear.  Many  artificers  and 
farmers  even  began  to  have  beds  hung  with  tapestry  and  to  discard 
logs  of  wood  and  sacks  of  chaff  for  pillows.  Timber  houses  gave 
way  to  dwellings  of  brick  and  stone.  There  was  great  lament  over 
these  changes :  it  was  said  that  when  houses  were  of  willow  there  were 
men  of  oak,  and  that  now  with  houses  of  oak  there  were  men  of  straw. 
Architecture.  —  By  Elizabeth's  time  men  had  ceased  to  use  the 
Gothic  style  in  building.  The  classical  Italian,  which  gradually 
replaced  it,  was  at  first  a  mixture  of  Italian  and  Gothic,  and  was 
chiefly  employed  in  secular  building;  for,  from  the  Reformation  to 
well  into  the  seventeenth  century,  church  building  of  original  artistic 
value  practically  ceased.  Henry  VIII  was  as  fond  of  fine  buildings 
as  he  was  of  fine  clothes,  though  Wolsey,  who  built  Hampton  Court 
and  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  was  far  more  active  in  construction, 
while  Henry's  courtiers  were  too  poor  to  build  very  extensively.  It 
was  only  with  the  increase  of  wealth  and  the  rising  of  standards  of 
comfort  of  Elizabeth's  time  that  such  magnificent  palaces  as  Kenil- 
worth  begin  to  raise  their  heads.  Then,  too,  numbers  of  stately  and 
artistic  country  mansions  were  erected.  In  the  early  part  of  her 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  277 

reign  the  old  English,  rambling  and  picturesque  in  effect,  still  pre- 
dominated over  the  Italian;  later  the  Italian  elements  with  greater 
symmetry  of  plan  had  come  to  prevail. 

Prevalence  of  Superstition.  —  Except  for  William  Gilbert's  treatise 
on  the  magnet,  in  1600,  there  were  few  real  steps  in  advance  between 
the  Reformation  and  time  of  the  Stuarts.  Witchcraft  and  sorcery 
still  held  sway  over  men's  minds.  Alchemists  and  quacks  had  great 
vogue ;  indeed,  a  Lady  Margaret  Professor  of  Divinity  resigned  his 
chair  to  devote  himself  to  the  study  of  transmutation  of  metals.  The 
revival  of  Greek  medical  science  contributed  to  prolong  a  popular 
belief  in  astrology,  while  the  triumph  of  the  Copernican  system  was 
undermining  its  basic  principles.  One  famous  physician,  who  was 
a  professor  of  the  art,  found  it  wise  to  flee  the  country  after  he  had 
predicted  from  the  stars  a  long  life  for  Edward  VI. 

The  Elizabethan  Age  an  Epoch  in  the  World's  Literature.  —  The 
three  main  achievements  of  the  Elizabethan  age  were :  the  establish- 
ment of  Protestantism;  the  remarkable  impulse  in  maritime  enter- 
prise ;  and  the  wonderful  literary  outburst,  perhaps  unparalleled  in 
the  world's  history.  The  third  remains  to  be  considered.  Up  to 
this  time  England  had  produced  only  one  writer  of  enduring  fame  — 
the  incomparable  Chaucer.  While  from  the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's 
reign  promising  writers  were  in  evidence,  the  work  of  the  decade 
preceding  its  close  has  never  been  matched  in  any  period  or  country. 
In  seeking  to  account  for  the  phenomenon  it  is  hardly  enough  to  say 
that  it  was  due  simply  to  the  fact  that  a  number  of  men  of  unusual 
gifts  of  expression  chanced  to  be  born  about  the  same  time.  Many 
causes  had  combined  to  awaken  a  spirit  which  quickened  their  imagi- 
nation and  stirred  them  to  speech.  First,  there  was  the  influence 
of  the  Italian  Renascence.  Those  who  first  drank  from  that  in- 
vigorating source  were  primarily  interested  in  religious  problems, 
and  the  ecclesiastical  upheaval,  which  followed,  diverted  men  for  a 
time  from  pure  literature.  However,  before  the  end  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII,  Wyatt  and  Surrey  had  begun  to  voice  the  worldly  aspect 
of  Humanism,  which  was  to  reach  such  a  choice  and  varied  expression 
under  Elizabeth.  Secondly,  the  discoveries  and  explorations  and 
the  strange  new  outlook  on  the  world  which  it  brought,  broadened 
the  mental  horizon  of  Englishmen  and  gave  them  stimulating  food 
for  thought.  And,  finally,  the  triumph  over  Catholicism  and  Spain 
aroused  a  national  consciousness  and  a  pride  which  clamored  for  utter- 
ance. 

Translations.  —  The  works  of  the  ancients  and  of  the  Italians  of 
the  Renascence  were  opened  to  Englishmen  largely  through  adapta- 


278     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

tion  and  translations.  The  old  printer  Caxton  had  led  the  way. 
From  his  time  until  Elizabeth  the  most  notable  production  of  this 
sort  was  Surrey's  SEneid.  Then  they  followed  thick  and  fast.  In 
1566  appeared  William  Painter's  Palace  of  Pleasure,  a  collection  of 
stories  from  the  Greek,  Latin,  Italian,  and  French,  which  furnished 
a  rich  store  of  material  for  the  Elizabethan  dramatists.  Another 
source  from  which  they  drew  freely  was  Plutarch's  Lives,  done  into 
English  by  Thomas  North  in  1579.  Most  of  the  earlier  work  of  this 
field  was  by  lesser  men ;  but  later  such  renderings  as  Chapman's 
Iliad  (1598)  and  Florio's  Montaigne  (1603),  deservedly  rank  as  works 
of  art. 

Prose  Literature  :  Early  Affectation.  "  Euphuism."  —  Imma- 
turity, the  use  of  these  foreign  models,  and  the  prevailing  affecta- 
tion led  to  much  pedantry,  extravagance,  and  obscurity  among  the 
earlier  writers  of  the  reign.  There  were  a  few  stout  protests  against 
such  "  inkhorn  English,"  larded  with  French  or  "  Italianated " 
idioms.  For  example,  Roger  Ascham,  himself  a  master  of  vigorous, 
plain  but  graceful  English,  declared  that,  "  he  that  will  write  well  in 
any  tongue  must  speak  as  the  common  people  do,  and  think  as  wise 
men  do,"  and  lamented  that  "  many  English  writers  have  not  done 
so,  but,  using  strange  words,  as  Latin,  French,  and  Italian,  do  make  all 
things  dark."  But  the  young  writers  of  the  new  age  were  too  im- 
petuous and  too  bubbling  over  with  ardor  to  take  him  as  a  model,  nor 
did  the  impressive  and  grave  simplicity  of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  and  the  Bible  translations  of  the  previous  generation  appeal 
to  them.  It  was  only  after  a  period  of  luxuriant  extravagance  that 
the  ripe,  finished,  and  gorgeous  but  dignified  style  of  the  late  Eliza- 
bethan and  early  Jacobean  era  was  attained.  The  summit  of  affec- 
tation was  manifested  in  John  Lyly's  Euphues,  1579,  a  fantastic 
romance  full  of  labored  and  far-fetched  figures  of  speech.  Taken 
up  by  the  Queen,  the  work  was  enthusiastically  received  at  Court, 
where  a  new  style  of  speaking,  known  as  "  Euphuism,"  came  into 
vogue.  An  inevitable  reaction  followed,  and  it  was  attacked  and 
caricatured,  notably  by  Shakespeare  in  his  earliest  play,  Love's 
Labour's  Lost.  While  the  ridicule  was  deserved,  Euphues  accomplished 
something  for  the  improvement  of  morals  and  culture,  and  the  refine- 
ment of  current  speech. 

The  Middle  Period.  Sir  Philip  Sidney.  —  Sir  Philip  Sidney 
(1554-1586),  whose  short  life  was  crowded  with  activity  as  a  soldier, 
statesman,  and  poet,  marks  the  transition  from  the  earlier  to  the 
later  period.  Although  an  outspoken  critic  of  Lyly,  Arcadia,  his 
first  book,  is  marked  to  a  considerable  degree  by  the  same  faults  of 


ELIZABETHAN   ENGLAND  279 

artificiality  and  diffuseness.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  illuminated  by 
passages  of  real  beauty  and  was  immensely  popular  for  nearly  two 
centuries,  until  the  advent  of  the  modern  novel,  for  which  it  was  a 
forerunner,  superseded  the  type.  His  Apologie  for  Poetrie,1  1581, 
one  of  the  earliest  pieces  of  English  criticism  and  a  splendid  vindi- 
cation of  imaginative  literature,  though  not  free  from  exuberance, 
pedantry,  and  scholasticism,  marks  a  great  advance  over  the  Arcadia. 
One  passage  will  illustrate  the  wondrous  charm  of  his  phrasing  at  its 
best.  "  Nature,"  he  says,  "  never  set  forth  the  earth  in  so  rich  tapes- 
try as  divers  poets  have  done,  neither  with  so  pleasant  rivers,  fruitful 
trees,  sweet  smelling  flowers,  nor  whatsoever  else  may  make  the  too 
much  loved  earth  more  lovely."  Altogether,  Sidney  marks  a  genuine 
advance  in  clearness,  genuineness  of  feeling,  and  beauty  of  expression. 
The  Crowning  Decade.  —  As  was  the  case  with  all  other  forms  of 
Elizabethan  literature,  the  truly  great  prose  did.  not  appear  until  the 
last  decade  of  the  reign.  Richard  Hooker's  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  the 
first  four  books  of  which  appeared  in  1594,  did  much  to  soften  the  strife 
between  Puritan  and  Anglican.  With  "  sweet  reasonableness  "  the 
"  judicious  Hooker  "  sought  to  justify  the  Church  of  England  by 
a  threefold  appeal :  to  Scripture  and  primitive  practice ;  to  reason ; 
and  to  the  needs  of  the  times,  arguing  that  its  policy  best  accorded 
with  all  three.  Aside  from  its  polemical  importance  it  is  a  recognized 
monument  of  classic  English  prose.  Equally  significant  in  form,  and 
even  more  in  substance,  because  of  their  more  general  appeal,  are  the 
Essays,  1597,  of  Francis  Bacon  (1561-1626)  whom  many  regard  as 
England's  greatest  intellectual  product.  Though  he  esteemed  Latin 
to  be  the  only  tongue  fit  for  learned  communication,  and  wrote  in 
English  only  under  protest,  his  style,  in  spite  of  its  formality  and 
overgreat  use  of  Latinized  expressions,  is  remarkable  for  its  vigor,  wit, 
incisiveness,  and  pith.  The  only  parts  which  he  ever  completed  of 
a  vast  treatise  designed  to  comprehend  all  learning  and  science, 
appeared  in  the  next  reign.  Of  the  men  who  supported  themselves 
by  their  pens,  most  wrote  chiefly  for  the  theater;  yet,  altogether, 
they  produced  a  large  body  of  miscellaneous  writing  —  prose  fiction 
and  controversial  pamphlets.  Perhaps  the  most  worthy  of  note  are 
Robert  Greene's  Repentance  and  A  Groat's  Worth  of  Wit  which  tell 
of  his  own  irregular  life,  all  too  characteristic  of  the  set  in  which  he 
moved,  and  Thomas  Lodge's  Rosalynde,  a  romance  regarded  as  the 
most  perfect  bit  of  prose  fiction  of  the  time,  from  which  Shakespeare 
got  the  plot  of  ^45  You  Like  It.  Thomas  Nash,  who  died  in  poverty 
at  an  early  age,  also  wrote  vigorous  biting  prose,  and  entered  into  all 
1  Or  Defense  of  Poesic. 


280     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

sorts  of  controversies,  attacking  with  especial  bitterness  the  Puritan 
authors  of  the  Marprelate  Libels,  while  his  Unfortunate  Traveller,  or 
the  Adventures  of  Jack  Wilton,  a  romance  of  reckless  exploits,  is  an 
interesting  anticipation  of  one  type  of  modern  novel. 

Elizabethan  Historical  Writing.  —  Throughout  the  reign  men  were 
producing  important  historical  works.  John  Fox  (1516-1587),  one 
of  the  Marian  exiles,  published,  in  1563,  the  first  English  edition  of 
his  famous  Acts  and  Monuments,  popularly  known  as  the  "  Book  of 
Martyrs."  In  1578  appeared  Holinshed's  Chronicles,  which  furnished 
Shakespeare  with  the  materials  for  his  historical  plays,  and  for  some 
of  his  grandest  tragedies.  John  Stow's  Survey  of  London,  1598,  is 
a  mine  of  information  on  the  buildings  and  streets  of  the  Elizabethan 
city.  Other  historical  works  reflect  the  larger  world  that  writers  of 
the  age  were  coming  to  know.  In  this  field  Richard  Hakluyt's 
Principall  Navigations  outshines  them  all. 

Poetry.  —  Yet  it  is  in  its  poetry  that  the  age  is  really  distinctive. 
There  was  a  constantly  swelling  stream  of  sonnets,  lyrics,  pastorals, 
epics,  and,  above  all,  of  dramas,  of  unsurpassed  richness,  variety,  and 
beauty.  For  twenty  years,  however,  it  was  chiefly  minor  poets  that 
were  busy,  and  anthologies  appeared  with  titles  more  enticing  than 
their  contents  warranted ;  for  example,  A  Gorgeous  Gallery  of  Gallant 
Inventions,  1578.  The  Shepherd's  Calendar,  1579,  of  Edmund  Spenser 
(1552-1599)  marks  the  transition  between  the  period  of  beginnings 
and  the  glorious  final  decade  of  the  reign.  Meantime,  Philip  Sidney 
had  begun  his  charming  group  of  sonnets  entitled  Astrophel  and 
Stella ,*  noteworthy  not  only  for  their  own  sake,  but  for  their  influence 
on  Shakespeare's  matchless  collection.  Only  a  work  especially 
devoted  to  literary  history  could  give  an  adequate  description  of 
the  mass  of  exquisite  songs  and  lyrics  which  appeared  thenceforth 
either  independently,  or,  set  like  jewels,  in  the  contemporary  stories 
and  plays.  The  "  great  epic  of  Elizabethan  England  "  was  Spenser's 
Faerie  Queene,  1590-1596.  Cast  in  the  form  of  a  medieval  romance, 
it  is  in  substance  an  allegorical  manifestation  of  the  spirit  of  the  age 
—  a  defense  of  Protestantism,  and  a  glorification  of  Elizabeth  as  the 
champion  of  the  truth  and  virtue  against  Papal  Rome,  embodiment  of 
error  and  vice. 

The  Drama.  English  and  Roman  Sources.  —  Rich  and  beautiful 
as  was  the  Elizabethan  literature  in  its  manifold  forms,  the  supreme 
achievement  was  in  the  drama.  While  distinctly  an  expression  of 
the  spirit  of  the  age,  inspired  and  strongly  influenced  by  the  study 

1  They  were  written  during  the  years  from  1575-1583,  though  they  were  not 
published  till  1591. 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  281 

of  revived  classical  and  Italian  models,  it  was  not  wholly  unaffected 
by  the  popular  and  Court  festivals  and  the  religious  representations 
which  had  been  developing  for  centuries  on  the  native  soil.  The 
pageants  and  masques,  the  mysteries,  miracle  and  morality  plays, 
the  interludes  and  mummings  which  delighted  the  medieval  English- 
men furnished  one  fruitful  source.  From  them  came  the  local  color, 
the  life  and  the  old  time  jollity.  The  other  source  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Roman  dramas,  revived  in  the  Italy  of  the  Renascence.  They 
served  as  models  of  style  and  structure  and  provided  many  of  the 
plots.1  Masters  of  the  great  public  schools  prepared  scenes  from 
the  Roman  comedy  writers,  chiefly  Plautus  and  Terence,  for  their 
boys  to  act,  either  in  Latin  or  in  English  translation.  Nicholas 
Udall  marked  an  epoch  when,  about  1541,  he  wrote  in  English,  from 
a  Latin  model,  Ralph  Roister  Doister,  the  first  English  comedy.  In 
tragedy  the  chief  model  was  Seneca.  The  first  English  tragedy  in 
the  approved  classical  style  was  Gorboduc  or  Ferrex  and  Porrex,  based 
on  an  old  British  legend  from  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth.  Written  by 
Thomas  Norton  and  Thomas  Sackville,  Lord  Buckhurst,  it  was  pre- 
sented before  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  1561.  In  general,  however,  the 
first  half  of  Elizabeth's  reign  was  not  productive  of  significant  dra- 
matic works,  and  while  plays  of  all  sorts  were  written,  it  was  largely 
a  time  of  experiment. 

The  "  University  Group."  —  The  "  great  dramatic  period  "  opened 
first  with  the  so-called  "  University  Group."  The  list  includes  many 
names.  George  Peele,  an  Oxford  man  who  wrote  plays,  pageants, 
and  miscellaneous  verse,  was  brilliant  and  versatile  but  weak  in  power 
of  construction,  as  is  evident  in  his  David  and  Bethsabe,  full  of  fine, 
detached  passages.  Preeminent  among  the  Cambridge  group  was 
Christopher  Marlowe,  the  author  of  many  remarkable  plays  — 
Tamburlaine  (about  1587)  ;  The  Tragedy  of  Dr.  Faustus  (1588) ;  and 
The  Jew  of  Malta  (1593).  Also  he  wrote  a  goodly  part  of  the  second 
and  third  parts  of  Henry  VI,  which  Shakespeare  revised  and  com- 
pleted. Much  other  work,  too,  he  produced  before  he  was  killed  in 
a  drunken  brawl  at  the  age  of  twenty-nine.  His  Tamburlaine  marked 
an  epoch  in  tragedy,  while  his  sonorous,  uneven  blank  verse  far 
excelled  that  of  any  who  had  preceded  him.  With  an  amazing 
mingling  of  bombast  and  sublimity  he  set  forth  the  soaring  flights 
of  human  ambition,  for  power  in  Tamburlaine,  for  knowledge  in  Dr. 
Faustus,  for  wealth  in  the  Jew  of  Malta.  In  spite  of  his  lack  of  humor 
and  restraint,  some  leading  critics  have  ranked  him  among  the  world's 

1  While  the  scenes  of  the  Elizabethan  writers  were  laid  in  far-off  countries  in 
bygone  days  their  characters  were  English  to  the  core. 


282     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

great  poets.  Robert  Greene  went  first  to  Cambridge  and  later  to 
Oxford.  Although  his  prose,  and  the  poetry  scattered  through  it, 
are  superior  to  any  of  his  dramas,  one  of  the  latter,  The  Honorable 
Historic  of  Frier  Bacon  and  Frier  Bungay,  contains  glowing  pictures 
of  healthy  country  life.  Altogether,  the  "  University  Group  struck 
out  one  of  the  faultiest,  but  one  of  the  most  original  and  vigorous 
kinds  of  literature  that  the  world  has  seen."  While  it  is  full  of 
extravagance  and  horror,  it  is  charged  with  passion  and  power.  If 
many  of  the  plots  are  ill  constructed  and  told  in  language  often  over- 
wrought, frequent  passages  of  lofty  eloquence  and  rare  sweetness 
more  than  make  atonement.  The  lives  of  most  of  this  set  were  as 
tempestuous  as  their  works,  and,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  they 
came  to  a  sad  and  untimely  end. 

William  Shakespeare  (1564-1616). — The  English  drama  reached 
its  culmination  in  Shakespeare,  who,  indeed,  has  been  without  a  peer 
before  or  since  in  any  language.  Something,  but  not  overmuch,  is 
known  about  him,  nor  is  it  strange  that  so  few  details  of  his  life  have 
survived,  for  he  came  of  a  family  of  no  distinction,  he  did  not  go  to 
a  university,  he  did  not  belong  to  a  learned  profession,  and  nothing 
that  he  wrote,  save  a  few  poems,  was  published  with  his  authority  in 
his  lifetime.  For  twenty  years,  from  about  1591,  when  he  wrote 
Love's  Labour's  Lost,  until  1611,  when  he  completed  The  Tempest,  he 
was  actively  writing.  During  this  time  he  produced  about  forty 
plays,  besides  the  sonnets  and  the  poems,  Venus  and  Adonis,  and 
Lucrece.  The  plays  include  all  sorts:  history,  comedy,  tragedy, 
dramatic  romance,  and  melodrama.  He  portrays  every  mood  from 
mirth  and  joy  to  black  despair,  and  every  class  of  society  from  peasant 
to  king ;  he  deals  with  every  phase  of  human  passion :  love,  jealousy, 
ambition,  and  resignation,  besides  telling  the  past  life  of  his  people 
and  reflecting  to  posterity  the  conditions  of  his  own  age.  Though 
while  he  lived,  his  works  appeared  only  in  pirated  editions,  and  are 
not  mentioned  in  his  will,  they  were  collected  in  a  folio  edition,  in 
1623,  and  thus  have  come  down  to  us. 

The  Shakespearian  Theater.  —  The  means  for  presenting  the 
wonderful  dramas  of  that  age  were  curiously  primitive.  The  early 
mystery  or  miracle  plays  had  been  given  in  churches  and  church- 
yards, then  on  moving  carts  or  pageants.  Others  were  rendered  in 
noblemen's  halls  or  in  the  courtyards  of  inns,  the  audience  looking 
down  from  surrounding  galleries ;  still  others  were  produced  privately 
at  court.  By  the  middle  of  Elizabeth's  reign  independent  theaters 
had  begun  to  spring  up.  Originally  they  were  placed  in  the  suburbs, 
since,  for  reasons  of  public  policy,  the  authorities  refused  to  have 


ELIZABETHAN  ENGLAND  283 

them  in  London ;  within  a  few  years,  however,  the  actors  pushed  into 
the  City,  and,  before  the  close  of  the  century,  there  were  eleven  play- 
houses in  London  and  the  adjoining  districts.  They  were  very 
simple  structures,  circular  or  octagonal  in  shape,  with  the  center  or 
pit  where  the  poorer  classes  stood,  open  to  the  sky,  which  afforded 
the  only  light.1  The  surrounding  galleries  only  were  roofed;  here 
or  on  the  stage  the  fashionable  classes  sat,  lounging,  eating,  smoking, 
talking,  flirting,  and  interrupting  the  actors  when  it  pleased  them. 
Female  parts  were  played  by  young  men.  While  costumes  were  often 
rich,  scenery  and  properties  were  most  primitive :  a  change  of  scene 
was  indicated  by  a  placard;  a  lantern  represented  the  moon;  a 
wooden  cannon  and  a  pasteboard  tower  a  siege.  Yet  the  absence  of 
elaborate  scenery  had  its  advantages ;  it  fixed  attention  on  the  play 
and  it  called  forth  some  of  Shakespeare's  finest  descriptive  passages. 

The  Successors  of  Shakespeare.  —  While  no  one  reached  the 
height  of  Shakespeare,  the  great  age  of  Elizabethan  drama  continued 
under  the  Stuarts,  until  an  ordinance  of  1642  closed  the  theaters  for 
some  years.  Foremost  among  the  younger  contemporaries  and 
successors  of  Shakespeare  was  Ben  Jonson  (1573-1637),  poet  laureate 
of  James  I,  literary  dictator  of  the  time  and  king  of  tavern  wits. 
Learned,  rugged,  and  fearless,  he  struggled  for  pure  classicism  against 
the  prevailing  romantic  tendencies,  drew  lifelike  pictures  of  his  age, 
and  strove  for  workmanlike  restraint,  though  he  could  fashion  sweet, 
beautiful  lyrics.  It  would  take  pages  merely  to  enumerate  the  names 
and  plays  of  hosts  of  others.  In  spite  of  their  achievements  the 
drama  steadily  declined.  The  youthful  ardor  was  gone,  and  the 
growing  Puritan  spirit  was  hostile.  By  way  of  reaction,  playwrights 
catered  more  to  the  courtier  and  the  cavalier  with  coarseness  and 
sensational  horror.  Many  fair  pieces  continued  to  be  written,  but 
the  greatest  literary  work  now  came  to  be  produced  in  other  fields. 
"  Merrie  England,"  throbbing  with  fullness  of  life,  was  yielding  to 
riotousness  and  dissipation  at  one  extreme,  at  the  other  to  soberer 
ideals  and  practice. 

Final  Estimate  of  the  Elizabethan  Period.  —  Altogether,  Eliza- 
beth's long  reign,  though  blemished  by  traits  of  meanness,  shuffling, 
and  evasion,  was  a  period  of  glorious  achievement.  Her  Court  was 
a  center  of  pomp  and  magnificence,  learning  and  statesmanship, 
where  polished  gentlemen,  brilliant  adventurers,  wise  councilors  and 
judges  strove  with  each  other  for  her  favor.  If  the  peace,  prosperity, 
and  industrial  development,  the  ecclesiastical  settlement,  and  the 

1  Though  plays  were  given  in  the  afternoon  it  grows  dark  very  early  in  London 
in  the  autumn  and  winter. 


284     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

wonderful  literary  outburst  were  not  all  her  work,  they  all  redounded 
to  her  credit.  For  a  time  Elizabeth  seemed  the  most  absolute,  the 
strongest,  and  the  most  popular  of  all  the  rulers  of  her  House.  But 
the  splendor  and  strength  of  her  power  reached  maturity  during  the 
years  just  following  the  Armada.  As  she  approached  the  close  of 
her  reign,  the  luster  of  her  glory  had  begun  to  dim  and  the  vigor  of 
her  power  to  decline.  Her  people  began  to  await  impatiently  for  her 
decease  to  open  the  way  for  new  men  and  new  measures.  Those 
who  valued  religious  and  political  liberty  more  than  wealth  eagerly 
greeted  the  new  dynasty  from  Scotland. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Constitutional.  Prothero,  Statutes,  introduction,  an  admirable  survey. 
Sir  Thomas  Smith,  De  Republica  Anglorum,  A  Discourse  on  the  Common- 
wealth of  England  (first  published  in  1 583  ;  the  best  and  most  recent  edition, 
1906,  ed.  L.  Alston).  Also  Taswell-Langmead ;  Taylor;  and  Hallam. 

Social  and  Industrial.  Innes,  England  under  the  Tudors,  ch.  XXVIII. 
Traill ;  Cunningham;  Ashley;  Rogers;  Tickner  and  Usher.  E.  M. 
Leonard,  Early  History  of  English  Poor  Relief  (1900).  Hubert  Hall,  Society 
in  the  Elizabethan  Age  (1901).  Stephenson,  The  Elizabethan  People  (1910). 
G.  Unwin,  Industrial  Organization  in  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries 
(1904).  Harrison's  famous  Description  of  England,  from  Holinshed's 
Chronicle,  is  reprinted  in  the  "Camelot  Series"  (ed.  L.  Withington,  n.  d.). 
P.  H.  Ditchfield,  The  England  of  Shakespeare  (1917).  Shakespeare's  Eng- 
land (2  vols.,  1916),  a  cooperative  work.  Frank  Aydelotte,  Elizabethan 
Rogues  and  Vagabonds  (1913). 

Maritime  enterprise,  the  Navy  and  the  Army.  Pollard,  ch.  XVI ; 
Innes,  ch.  XXIII ;  Froude,  English  Seamen  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  (1895) ; 
J.  W.  Williamson,  Maritime  Enterprise,  1485-1588  (1913),  based  on  docu- 
ments. Selections  from  Hakluyt's  Voyages  ed.  by  E.  J.  Payne  (2  series, 
1893-1900)  and  C.  R.  Beazley  (1907).  Oppenheim,  Administration  of  the 
Royal  Navy,  I ;  J.  S.  Corbett,  Drake  and  the  Tudor  Navy  (2  vols.,  1898) 
and  The  Successors  of  Drake  (1900).  Fortescue,  British  Army,  I. 

Literature.  Moody  and  Lovett ;  Cambridge  History  of  Literature; 
Jusserand,  II ;  and  Taine,  I,  II.  Saintsbury,  History  of  Elizabethan  Litera- 
ture (1890).  Cambridge  Modern  History,  III;  Pollard,  ch.  XXIII;  Innes, 
ch.  XXVII.  Sidney  Lee,  Life  of  Shakespeare  (1898),  the  standard  biography. 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  William  Shakespeare  (1907),  a  charming  appreciation. 

For  the  Church,  see  references  to  chs.  XXIV  and  XXV,  together  with 
R.  G.  Usher,  The  Reconstruction  of  the  English  Church  (2  vols.,  1910). 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

JAMES  I  AND  THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  PURITAN  REVOLUTION 

(1603-1625) 

The  Significance  of  the  Accession  of  James  I.  —  The  accession  of 
the  Stuarts  in  the  person  of  James  I,  24  March,  1603,  was  fraught 
with  consequences.  United  and  prosperous,  the  mass  of  the  English 
people  were  now  eager  to  throw  off  the  Tudor  absolutism,  which  had 
fulfilled  its  mission ;  and  tn  askfpr  more  liberty.  There  was  much 
in  the  old  system  which  they  opposed,  and  which  not  only  stood  in 
the  way  of  free  religious  and  political  Hpyplnpmpnt  but  might,  under 
a  new  line  of  Sovereigns,  menace  the  little  which  they  still  enjoyed. 
There  was  the  State_Church  absolutely  under  royal  control;  there 
were  the  extraordinary  courts,  all  independent  of  common  law  guaraiu 
tees;  and  there  were^iaxes  an.d-£xactions,  not  only  oppressive  in 
themselves,  but  peculiarly  dangerous  from  the  fact  that  they  made 
the  Sovereign  independent  of  Parliament.  These  were  the  special 
grievances,  actual  or  potential.  The  main  issue  which  was  tried  out 
under  the  Stuarts  was  whether  the  sovereignty,  supposed  to  rest  in 
the  King-in-Parliament,  should,  in  cases  of  conflict,  be  exercised  by 
the  Monarch  or  by  the  body  which  stood  between  him  and  the  people. 
The  result  was  victory  for  Parliament.  In  this  respect  England  led, 
by  nearly  two  centuries,  the  countries  of  Continental  Europe,  where 
the  tendency,  during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  was 
toward  increasing  absolutism,  and  the  tide  did  not  turn  till  the  French 
Revolution. 

The  King's  Early  Scotch  Environment.  —  James,  called  upon  to 
face  a  situation  grave  enough  for  any  one,  "  turned  out  to  be  one  of 
those  curiosities  which  the  laws  of  inheritance  occasionally  bring  to 
the  notice  of  mankind."  Not  only  did  he  represent  an  alien  house 
to  whom  the  English  were  bound  by  no  ties  of  gratitude,  but  he  was 
totally  unfitted  by  training  and  temperament  to  rule  a  country  where 
the  ideal  was  constitutional  government.  When,  as  an  infant  scarcely 
more  than  a  year  old,  James  VI  had  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Scot- 

285 


286     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

land,  24  July,  1567,  another  minority  was  added  to  those  which  had 
"during  two  centuries  plagued  the  country.  Internal  and  border  wars 
had  torn  the  Kingdom  for  ages :  the  barons  contended  against  the 
Crown ;  Highland  chiefs  fought  against  Lowland  lords  and  each 
fought  among  themselves,  while  the  Border  was  wasted  by  the  con- 
stant passage  of  Southron  and  Scot,  and  the  wild  Highlander  lived 
by  pillage.  Parliament  was  not  a  representative  body  but  a  col- 
lection of  factions  from  the  various  estates ;  the  King  rarely  went  to 
it  for  supplies  and  the  nobles  redressed  their  own  grievances. 

The  religious  grievances  added  another  element  of  discord.  While 
the  Reformation  was  aimed  against  real  abuses  in  the  ancient  Church, 
it  was  directed  by  greedy  nobles  who  appropriated  the  greater  part 
of  its  temporal  goods.  The  General  Assembly  of  the  new  Church 
not  only  demanded  a  more  adequate  share  of  the  ecclesiastical  property 
but  the  right  to  interfere  in  State  affairs.  Finally,  the  intrigues  of 
the  French  and  Romanists,  and  of  Elizabeth's  agents  as  well,  alb 
contributed  still  further  to  weaken  national  sentiment  and  to  promote 
lawlessness.  Truly,  the  little  James  grew  up  in  troublous  times. 
Before  he  was  fifteen  years  old,  four  Regents  had  come  and  gone,  of 
whom  only  one  died  a  natural  death.  Twice  the  King  himself  had 
been  taken  captive  by  factious  nobles.  Weak  in  position  and  in 
temperament,  he  sought  to  make  himself  strong  and  to  attain  the 
English  succession  by  the  only  means  open  to  him,  by  dissimulation 
and  intrigue,  a  policy  upon  which  he  came  to  pride  himself  and  which 
he  dignified  by  the  name  of  "  Kingcraft."  So  he  had  grown  up  to 
thread  a  tortuous  way  between  a  rapacious,  turbulent  nobility  and 
a  gloomy,  fanatical,  domineering  clergy,  between  an  English  and  a 
French  party ;  between,  indeed,  all  sorts  of  conflicting  forces. 

Character  of  the  King.  —  There  were  many  good  points  about 
James.  He  had  the  good  of  his  subjects  at  heart,  he  strove  for  peace, 
and  aimed  to  be  the  reconciler  of  factions  and  the  arbiter  of  warring 
nations.  He  had  a  touch  of  Scotch  shrewdness,  he  was  kind-hearted, 
and  on  the  whole  good-natured.  Gifted  with  considerable  natural 
ability,  he  had  been  carefully  educated,  but  he  was  uncouth  in  manners 
and  was  a  pedant  rather  than  a  scholar ;  he  paraded  rather  than 
applied  his  learning,  so  that  he  was  properly  called  "  the  wisest  fool  J 
in  Christendom."  Naturally  indolent,  he  was  also  timid  and  infirm 
of  purpose,  impatient  of  detail,  and  irritated  at  contradiction.  From 
his  youth  up  he  was  easily  led  by  favorites,  who  gained  ascendancy 
over  him  more  by  their  personal  graces  than  by  their  attainments. 
James'  Queen,  Anne  of  Denmark  (f  1619)  was  not  a  help  to  him. 
Although  faithful,  kindly,  and  personally  popular,  she  was  frivolous 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  PURITAN  REVOLUTION        287 

and  extravagant ;  moreover,  she  inclined  toward  Rome  and  was 
reported  to  be  a  convert,  although  she  finally  died  a  Protestant. 

James  and  "  The  Divine  Right  of  Kings."  —  A  most  fruitful  source 
of  discord  between  James  and  his  subjects  was  the  exalted  notions 
which  he  held  concerning  the  origin  and  nature  of  Monarchy.  Al- 
ready before  coming  to  England  he  had  shaped  his  views,  and,  in  the 
True  Law  of  Free  Monarchies,  had  asserted  that  a  Monarch  was 
created  by  God  and  accountable  to  God  alone,  though  he  graciously 
admitted  that  a  good  King  should  govern  in  the  popular  interest. 
Such  views  in  themselves  were  enough  to  arouse  the  bitterest  oppo- 
sition. James  only  added  fuel  to  the  fire  by  his  astounding  manner  of 
stating  them.  "  The  State  of  Monarchy,"  he  announced  in  a  speech 
before  Parliament,  in  1610,  "  is  the  supremest  thing  upon  earth;  for 
Kings  are  not  only  God's  lieutenants  upon  earth  and  sit  upon  God's 
throne,  but  even  by  God  himself  they  are  called  gods  ....  That 
as  to  dispute  what  God  may  do  is  blasphemy  ...  so  it  is  seditious 
in  subjects  to  dispute  what  a  King  may  do  in  the  height  of  his  power." 

James  I  and  the  Puritans.  The  Millenary  Petition  (1603) .  —  Count- 
ing much  on  the  fact  that  he  had  been  brought  up  a  Protestant,  the 
Puritan1  clergy  presented  to  James  as  he  journeyed  to  London,  in 
April,  1603,  the  so-called  Millenary  Petition,2  embodying  various 
demands:  I,  that  the  ritual  of  the  Church  be  purged  of  Romish 
forms  and  ceremonies,  such  as  the  cross  in  baptism,  and  the  wearing 
of  the  cap  and  surplice,  that  holidays  be  decreased,  and  the  Sabbath 
be  better  observed;  'II,  that  more  care  be  taken  to  secure  learned 
preachers ;  III,  that  such  abuses  as  non-residence  and  pluralities  3  be 
abolished;  IV,  that  oppressive  customs  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts 
be  remedied  —  their  expensive  procedure,  their  excommunication  for 
trivial  matters,  and  their  use  of  the  ex  officio  oath. 

The  Hampton  Court  Conference  (1604).  —  In  January,  1604,  James 
arranged  a  conference  between  representatives  of  their  party  on  the 
one  hand,  and  certain  bishops  and  clergy  of  the  Established  Church 
on  the  other.  The  King  himself  presided.  Bred  a  Calvinist,  he 
favored  Calvinistic  theology,  he  was  fond  of  argument,  tolerant  of 
other  men's  opinions,  and  too  kind-hearted  to  be  a  persecutor.  At 
the  same  time,  he  had  been  overawed  and  browbeaten  by  Presby- 
terian ministers  from  his  youth  up,  and  his  later  experiences  only 
accentuated  his  distrust  of  the  Presbyterian  theory  that  all  men  were 

1  Those  who  wanted  to  stay  in  the  Church  while  purifying  it  of  certain  abuses. 

2  Because  it  was  supposed  to  have  been  signed  by  1000  clergymen.    As  a  matter 
of  fact,  it  was  assented  to  by  about  800. 

3  The  holding  of  many  Church  offices  in  one  hand. 


288     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

equal  in  the  sight  of  God,  that  the  Church  was  independent  of  State 
control,  and  of  their  Presbyterian  practice  of  interfering  in  secular 
affairs.  In  shining  contrast,  to  his  mind,  was  the  English  custom 
where  the  Sovereign  appointed  the  bishops  and  through  them  con- 
trolled the  Church.  "  No  Bishop,  no  King  "  was  his  motto.  He  was 
on  the  lookout  for  any  political  bearing  in  the  Puritan  demands,  and 
when  their  leader  began  to  outline  a  scheme  of  government  he  burst 
out :  "If  you  aim  at  Scotch  presbytery,  it  agreeth  as  well  with 
monarchy  as  God  and  the  devil."  After  a  long  harangue  he  concluded 
with  the  ominous  threat  to  the  Puritans :  "I  will  make  them  con- 
form themselves,  or  else  I  will  harry  them  out  of  the  land,  or  else  do 
worse."  The  only  results  of  the  Conference  were  a  few  alterations 
in  the  liturgy,  and  the  decision  to  translate  the  Scriptures  which  bore 
fruit  in  the  famous  King  James'  version,  1611.  Before  the  close  of 
1604  a  proclamation  was  issued  depriving  of  their  livings  those  who 
refused  to  conform.  Some  of  the  irreconcilables  went  to  the  Low 
Countries,  whence  they  migrated  later  and  founded  Plymouth  Colony. 

James  and  the  Catholics.  —  The  turn  of  the  Catholics,  who  had 
hoped  much  from  Mary's  son,  soon  came.  Averse  to  persecution 
and  desirous  of  a  Spanish  alliance,  he  started  by  remitting  the  recu- 
sancy fines,  and,  in  August,  1604,  made  peace  with  Spain,  leaving 
the  Dutch  to  shift  for  themselves,  though  he  still  allowed  his  subjects 
to  volunteer  in  their  service.  Nevertheless,  he  could  not  accept  the 
claim  of  Popes  to  be  above  earthly  rulers  and  shuddered  at  the  right 
which  they  asserted  of  deposing  princes  when  the  occasion  demanded. 
Moreover,  the  Catholics  multiplied  so  soon  as  they  received  the 
encouragement,  James  became  agitated  by  accusations  that  he  was 
leaning  toward  Rome,  and  resented  the  Pope's  refusal  to  excommuni- 
cate certain  .turbulent  members  of  his  flock  who  were  disturbing  the 
repose  of  the  Kingdom.  As  early  as  February,  1604,  he  issued  a  procla- 
mation banishing  priests ;  in  June,  Parliament  passed  an  Act  confirm- 
ing and  extending  the  penal  laws  of  Elizabeth,  and  before  the  end  of 
the  summer  the  royal  justices  were  busy  enforcing  them. 

The  Gunpowder  Plot  (1605).  —  The  result  was  to  precipitate  a 
dangerous  plot,  already  in  the  making,  of  which  Robert  Catesby, 
whose  family  had  suffered  for  the  old  faith,  was  the  leading  spirit. 
Among  the  conspirators  whom  he  enlisted  was  Guy  Fawkes,  a  young 
Englishman  who  had  been  serving  in  the  Spanish  army  in  the  Nether- 
lands. After  some  delays  and  changes  in  their  plan  they  at  length 
hired  a  house  with  a  cellar  running  under  the  Parliament  buildings, 
where  they  deposited  twenty  barrels  of  gunpowder  which  they  covered 
with  iron  bars,  faggots,  and  billets  of  wood.  Their  design  was  to  blow 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF  THE   PURITAN  REVOLUTION         289 

up  the  Lords  and  Commons,  together  with  James  and  his  eldest  son, 
Prince  Henry,  when  the  session  opened,  in  November,  1605.  Beyond 
this  they  contemplated  a  general  rising  of  the  Catholics  in  the  west 
Midlands,  and  the  setting  up  of  a  new  government.  Too  many, 
however,  were  taken  into  the  secret,  the  plot  was  disclosed,  and 
Fawkes  was  surprised  and  seized  in  the  cellar.  Catesby,  with  a  num- 
ber of  his  fellow  plotters  who  had  escaped  to  the  scene  of  the  projected 
rising,  were  shot  in  an  attempt  to  bring  it  about,  while  several  others 
who  were  captured  were  tried  and  executed,  together  with  Fawkes. 
Under  the  name  of  Guy  Fawkes's  Day  5  November  came  to  be  cele- 
brated as  the  anniversary  of  the  discovery  of  the  Gunpowder  Plot, 
with  bonfires  and  fireworks,  and  remained  a  national  holiday  for  over 
two  centuries.  By  way  of  retaliation  Parliament,  in  1606,  passed  two 
Acts  greatly  increasing  Roman  Catholic  disabilities  and  imposing  a 
new  oath  of  allegiance,  expressly  denying  the  papal  power  of  de- 
position, on  all  recusants.  Another  Act  followed,  in  1610.  These 
penalties,  however,  were  not  enforced,  partly  because  the  pacific 
King  did  not  want  to  drive  the  Catholics  to  desperation,  partly 
because  he  was  frequently  in  negotiation  with  Spain.  Their  exist- 
ence, however,  was  a  constant  grievance  to  the  Catholic  subjects, 
while  the  failure  to  enforce  them  was  a  source  of  resentment  to  the 
Protestants. 

Initial  Difficulties  with  Parliament.  —  Parliament,  which  met  for 
its  first  session,  19  March,  1604,  came  into  conflict  with  James  from 
the  very  start.  His  opening  speech,  though  reasonable  and  dignified 
in  many  respects,  was  marked  by  evidences  of  his  characteristic 
vanity  and  grotesqueness.  Before  proceeding  to  other  business,  two 
important  cases  of  privilege  were  settled.  By  Goodwin's  case  it  was 
determined  that  the  Commons  should  henceforth  be  the  sole  judge 
of  election  returns  of  their  members.  In  the  case  of  Sir  Thomas 
Shirley  it  was  established  that  members,  during  the  session  and  for  an 
interval  of  forty  days  before  and  after,  should  be  exempt  from  arrest 
for  debt.  Thus  the  King's  power  of  excluding  possible  opponents 
from  the  House  of  Commons  was  greatly  restricted.  In  sharp  con- 
troversies which  followed  on  various  political  and  religious  questions 
one  fundamental  issue  was  defined.  The  King  took  the  ground  that 
| the  Commons  "  derived  all  matters  of  privilege  from  him."  In  a 
! notable  Apology,  which  was  drawn  up  and  read  in  the  House  before 
the  close  of  the  session,  they  declared  that  their  privileges  of  free 
election,  freedom  from  arrest,  and  freedom  of  speech  were  their  lawful 
inheritance  and  not  a  gift  from  the  Sovereign  —  an  inalienable  right 
which  could  not  be  withdrawn.  In  this  reply  to  the  royal  challenge 
u 


2QO     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

they  took  a  position  about  which  a  fierce  struggle  was  waged  for  nearl; 
a  century,  a  struggle  from  which  Parliament  ultimately  emergec 
victorious. 

James's  Financial  Embarrassments.  —  The  King's  chief  weaknes 
was  his  need  of  money,  due  partly  to  royal  extravagance,  though  stil 
more  to  the  increasing  needs  of  the  State,  and  to  the  fact  that  th< 
royal  income  had  been  fixed  when  money  went  further  than  it  did  a 
this  time,  when  the  standard  of  living  was  growing  steadily  highe 
and  the  influx  of  precious  metals  was  still  sending  up  prices.  I 
speaks  volumes  that  the  thrifty  Elizabeth  had  left  a  deficit.  Th< 
plain  duty  of  the  Stuarts  was  to  economize  or,  by  timely  concessions 
to  obtain  larger  grants  from  Parliament  —  that  they  did  neither  ac 
counts  for  their  final  overthrow. 

The  Bate  Case  and  Impositions  (1606-1610).  —  One  of  the  mean; 
by  which  James  undertook  to  increase  his  revenue  was  the  levying  oi 
impositions,  and,  in  1606,  Bate,  a  Turkey  merchant,  refused  to  pa> 
such  an  imposition  on  a  consignment  of  currants.  On  the  case  being 
referred  to  the  Court  of  Exchequer  the  barons  decided  in  favor  oi 
the  King.  There  was  some  legal  ground  for  this  decision ;  because 
while  it  was  recognized  that  direct  taxes  could  not  be  imposed  without 
parliamentary  consent,  there  was  no  general  prohibition  comprehend- 
ing all  indirect  taxes.  Moreover,  it  had  been  customary  for  certain 
Sovereigns,  particularly  the  Tudors,  to  impose  such  duties  as  a  means 
of  encouraging  native  industries  or  of  striking  a  blow  at  the  trade  oi 
hostile  powers.  Nevertheless,  the  power  was  fraught  with  dangerous 
consequences.  Kings  might  employ  it,  not  merely  for  the  regulation 
of  commerce,  but  in  order  to  raise  a  revenue  independent  of  Parlia- 
ment. James's  intentions  were  soon  evident.  In  1608  the  Lord 
Treasurer  issued  a  new  Book  of  Rates,  or  tariff  schedule,  in  which  he 
greatly  increased  the  revenue  from  tonnage  and  poundage,  adding, 
at  the  same  time,  impositions  to  the  amount  of  £70,000  a  year. 
Nevertheless,  there  was  still  great  need  of  money  when  Parliament 
assembled,  9  February,  1610. 

The  Great  Contract  (1610).  —  While  the  King  was  concerned  chiefly 
with  supply,  the  Commons  were  intent  upon  redress  of  grievances, 
financial,  religious,  and  legal.  After  some  haggling  they  agreed  to 
grant  a  permanent  revenue  of  £200,000  a  year,  provided  that  purvey- 
ance and  feudal  dues  were  given  up.  Then  the  matter  was  laid  over 
till  autumn.  But  when  they  met  again  the  Commons  insisted  on 
including  the  redress  of  various  other  grievances.  The  King,  on  his 
part,  felt  that  £200,000  was  an  inadequate  compensation  for  what 
he  was  asked  to  yield.  Thus  the  Great  Contract,  as  it  was  calk 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF  THE   PURITAN  REVOLUTION         291 

came  to  nothing.  Worse  than  that,  the  bitterness  engendered  by  the 
struggle  marked  another  step  in  the  breach  between  the  Crown  and 
Parliament. 

Relations  with  Scotland  to  1612.  —  Meantime,  the  Scotch  question 
was  producing  friction  that  was  to  be  a  decisive  factor  in  the  coming 
conflict.    James  strove   ardently   to   bring  about   a  constitutional 
union  between  the  two  countries ;  but  there  were  serious  obstacles  in 
the  way.     For  one  thing  it  would  involve  free  trade,  and  the  English 
were  set  against  meeting  the  competition  of  the  frugal  and  industrious 
Scot.     Thus  an  irritating  issue  had  been  raised,  destined  to  remain 
unsettled  for  a  century.    As  the  English  opposed  James's  plan  for 
a  union,  so  the  Scotch  Presbyterians  struggled  against  his  restoration 
of  the  Episcopal  system,  which  it  took  him  from  1599  to  1612  to  effect. 
Since  he  and  the  nobles  selected  bishops  for  the  control  of  the  Church, 
while  the  Presbyterian  clergy  represented  the  bulk  of  the  people, 
anti-Episcopalianism  came  to  be  identified  with  national  independence. 
1    Irish  Difficulties.     The  Plantation  of  Ulster  (1611). — In  spite  of 
Lord  Mountjoy's  conquest,  Ireland  presented  even  greater  difficulties 
than  Scotland.     Unable  to  maintain  a  standing  army,  England's  only 
hope  was  in  conciliation,  though,  in  view  of  the  turbulent  and  back- 
ward condition  of  the  people,  as  well  as  the  native  hatred  of  the 
Church  of  England,  the  prospect  seemed  well-nigh  hopeless.     Other 
stumblingblocks  were  the  greed  of  unscrupulous  officials,  and  the  land 
question.     The  colonists  of  Mary  and  Elizabeth  were  in  general  a 
thrifty  and  progressive  class,  but  they  were  provided  with  estates 
which  justly  belonged  to  the  Irish.     James,  however,  sent  out  a  wise 
and  liberal-minded  Lord  Deputy,  Sir  Arthur  Chichester,  who  with  a 
free  hand  might  have  accomplished  wonders.     As  it  was,  he  put  an 
end  to  martial  law  and  pardoned  offenses    committed  before  the 
accession  of  James ;  also,  he  turned  much  of  the  tribal  land  which  the 
chiefs  had  secured  from  Henry  VIII  into  individual  freeholds  and 
transferred  the  tribal  dependents  into  tenants  with  fixed  obligations 
and  rents  protected  by  English  law.     But  in  religious  affairs,  bound 
unfortunately  at  the  start  by  royal  orders,  he  made  futile  attempts 
to  enforce  conformity,  and  when  he  afterward  sought  to  strengthen 
the  Church  by  regulating  abuses  and  by  putting  in  conscientious 
ministers  it  was  too  late.    The  situation  became  impossible.     Per- 
secution only  nerved  the  priests  to  greater  efforts,  toleration  multi- 
plied their  number  and  influence.    Then  an  unsuccessful  rising  in 
the  north  led  the  Crown  to  seize  vast  estates,  which  were  utilized  for 
the  celebrated  Plantation  of  Ulster,  in  1611.    Against  Chichester's 
advice  the  most  fertile  tracts  were  allotted  to  English  and  Scotch 


292     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

settlers  and  undertakers.1  As  in  the  case  of  the  previous  plantations, 
the  economic  results  were  excellent,  but,  politically,  new  bitterness 
was  engendered  which  bore  fruit,  thirty  years  later,  in  a  bloody 
rebellion. 

j  The  "Addled  Parliament  "  (1614).  —  After  the  failure  of  the  Great 
Contract,  the  King  got  on  for  nearly  four  years  without  a  Parliament, 
ever  more  and  more  hard  put  to  it  for  money.  After  the  death,  in 
1612,  of  the  Lord  Treasurer  Salisbury  he  acted  as  his  own  chief 
Minister  under  the  influence  of  frivolous,  incompetent,  and  self-seeking 
favorites. 

Early  in  1614  James  called  his  second  Parliament ; 2  but  contrary 
to  good  advice,  he  decided  to  exclude  impositions  and  all  questions 
of  an  ecclesiastical  nature  from  the  grievances  he  was  willing  to  re- 
dress. After  two  months  spent  in  discussing  the  prohibited  subjects 
Parliament  was  dissolved  without  having  passed  a  single  measure  or 
voted  a  money  grant;  hence  it  was  called  the  "  Addled  Parliament." 

Grievances  During  the  Inter-Parliamentary  Period  (1614-1620). 
(i)  Financial.  —  Then  followed  another  and  longer  interval  of  nearly 
seven  years  when  James  tried  to  get  on  without  a  Parliament,  exciting 
opposition  by  the  continuance  of  old  grievances  and  by  the  addition 
of  new  ones.  A  leading  cause  of  discontent  lay  in  his  futile  schemes 
for  raising  money,  though  none  of  them  proved  specially  burdensome. 
In  1614  letters  from  the  Council  were  sent  out  asking  for  benevolences, 
but  in  three  years  they  yielded  only  £66,000,  less  than  a  single  subsidy, 
and  called  forth  protests  from  some  counties,  refusals  to  pay  from 
others.  Another  device,  which  happily  attracted  but  few,  was  the 
sale  of  peerages  and  titles.  Worse  even  than  this,  the  nefarious  prac- 
tice of  buying  and  selling  offices,  prohibited  by  a  Statute  of  Edward 
VI,  was  vigorously  pursued.  Only  the  rich  and  the  unscrupulous  and 
mean-spirited,  the  one  by  purchase  and  the  others  by  scheming  and 
fawning,  could  hope  to  obtain  places,  and  hence  royal  government  be- 
came a  chaos  of  intrigue. 

(2)  Legal.  The  Crown  and  the  Judges.  Sir  Edward  Coke.  — 
More  significant  was  a  conflict  which  came  to  a  head  between  the 
Crown  and  the  judges.  The  King  and  his  supporters  maintained 
that  there  were  occasions  when  reasons  of  State  should  prevail  over 
strict  legal  rules,  but  in  carrying  out  his  policy  he  sought  to  set  himself 
above  the  law  and  to  make  the  judges  mere  creatures  of  the  royal  will. 
At  the  beginning  of  James's  reign,  before  it  was  evident  that  their 
jurisdiction  was  to  be  infringed  upon,  the  judges  were,  as  the  Bate 

1  Speculators  or  promoters. 

2  The  first  had  held  five  sessions  from  1604  to  1611, 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  PURITAN  REVOLUTION         293 

case  indicated,  inclined  to  support  the  Crown,  largely  owing  to  their 
love  of  precedent  and  their  failure  to  take  into  account  the  political 
bearings  of  an  issue.  Their  attitude  changed  when  attempts  were 
made  to  encroach  upon  their  Common  Law  jurisdiction.  In  the 
struggle  which  followed  Sir  Edward  Coke  (1552-1634)  took  the  lead. 
He  was  harsh,  avaricious,  and  narrow.  As  Attorney-General,  1594- 
1606,  he  had  shown  himself  one  of  the  most  brutal  prosecutors  who 
ever  served  the  Stuarts,  and  first  began  to  oppose  the  King  after  he 
became  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  in  1606.  Though  his 
motives  were  largely  personal  and  professional,  his  prodigious  learning 
and  his  savage  aggressiveness  made  him  an  invaluable  champion  of 
the  popular  cause.  The  struggle  opened  over  prohibitions,  or  the 
right  of  the  Common  Law  courts  to  restrain  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals 
from  proceeding  with  a  case  until  the  judges  decided  whether  it  lay 
within  their  field.  Finally  they  had  to  yield  on  prohibitions ;  but,  in 
1 6 10,  they  managed  to  carry  another  point,  that  the  King  could  create 
no  new  offenses  by  proclamation.  Another  clash  came,  in  1614,  over 
the  case  of  Peacham,  a  clergyman,  who,  charged  with  writing  against 
the  King  and  Government,  was  convicted  and  died  in  prison.  Before 
the  trial  the  King  called  in  the  judges  for  consultation,  a  proceeding 
against  which  Coke  stoutly  protested,  though  on  the  narrow  technical 
ground  that  James  was  acting  contrary  to  custom,  rather  than  on 
the  broad  principle  that  the  Crown  was  seizing  a  dangerous  weapon 
for  prejudicing  or  intimidating  the  bench.  In  a  suit  which  arose  two 
years  later,  1616,  Coke  was  the  only  one  who  held  out,  refusing  to 
promise  anything  further  than  that,  when  a  case  came  before  him,  he 
would  act  as  became  a  judge.  He  was  suspended,  and,  ignoring  a 
royal  hint  to  cull  from  his  Reports  observations  reflecting  on  the  pre- 
rogative, was  dismissed  from  his  judgeship.  In  the  next  Parliament 
he  appeared  in  the  opposition  ranks  where  he  rendered  valiant  service. 
Coke  and  the  judges,  so  far  as  they  followed  him,  performed  a  great 
work  in  striving  to  hold  the  King  to  the  limitations  of  the  law ;  but 
it  was  well  that  they  did  not  realize  their  ambition  to  act  as  arbiters 
in  the  great  political  questions  at  issue  between  the  Sovereign  and  his 
people,  for  that  would  have  resulted  in  the  legal  domination  fully  as 
dangerous  to  liberty  and  progress  as  royal  tyranny. 

(3)  Immorality  at  Court.  The  Rise  of  Villiers.  —  A  third  cause 
of  friction  was  in  the  frivolity,  extravagance,  and  riotous  life  at  Court 
which  shocked  the  growing  Puritan  sentiment.  James  himself  loved 
study,  his  life  was  pure,  and  he  was  never  overcome  by  liquor.  Never- 
theless, he  enjoyed  the  society  of  boon  companions,  he  mingled  with 
those  of  evil  lives,  and  did  nothing  to  reform  his  Court.  Most  scan- 


294     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

dalous  of  all  was  the  case  of  an  unworthy  favorite  who  rose  to  be  Earl 
of  Somerset.  Convicted  of  complicity  in  a  murder  on  evidence  by 
no  means  conclusive,  James  commuted  the  death  sentence  to  impris- 
sonment  in  the  Tower.  Although  he  honestly  labored  to  see  justice 
done,  the  whole  affair  roused  widespread  and  prolonged  abhorrence. 
The  growing  arrogance  of  Somerset  before  his  downfall  had  caused 
his  personal  and  political  enemies  to  bring  to  Court  as  a  rival,  George 
Villiers,  the  son  of  an  obscure  country  knight  but  a  youth  of  rare 
personal  charm,  clever,  audacious,  and  ambitious.  Villiers'  influence 
proved  more  dangerous  than  that  of  Somerset  because  he  came  to  play 
a  greater  role  in  public  affairs. 

(4)  Foreign  Policy.  The  Spanish  Marriage  Negotiations  (1604- 
1618). — The  relations  with  Spain  marked  another  breach  between 
James  and  his  subjects  and  led  to  a  series  of  parliamentary  crises. 
The  peace  with  Spain,  in  1604,  had  been  followed  by  negotiations  for 
a  marriage  between  Prince  Henry  and  the  eldest  daughter  of  Philip  III. 
James  was  particularly  anxious  to  bring  it  about,  as  a  means  of  cement- 
ing an  alliance  which  he  ardently  desired :  he  wanted  to  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  hostilities  which  had  occupied  so  much  of  the  previous 
reign,  he  admired  the  Spanish  absolutism,  and  he  aspired,  with  Spanish 
support,  to  become  the  peacemaker  of  Europe.  Philip,  however, 
demanded  concessions  in  favor  of  Roman  Catholics  that  James  dared 
not  grant.  During  the  negotiations,  which  were  more  than  once  sus- 
pended, Prince  Henry  died  and  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Spanish 
King  married  Louis  XIII  of  France,  so  her  younger  sister  and  Henry's 
brother  Charles  were  substituted.  The  Spanish  gradually  became 
more  anxious  for  the  alliance,  since  a  twelve  years'  truce  with  the  Nether- 
lands was  due  to  expire  in  1621  and  England  commanded  the  sea  route 
to  the  Low  Countries.  Again,  however,  marriage  negotiations  were 
blocked,  chiefly  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  relaxing  the  penal  laws,  and 
were  only  resumed  after  the  English  King  had  been  drawn  into  the 
Thirty  Years'  War.1 

The  Beginning  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War  (1618-1620).  —  The  war 
was  brought  on  by  difficulties  growing  out  of  the  Reformation  settle- 
ment, complicated  by  others  of  a  political  nature.  The  German 
princes  were  striving  for  independence  against  the  Emperor,  and  in 

1  James's  subserviency  to  Spain  led  to  the  sacrifice  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  who 
had  been  sentenced  to  death,  in  1604,  for  an  alleged  plot  against  the  Sovereign. 
Sorely  in  need  of  money,  the  English  King  had  allowed  him  to  go  to  South  America 
in  search  of  gold;  at  the  same  time  promising  the  Spanish  ambassador  that  if 
any  Spanish  possession  were  attacked,  the  leader  would  pay  the  penalty.  A 
Spanish  town  in  the  Orinoco  was  destroyed.  Raleigh  on  his  return,  June,  1618, 
was  beheaded,  though  on  the  original  charge. 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF  THE   PURITAN  REVOLUTION        295 

Bohemia,  where  he  was  King,  the  national  feeling  was  acute.  In  1608 
a  Protestant  Union  was  formed  which  called  forth,  in  1609,  a  Catholic 
League ;  but  a  series  of  events  in  Bohemia  led  to  the  first  outbreak 
of  the  war.  On  the  death  of  the  childless  Emperor  Matthias,  in  1619, 
the  Bohemian  Protestants,  refusing  to  acknowledge  as  their  King  his 
cousin  Ferdinand,  a  pupil  of  the  Jesuits,  whom  he  had  selected  for 
his  successor,1  chose  the  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  Frederick  V, 
son-in-law  of  James.2  Ferdinand,  who  was  elected  Emperor,  leagued 
with  Maximilian  of  Bavaria  and  Philip  III  of  Spain.  A  Spanish  army 
invaded  the  Palatinate,  while,  8  November,  1620,  Frederick  himself 
was  decisively  defeated  at  White  Hill  near  Prague.  He  was  driven 
out  of  Bohemia,  his  own  Palatine  lands  were  confiscated,  and  he  fled 
to  Holland.  What  began  as  a  revolt  in  Bohemia  became  a  general 
European  conflict,  drawing  into  its  vortex  England,  Denmark,  Sweden, 
and  France,  and  directed  against  the  ascendancy  of  the  Spanish  and 
Imperial  branches  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg  and  the  triumph  of  the 
Counter-Reformation. 

Divergent  Views  of  James  and  the  Popular  Party  regarding  the 
Thirty  Years'  War.  —  James  was  finally  moved  to  intervene,  but  solely 
in  order  to  recover  the  Palatinate  for  his  son-in-law,  a  purpose  which 
he  sought  to  effect  by  securing  the  good  offices  of  Spain  through  the 
long-contemplated  marriage  alliance.  Owing,  however,  to  the  need 
of  money  to  carry  on  his  diplomacy,  he  was  obliged  to  call,  in  1621,  an- 
other Parliament,  which  precipitated  another  conflict  with  his  sub- 
jects, for  the  majority  regarded  Spain  as  the  prime  mover  in  a  great 
Catholic  aggression  which  could  best  be  met  by  a  "  war  of  diversion," 
that  is,  a  naval  war  directed  against  the  Spanish  for  the  purpose  of 
diverting  them  from  the  Imperial  alliance.  Feeling  even  that  could 
wait  they  seized  the  opportunity  to  demand  the  redress  of  pressing 
grievances  and  the  recognition  of  fundamental  rights. 

Monopolies  and  the  Revival  of  Impeachments.  —  Among  them 
were  the  non-enforcement  of  the  recusancy  laws  and  infringements  on 
the  liberty  of  speech,  but  they  devoted  their  chief  attention  to  abuses 
connected  with  monopolies.  Even  to-day  monopolies  are  recognized 
by  law  in  the  case  of  patents  and  copyrights ;  at  that  time  they  went 
much  farther  and  included  the  exclusive  right  of  dealing  in  certain 

1  In  theory  the  Emperor  was  elected.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  from  1438  till  the 
dissolution  of  the  Holy  Roman  or  German  Empire,  in  1806,  a  member  of  the  Austrian 
House  of  Hapsburg  was  always  chosen.     Since  1526  the  kingdoms  of   Bohemia 
and  Hungary  had  been  annexed  to  the  House  of  Austria  in  a  personal  union. 

2  The  leading  Calvinist  Prince  in  Germany.     He  had  married  the  Princess 
Elizabeth,  in  1613. 


20.6     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

commodities,  of  trading  in  a  particular  district,  or  of  carrying  on  a 
specified  industry.  There  were  many  reasons  why  this  should  have 
been  so.  The  dangers  from  pirates  and  savages,  the  uncertainties 
of  unknown  lands  and  seas,  the  risk  of  shipwreck  in  small  and  weakly 
constructed  ships  made  it  necessary  to  offer  unusual  privileges  in 
order  to  induce  men  to  venture  their  lives  and  their  capital.  As  a 
means  of  building  up  industries,  monopolies  were  granted  not  only 
to  inventors  but  to  all  who  introduced  new  processes  from  abroad. 
Here  again  there  was  not  infrequently  a  special  justification,  for  ex- 
ample, in  the  case  of  arms  and  ammunition,  to  insure  an  adequate 
supply  in  the  event  of  war.  Licenses,  too,  were  required  from  inns 
and  alehouses,  for  the  restriction  and  regulation  of  the  traffic  in 
drink.  The  chief  complaint  against  James,  who  derived  compara- 
tively little  revenue  from  his  monopolies,  was  that  he  granted  them 
to  favorites  who  made  a  large  profit  from  acting  as  figureheads  in 
companies  or  from  re-selling  their  rights.  Moreover,  those  who  had 
the  supervision  of  inns  and  alehouses  frequently  used  their  powers 
for  extortion  and  blackmail.  As  a  result  of  the  investigation  which 
Parliament  now  undertook,  the  King  abolished  the  worst  abuses  by 
proclamation,  and,  by  an  Act  of  1624,  monopolies  with  certain  excep- 
tions were  done  away  with.1 

Francis  Bacon  (1561-1626).  — This  first  session  of  the  Parliament 
of  1621  is  also  notable  for  the  impeachment  of  Francis  Bacon  on  charges 
of  judicial  corruption.  Made  Lord  Chancellor,  in  1618,  and  created 
Viscount  St.  Albans,  in  1621,  he  had,  in  spite  of  his  unusual  abilities, 
risen  very  slowly.  At  once  a  man  of  affairs  and  a  man  of  letters,  he 
wrote  on  many  subjects,  philosophy,  scientific  theory,  literature, 
history,  and  law.  His  views  on  politics  were  broad  and  liberal,  he 
favored  a  strong  monarchy  resting  on  the  support  of  the  people  and 
acting  for  the  popular  good,  informed  and  advised  by  a  loyal  Parlia- 
ment. Advocating  liberal  reforms  in  the  law,  he  had,  in  the  struggle 
with  Coke,  stood  for  interpreting  legal  questions  on  large  grounds  of 
policy  rather  than  upon  technical  precedents.  Always  prone,  how- 
ever, to  overtook  practical  difficulties,  he  failed  to  recognize  that  Par- 
liament would  no  longer  tolerate  even  a  benevolent  despot,  and  that, 
in  any  event,  James  was  not  the  man  to  exercise  such  power.  Yet, 
as  he  saw  plan  after  plan  fail,  he  continued  in  office  as  a  supporter  of 
the  Crown.  Aside  from  his  vast  intellect,  his  sobriety  and  industry, 
he  had  few  commendable  qualities  ;  he  was  cold,  lacking  in  affection, 
and  fond  of  comfort  and  display;  he  stooped  to  the  most  servile 

1  These  exceptions  included :  new  inventions,  charters  to  trading  companies 
and  certain  specified  manufactures. 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  PURITAN  REVOLUTION        297 

flattery  in  his  relations  with  James ;  he  was  ever  ready  with  worldly- 
wise  council ;  indeed,  the  poet  Pope  did  not  greatly  exaggerate  in 
designating  him  as  the  "  wisest,  wittiest,  meanest  of  mankind." 

His  Impeachment  and  Fall  (1621).  —  Parliament,  already  prejudiced 
against  him,  particularly  since  he  had  taken  the  royal  side  on  the 
legality  of  monopolies,  was  very  ready  to  listen  to  complaints  brought 
against  him  by  certain  persons  for  accepting  money  from  suitors  while 
their  cases  were  pending  in  Chancery,  and,  on  the  basis  of  these  charges, 
proceeded  to  impeach  him.  Bacon,  while  he  did  not  at  first  realize 
the  gravity  of  the  situation,  was  at  length  forced  to  admit,  that  while 
he  had  never  allowed  gifts  to  influence  him,  he  had  been  guilty  of 
accepting  both  presents  and  loans  from  those  who  had  suits  in  his 
court.  Public  officials  were  in  those  days  regularly  in  receipt  of  pay 
from  companies  and  even  from  foreign  countries  in  return  for  represent- 
ing their  special  interests,  and  it  was  also  customary  for  judges  to 
accept  gifts  from  successful  suitors.  Bacon,  with  a  salary  inadequate 
for  his  office,  particularly  in  view  of  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of 
his  household,  also  notoriously  loose  in  money  matters  and  contemp- 
tuous of  forms,  had  simply  neglected  to  wait  until  he  rendered  his 
decisions.  The  sentence  imposed  upon  him  was  a  heavy  one;  but 
more  to  mark  Parliament's  opinion  of  the  enormity  of  the  offense  than 
with  any  thought  that  it  would  be  fully  executed.  He  was  to  pay  a 
fine  of  £40,000,  to  be  imprisoned  in  the  Tower,  to  give  up  the  Great 
Seal,  and  to  be  henceforth  disqualified  from  holding  any  office  of  State 
or  sitting  in  Parliament.  The  fine  and  imprisonment  were  remitted 
and  the  old  man  retired  to  achieve  by  his  studies  a  reputation  which 
he  had  failed  to  attain  as  an  officer  of  State.  His  impeachment, 
while  technical  rules  were  not  strictly  observed,  is  an  important  step 
in  the  revival  of  a  practice  which  had  been  in  disuse  for  over  a  century 
and  a  half. 

Second  Session  of  the  Parliament  of  1621.  —  In  the  autumn  session 
the  difference  over  foreign  policy  developed  into  a  momentous  quarrel 
which  reopened  the  whole  question  of  privilege.  James  hoped,  if  the 
marriage  between  Prince  Charles  and  the  Infanta  were  brought  about, 
that  the  Spanish  would  intervene  to  restore  Frederick  by  force  if 
necessary.  The  Commons,  fearing  that  the  Catholics  were  unduly 
encouraged,  framed  a  petition  asking  that  the  Prince  marry  one  of 
his  own  religion ;  calling  for  the  execution  of  the  penal  laws ;  and  for 
a  war  against  Spain.  A  long  and  bitter  correspondence  resulted,  in 
which  the  King  forbade  the  Commons  "to  meddle  with  mysteries  of 
State,"  asserting  again  that  their  privileges  were  derived  from  the 
grace  of  his  ancestors,  though  he  assured  them  that,  so  long  as  they 


298     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

confined  themselves  within  proper  limits,  "  he  would  be  careful  to 
preserve  their  lawful  liberties."  More  than  one  picturesque  incident 
enlivened  the  controversy.  When  the  Commons  sent  a  deputation 
with  a  second  petition,  James  cried  "  Bring  stools  for  the  ambassadors," 
implying  that  they  were  assuming  the  position  of  an  independent 
power.  Finally,  they  framed  a  protestation  in  which  they  declared 
that :  "  their  liberties  and  privileges  were  the  inherited  birthright  of 
the  subjects  of  England ;  the  State,  the  defense  of  the  realm,  the  laws 
and  grievances  were  proper  matters  for  them  to  debate  ;  the  members 
have  liberty  of  speech,  and  freedom  from  all  imprisonment  for  speaking 
on  matters  touching  Parliamentary  business."  The  King  adjourned 
the  session,  sent  for  the  Journal,  and  tore  out  the  protestation  with  his 
own  hands,  while  opposition  members  were  imprisoned  or  confined 
to  their  houses  in  London,  and,  6  January,  1622,  Parliament  was  dis- 
solved. 

The  Journey  of  Charles  and  Buckingham  to  Spain  (1623). — The 
Spanish,  realizing  that  the  King's  hands  were  tied  so  long  as  he  had 
failed  to  obtain  supplies,  determined  to  keep  him  at  odds  with  his 
subjects  in  order  to  avoid  the  least  chance  of  English  intervention  in 
the  Continental  war.  To  that  end,  their  ambassador  encouraged 
Charles  and  Buckingham  *  in  a  harebrained  project  —  a  journey  in- 
cognito to  Madrid,  where  the  Prince  was  to  woo  the  Infanta  in  person. 
The  visit  ultimately  failed  of  its  object,  although  Charles  agreed  to 
the  hardest  terms  short  of  changing  his  religion.  When  it  finally 
became  clear  that  Spain  would  grant  no  aid  in  recovering  the  Palatinate 
negotiations  were  broken  off.  The  initiative  was  taken  by  Bucking- 
ham, whose  self-importance  had  been  wounded  by  the  lack  of  con- 
sideration shown  him  at  the  Spanish  court,  and  to  whom  the  popularity 
which  would  result  from  an  anti-Spanish  policy  proved  a  temptation 
which  he  could  not  resist.  Indeed,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  go  to  the 
length  of  war  and  dragged  Charles  along  with  him. 

The  Parliament  of  1624.  Breach  with  Spain.  —  When  Parliament 
met  again,  in  1624,  James,  who  had  hitherto  refused  to  consider  the 
right  of  the  Commons  to  discuss  foreign  politics,  now  consented  to 
ask  their  advice.  Buckingham  told  all  the  assembled  members  the 
story  of  the  journey  to  Spain,  insisted  that  the  Spanish  had  never  in- 
tended to  help  recover  the  Palatinate,  and  urged  that  the  marriage 
treaty  be  canceled.  James  had  come  to  see  that  war  was  necessary ; 
but  he  would  only  consent  to  a  land  war  for  the  recovery  of  the  Palat- 
inate ;  Parliament  was  still  bent  on  fighting  Spain  at  sea,  while  Buck- 
ingham was  keen  for  both.  It  was  a  part  of  his  plan  to  ally  with  the 

1  The  royal  favorite  Villiers,  created  Duke  of  Buckingham,  1623. 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OE  THE   PURITAN  REVOLUTION         2QQ 

Dutch,  the  Danes,  and  the  German  princes,  assisting  them  with  Eng- 
lish subsidies.  In  voting  a  grant,  less  than  half  the  sum  asked  for, 
the  Commons  specified  distinctly  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  to  be 
employed,  which  included  the  strengthening  of  the  navy  and  assistance 
to  the  Dutch  and  other  allies. 

The  French  Marriage  Treaty  (1624). — Parliament  was  prorogued 
till  autumn ;  but  it  never  met  again  during  the  reign,  for  the  King 
simply  did  not  dare  to  face  the  Houses.  On  the  failure  of  the  Spanish 
marriage,  negotiations  had  been  opened  with  France  for  a  marriage 
between  Charles  and  Henrietta  Maria,  sister  of  Louis  XIII.  Although, 
during  the  recent  session,  James  had  distinctly  promised  that  no  con- 
cessions would  be  made  to  the  recusants  in  consequence  of  any  such 
alliance,  Cardinal  Richelieu,  Louis's  adroit  and  able  chief  Minister, 
forced  the  weak  King  and  his  weak  son  to  agree  to  a  secret  article 
guaranteeing  a  relaxation  of  the  penal  laws,  and  on  these  terms  the 
treaty  was  ratified,  in  December,  1624.  However,  France,  though 
anxious  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  Spanish  and  Austrian  Hapsburgs,  had 
no  mind  as  yet  to  assist  the  German  heretics.  Accordingly,  they  re- 
fused to  allow  a  rabble  of  raw  pressed  men  whom  James  had  dispatched 
abroad  under  a  German  soldier  of  fortune,  Count  Mansfeld,  to  pass 
through  their  territories.  So  in  the  dead  of  winter,  he  had  to  lead  his 
half -clad  troops  into  Holland,  where  more  than  three  quarters  of  them 
perished  of  cold  and  starvation,  and,  in  the  spring,  the  miserable 
remnant  returned  to  England. 

Death  of  James  and  Estimate  of  His  Reign.  —  In  March,  1625,  the 
poor  old  King,  much  reduced  by  gout  and  worry,  was  attacked  by  an 
ague,  from  which  he  died  on  the  ayth.  As  a  ruler  he  had  been  a  failure. 
His  problem  in  a  critical  time  had  been  to  economize  and  to  gain  the 
good  will  of  his  subjects.  Yet  he  was  lavish  to  the  last,  and,  what 
with  the  expenses  in  connection  with  foreign  affairs,  he  left  the  treasury 
too  poor  to  give  him  a  royal  burial;  he  disappointed  the  Catholics 
and  he  disappointed  the  Puritans ;  he  quarreled  with  the  judges  and 
he  quarreled  with  Parliament.  While  he  never  acted  without  some 
color  of  legality,  many  of  his  measures  ran  counter  to  the  temper  of 
the  times.  By  his  pompousness  and  love  of  theorizing  he  alienated 
his  subjects,  and  by  his  failure  to  meet  crises  with  decision  he  forfeited 
their  confidence.  All  through  his  reign  he  strove,  in  the  teeth  of  Prot- 
estant prejudice  and  Elizabethan  tradition,  for  an  alliance  with  Spain, 
and  lived  to  see  his  pet  project  destroyed  by  his  son  and  his  favorite. 
His  only  essay  in  war  —  the  Mansfeld  expedition  —  was  a  pitiful 
fiasco.  The  fresh  memory  of  this,  the  empty  treasury,  and  a  crop  of 
differences  with  his  subjects  were  his  legacy  to  Charles. 


300     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  bright  spots  in  the  reign  were  not  due  in  any  great  degree  to 
James.  The  peace  which  he  maintained  was  favorable  to  industry, 
commerce,  and  prosperity;  but  the  light  taxes  which  contributed 
greatly  to  the  result  were  due  to  necessity  rather  than  to  policy.  Also, 
the  settlements  leading  to  a  vast  colonial  empire  in  the  New  World 
have  him  to  thank  only  so  far  as  he  drove  opponents  of  the  Established 
Church  from  England.  Again,  while  he  shares  with  Elizabeth  the 
glory  of  the  greatest  age  of  the  world's  literature,  he  was,  in  spite  of 
his  scholarly  tastes,  as  innocent  as  his  predecessor  of  assisting  the 
movement.  In  spite  of  him,  very  notable  gains  were  made  by  the 
Commons.  They  secured  the  right  of  deciding  contested  elections 
and  right  of  freedom  from  arrest,  and  effectively  asserted  their  right 
to  debate  all  matters  of  public  concern  and  to  appropriate  supplies 
for  purposes  which  they  designated.  On  the  other  hand,  they  pro- 
tested vainly  against  impositions,  and  failed  deservedly  in  an  at- 
tempt to  judge  and  punish  offenses  not  committed  against  their 
own  House. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  F.  C.  Montague,  Political  History  of  England,  1603-1660 
(1907),  an  accurate  account  of  the  main  course  of  events.  G.  M.  Trevelyan, 
England  under  the  Stuarts,  1603-1714  (1904),  a  work  of  unusual  brilliancy 
and  suggestiveness,  an  excellent  supplement  to  Montague.  Cambridge 
Modern  History,  III.  S.  R.  Gardiner,  History  of  England,  1603-1642 
(10  vols.,  1883-1884),  a  monumental  work,  the  authority  on  the  period, 
but  confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  aspects  of 
the  subject.  L.  von  Ranke,  History  of  England  (6  vols.,  Eng.  tr.,  1875),  next 
to  Gardiner  the  best  detailed  work,  particularly  valuable  for  foreign  re- 
lations. Lingard,  already  cited.  T.  Carlyle,  Historical  Sketches  (1891), 
a  picturesque  and  stimulating  work. 

Special.  Seeley,  British  Policy.  J.  Corbett,  England  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean (1904).  J.  N.  Figgis,  The  Divine  Right  of  Kings  (1896).  Algernon 
Cecil,  A  Life  of  Robert  Cecil,  First  Earl  of  Salisbury  (1915). 

Constitutional.  Hallam ;  Taylor ;  Taswell-Langmead ;  and  especially 
Maitland,  Constitutional  History  of  England,  Period  III,  sketch  of  the  public 
law  at  the  death  of  James  I. 

Church.     Wakeman ;  Frere ;   Usher,  as  above. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  181-188. 
Prothero,  Select  Statutes. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

CHARLES  I  AND  THE  PRECIPITATION  OF  THE  CONFLICT  BETWEEN 
KING  AND  PEOPLE  (1625-1640) 

Personal  Traits  of  Charles  I.  —  Charles  I  had  many  of  the  quali- 
ties of  a  popular  Sovereign.  Handsome  and  of  a  noble  presence,  he 
was  a  skillful  athlete  and  bore  himself  with  the  courage  of  a  thorough- 
bred. Keenly  appreciative  of  all  that  was  beautiful  in  the  world 
about  him,  he  was  at  the  same  time  deeply  religious,  and  lived  un- 
spotted amidst  the  dissipations  of  his  Court.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
lacked  that  power  of  reading  the  temper  of  the  times  and  that  gift  of 
voicing  the  feelings  of  his  subjects  which  had  made  the  Tudors  so 
irresistible.  Without  the  imagination  and  sympathy  necessary  to 
the  understanding  of  other  men's  views,  he  regarded  every  one  who 
differed  from  him  as  an  enemy  ;  while  he  prided  himself  on  the  legality 
of  his  measures  he  failed  to  see  that  what  had  the  sanction  of  the  law 
might  at  times  be  absolutely  inexpedient.  Much  influenced  by  the 
few  to  whom  he  gave  his  confidence,  he  clung  obstinately  to  an  opinion 
he  had  once  formed.  Worse  than  all,  he  was  secretive  and  evasive ;  he 
made  promises  which  he  found  himself  unable  to  keep,  and  sometimes 
even  entered  into  engagements  with  mental  reservations  which  would 
enable  him  to  elude  what  he  did  not  consider  to  be  for  the  public  good. 

Political  Problems.  —  Spurred  on  by  Buckingham  he  had  aroused 
popular  enthusiasm  by  forcing  the  timid  old  King  to  abandon  his  peace 
policy,  but  he  and  his  favorite  planned  to  conduct  the  war  in  a  manner 
quite  out  of  accord  with  that  advocated  by  Parliament ;  they  entered 
into  engagements  which  that  body  was  not  asked  to  approve,  and  they 
conducted  their  military  operations  with  a  rashness,  an  incompetence, 
and  a  lack  of  success  which  forfeited  the  confidence  of  the  nation. 
Consequently,  the  Commons,  when  they  were  called  together,  would 
not  grant  the  supplies  necessary  to  meet  the  situation.  This  forced 
the  King  to  resort  to  the  irregular  measures  which,  in  conjunction  with 
his  religious  policy,  led  to  the  revolt  which  finally  cost  him  his  head. 

Religious  Problems.  —  While  the  Puritans  had  failed  to  receive 
under  James  the  concessions  which  they  desired,  they  had  not  been 

301 


302     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

actively  persecuted.  Silently  but  effectively  their  views  were  being 
preserved  and  spread  by  means  of  Bible  reading,  prayer,  and  services 
in  private  houses.  Already  chafing  under  restraint,  the  victories  of 
the  Catholics  in  the  Continental  war,  the  King's  marriage,  and  the 
relaxation  of  the  penal  laws  aroused  their  gravest  apprehensions. 
Furthermore,  while  James  had  been  content  with  the  existing  Es- 
tablishment, Charles  was  a  High  Churchman,  who  wanted,  so  far  as 
possible,  to  restore  the  liturgy  and  the  ecclesiastical  organization  of 
the  pre-Reformation  days,  partly  because  he  loved  the  splendid  ancient 
ceremonial,  but  chiefly  because  of  the  chance  to  strengthen  his  royal 
powers.  The  high  Anglican  divines,  as  a  means  of  securing  the  great 
offices  in  Church  and  State  and  counteracting  the  Puritan  tendencies 
of  the  people,  sought  his  ear  and  magnified  the  prerogative  to  ridiculous 
heights.  So  the  issue  was  not  merely  religious,  it  was  political  as  well. 
Two  parties  were  ranged  against  each  other,  one  in  close  alliance  with 
the  Crown,  the  other  with  Parliament. 

The  Puritan  Parliamentary  Party.  —  Though  the  Puritan  party  in- 
cluded high-souled  cultivated  gentlemen,  poets,  and  scholars,  its  gen- 
eral attitude  was  hard  and  ungracious.  The  spirit  of  the  Renascence 
appealed  but  little  to  them.  The  old  English  Sunday  with  its  pic- 
turesque and  boisterous  merriment  was  an  abomination  in  their  eyes. 
Standing  for  the  literal  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures,  many  had  scant 
sympathy  for  philosophical  and  historical  studies.  They  wanted  to 
enter  the  lists  against  the  great  Catholic  combination  on  the  Continent, 
but  only  after  the  King  had  redressed  domestic  grievances  and  had 
agreed  upon  a  plan  of  hostilities  of  which  they  approved.  At  home 
they  insisted  upon  the  enforcement  of  the  penal  laws,  and,  as  the  event 
proved,  they  desired  also  to  put  down  the  Anglicans  as  well  as  various 
sects  of  religious  extremists  which  had  recently  sprung  up.  They 
did  not  oppose  an  Established  Church  as  such,  but  they  opposed  one 
upheld  by  the  Crown  and  Bishops  —  a  Church  which  they  held  re- 
sponsible for  the  prevailing  moral  laxness,  particularly  at  Court,  a 
Church  with  ceremonies  which  they  denounced  as  "  popish  "  idolatries 
imposed  by  authority.  The  Puritans  fought,  not  for  any  principle 
of  toleration,  but  for  their  own  supremacy;  yet,  in  so  doing,  they 
deepened  the  spiritual  independence  of  the  people,  they  struck  at 
despotism,  and,  if  they  did  not  gain  the  ascendancy  at  which  they 
aimed,  they  secured  a  large  measure  of  political  freedom  for  their 
country  and  prepared  the  way  for  a  religious  liberty  that  came  slowly 
but  none  the  less  surely. 

The  High  Church  Royalist  Party.  —  The  High  Church  party,  ranged 
against  them,  stood  for  a  revival  of  medieval  ceremonialism  and  held 


PRECIPITATION  OF  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  KING  AND  PEOPLE    303 

exalted  views  regarding  the  origin  and  functions  of  the  Church.  While 
the  Puritan  regarded  the  Bible  as  the  sole  source  of  Christian  truth, 
this  party  insisted  that  it  must  be  interpreted  according  to  the  writings 
of  the  early  Fathers  and  of  the  customs  of  the  primitive  Church.  They 
laid  stress  on  the  divine  origin  of  Episcopacy,  and  maintained  that 
the  observance  of  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church  was  as  essential  to 
salvation  as  personal  holiness.  While  the  standpoint  of  the  royalist 
party  was  broader  than  that  of  the  Puritans,  it  was  unfortunate  that 
they  sought  to  impose  their  views  by  insisting  upon  absolute  conformity 
and  by  magnifying  the  King's  prerogative  in  Church  and  State  as  a 
means  of  crushing  their  opponents.  Yet  both  parties  were  equally 
intolerant  and  both  were  equally  aggressive. 

The  Royal  Advisers. — Incompetent  himself  to  deal  with  the  polit- 
ical and  religious  problems  which  confronted  him,  Charles  was  pecul- 
iarly unfortunate  in  his  advisers.  Indeed,  it  is  an  evidence  of  his 
incapacity  that  he  should  have  chosen  such  men.  Buckingham  was 
rash,  self-confident,  and  incapable,  and  he  was  largely  responsible 
for  the  foreign  disasters  and  the  constant  conflicts  with  Parliament 
which  marked  the  four  years  of  his  ascendancy  from  1624  to  1628. 
Worse  still  was  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  who  proved  an  evil  genius  to 
the  King  and  the  country ;  bred  in  an  atmosphere  of  absolutism  and 
Catholicism,  ignorant  of  the  ways  and  temper  of  Englishmen,  and 
dominated  by  papal  agents,  she  put  worthless  men  into  office,  and 
egged  Charles  on  to  some  of  his  rashest  and  most  unpopular  acts,  cul- 
minating in  a  disastrous  policy  of  foreign  intrigue.  Abler  far  than 
these  mischievous  councilors  and  the  group  of  religious  enthusiasts 
who  surrounded  the  throne  were  Charles's  two  later  councilors, 
Thomas  Wentworth,  Earl  of  Strafford,  and  William  Laud,  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  though  they  pushed  him  still  further  toward  his  final 
ruin. 

Charles's  First  Parliament.  — The  royal  supporters  in  Charles's  first 
Parliament,  which  met  18  June,  1625,  were  few  and  weak,  while  the 
King  made  the  fatal  mistake  of  not  explaining  at  once  what  he  meant 
to  do,  how  much  he  needed,  and  for  what  objects.  The  Opposition, 
counting  many  effective  leaders,  had  no  sympathy  with  a  Continental 
war,  they  were  determined  to  keep  control  of  the  taxes,  and  were 
bitterly  suspicious  of  relaxations  in  favor  of  the  Roman  Catholics. 
So,  after  voting  an  absolutely  inadequate  supply,  they  fell  to  discussing 
grievances  and  foreign  policy.  When  they  began  to  express  their 
distrust  of  the  royal  advisers,  especially  Buckingham,  who  had  aroused 
such  enthusiasm  in  James's  last  Parliament,  Charles  ordered  a  dissolu- 
tion, 12  August. 


304     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Cadiz  Expedition,  1625.  —  That  autumn,  Charles  and  Bucking- 
ham, hoping  to  increase  their  scanty  funds  by  rich  booty  and  to  re- 
cover their  lost  prestige  by  a  glorious  success,  sent  an  expedition  against 
Cadiz.  The  invaders  were  unable  to  take  the  town,  or  to  capture 
the  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  allowed  a  treasure  fleet  to  slip  by  them. 
The  troops  got  drunk  on  Spanish  wine  and  became  unruly.  Storm- 
tossed,  starving,  and  sick,  the  expedition  straggled  back  to  Plymouth 
late  in  November,  another  miserable  failure. 

Charles's  Second  Parliament  and  the  Impeachment  of  Buckingham 
(1626).  —  Pressed  by  his  financial  needs,  Charles  very  reluctantly  called 
a  second  Parliament,  which  met  6  February,  1626.  To  guard  against 
resistance  the  leaders  of  the  Opposition  in  the  last  Parliament  had  been 
disqualified  for  reelection,  but  an  unexpected  opponent  came  to  the 
front,  Sir  John  Eliot,  vice-admiral  of  Devon.  Though  he  had  formerly 
been  a  friend  of  Buckingham,  the  shameless  miscarriage  of  the  Cadiz 
expedition  and  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  returning  soldiers  and 
sailors  had  inflamed  his  wrath  and  stirred  his  pity.  At  once  he  forced 
the  fighting  by  demanding  an  inquiry  into  the  "  recent  disaster,"  de- 
nouncing Buckingham  as  the  cause  of  all  the  mischief.  Eliot,  though 
violent  and  partisan,  was  a  lofty-minded  patriot,  not  in  any  sense  a 
republican  but  an  advocate  of  a  form  of  monarchy  in  which  Parlia- 
ment should  be  supreme.  Following  his  attack,  articles  of  impeach- 
ment against  Buckingham  were  framed,  in  which  he  was  accused,  among 
other  things,  of  gross  neglect  and  mismanagement  of  public  affairs. 
Although  the  King  had  supported  the  favorite  in  all  his  acts,  and,  by 
assuming  the  responsibility,  placed  an  insurmountable  obstacle  in 
the  way  of  conviction,  nevertheless,  Buckingham's  mismanagement 
and  incompetence  were  publicly  exposed,  while,  for  the  first  time  since 
the  pre-Tudor  period,  the  Commons  had  ventured,  on  grounds  of 
public  policy,  to  assail  a  Minister  enjoying  the  unlimited  confidence 
of  the  Sovereign.  To  be  sure,  Charles  finally  stopped  the  impeach- 
ment by  a  dissolution,  but,  in  so  doing,  he  lost  the  grant  which  the 
Commons  had  resolved  to  vote  him.  Hard  put  to  it  for  money  he 
tried  all  sorts  of  devices,  and  at  length  resorted  to  a  forced  loan,  dis- 
missing Chief  Justice  Crewe  because  he  would  not  declare  it  legal. 
Some  eighty  gentlemen,  including  Eliot  and  Wentworth,  were  im- 
prisoned for  refusing  to  lend,  while  many  of  the  commoner  sort  were 
pressed  as  soldiers.  Out  of  £350,000  asked  for  £236,000  was  secured, 
but  at  the  price  of  sullen  and  widespread  discontent. 

The  War  with  France  and  the  Expedition  to  Rhe  (1627).— In  the 
spring  of  1627  a  war  with  France  which  had  long  been  brewing  was 
declared.  Toward  the  close  of  the  last  reign  Richelieu  had  exacted 


PRECIPITATION  OF  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  KING  AND  PEOPLE   305 

an  impossible  promise  that  the  English  would  loan  him  a  fleet  to  be 
used  "  against  whomsoever  except  the  King  of  Great  Britain."  When 
it  became  clear  that  he  was  to  employ  it  to  reduce  the  Huguenots  at 
La  Rochelle  who  were  in  revolt,  Charles  and  Buckingham,  unable  to 
face  the  popular  outcry,  had  tried  to  elude  the  obligation  by  instigating 
the  Admiral  in  command  to  stir  his  crews  to  mutiny.  Eventually 
the  French  got  the  ships  without  the  men.  Such  double  dealing  ac- 
centuated the  distrust  of  the  English  and  alienated  the  French.  Two 
other  causes  of  friction  were :  that  French  ships  trading  with  Spain 
and  the  Netherlands  were  searched  and  condemned  even  before  formal 
trial  in  the  English  prize  courts,  and  that  King  Charles  was  not  only 
unable  to  relax  the  penal  laws  against  the  English  Catholics  but  was 
even  obliged  to  dismiss  the  Queen's  French  attendants,  and,  after 
much  shuffling,  to  declare  himself  the  protector  of  the  French  Hugue- 
nots. As  a  stroke  against  France,  Buckingham,  in  June,  1627,  sent 
an  expedition  which  landed  on  the  island  of  Rhe,  opposite  La  Ro- 
chelle, with  the  object  of  securing  a  base  for  assisting  the  beleaguered 
citizens  and  for  attacking  the  French  coast  and  shipping.  Bucking- 
ham himself  showed  both  courage  and  energy  in  the  undertaking, 
but  the  English,  resenting  the  forced  loan  and  without  confidence  in 
the  leader,  gave  him  grudging  support.  As  a  result  the  French,  in 
October,  drove  the  invaders  from  the  island. 

The  Five  Knights'  Case  (1627).  —  Following  this  fresh  humiliation, 
five  knights,1  who  were  among  those  imprisoned  for  refusing  to  con- 
tribute to  the  recent  loan,  brought  their  case  to  trial  by  suing  for  a 
writ  of  Habeas  Corpus.2  Fearing  to  state  the  reason  for  their  deten- 
tion, Charles  had  assigned  no  cause  except  the  command  of  the  King. 
The  judges  decided  to  send  the  knights  back  to  prison,  although  they 
did  not  commit  themselves  on  the  general  question  as  to  whether 
the  Sovereign  might,  under  all  circumstances,  hold  the  subject  in  con- 
finement, solely  by  virtue  of  his  royal  command.  Nevertheless,  the 
decision  was  ominous  for  the  subject  who  looked  to  the  protection  of 

1  One  of  them  was  Sir  Thomas  Darnel,  hence  the  case  is  sometimes  called  Darnel's 
Case. 

2  As  it  was  against  the  spirit  of  English  law  for  a  subject  to  be  detained  in  prison 
without  cause  shown,  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  had  been  devised,  in  order  that  the 
judges  might  inquire  into  the  case  and,  in  view  of  the  sufficiency  or  insufficiency  of 
the  evidence,  release  the  prisoner,  admit  him  to  bail,  or  remand  him  to  prison. 
It  had  always  been  the  custom  for  the  Sovereign,  for  reasons  of  State,  to  order  the 
arrest  of  persons  dangerous  to  the  public  safety  without  any  further  reason  than  the 
royal  command.    In  the  present  instance,  however,  no  one  was  conspiring  against 
the  State ;  the  only  offense  of  those  imprisoned  was  resistance  to  unparliamentary 
taxation. 


306     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  law  against  royal  oppression.  Charles,  still  hoping  to  obtain 
the  needed  supplies,  soon  released  all  the  prisoners,  and  called  a  third 
Parliament  to  assemble,  17  March,  1628. 

Charles's  Third  Parliament  (1628).  —  Before  the  opening  of  the  ses- 
sion the  Opposition  leaders  had  met  and  agreed  to  drop  the  proceed- 
ings against  Buckingham  until  they  had  secured  redress  of  recent  and 
pressing  grievances.  In  addition  to  the  arbitrary  exactions  and  the 
imprisonment  or  impressment  of  those  who  had  refused  to  pay,  soldiers 
had  been  billeted  on  private  houses,  consuming  the  goods  and  menac- 
ing the  quiet  and  security  of  those  who  occupied  them.  Moreover, 
they  were  under  the  government  of  martial  law,  which  was  feared  as 
a  dangerous  encroachment  on  liberty.  After  sharp  discussion,  the 
Commons  agreed  to  grant  five  subsidies  in  return  for  the  removal  of 
these  evils,  both  Houses  adopted  a  proposal  of  Coke's  to  formulate 
their  grievances  and  demands  in  a  petition,  to  which  Charles,  after 
vain  efforts  to  wriggle  out  by  means  of  vague  promises,  gave  his  formal 
assent,  7  June,  1628. 

The  Petition  of  Right  (1628).  — The  Petition  of  Right,  as  it  was 
called,  provided  that :  (i)  No  man  hereafter  should  be  compelled 
to  make  or  yield  any  gift,  loan,  benevolence,  tax,  or  such  like  charge 
without  common  consent  by  Act  of  Parliament;  (2)  No  freeman 
should  be  imprisoned  or  detained  without  cause  shown ;  (3)  Soldiers 
should  not  be  billeted  in  private  homes ;  (4)  Commissions  to  punish 
by  martial  law  should  be  revoked  and  no  more  issued.  This  Petition 
of  Right  has  always  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  great  landmarks  in 
the  progress  of  English  popular  liberty,  ranking  with  Magna  Carta, 
and  with  the  later  Bill  of  Rights.  Yet  it  left  more  than  one  issue  un- 
settled. 

When  the  Commons  proceeded  to  formulate  the  more  outstanding 
ones  in  two  remonstrances,  reiterating  their  demand  for  the  removal 
of  Buckingham,  Charles  forthwith  prorogued  Parliament  with  "  a 
sharp  speech,"  26  June,  1628. 

The  Murder  of  Buckingham  and  the  Rise  of  Wentworth  (1628).  — 
Less  than  two  months  had  passed  when,  23  August,  Buckingham, 
while  superintending  the  embarkation  of  a  fleet  at  Portsmouth,  was 
stabbed  by  John  Felton,  who  combined  personal  grievances  with  a 
desire  to  perform  a  public  service.  The  crime,  though  received  with 
general  rejoicing,  only  embittered  the  King  without  doing  any  good. 
While  he  never  again  loved  or  trusted  any  one  as  he  had  the  departed 
favorite,  he  turned  to  new  councilors  equally  regardless  of  the  popular 
will.  Thomas  Wentworth,  who  had  already,  in  July,  passed  over  to 
the  royalist  party,  gradually  attained  the  position  of  the  King's  chief 


PRECIPITATION  OF  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  KING  AND  PEOPLE    307 

adviser.  Though  he  had  strenuously  fought  the  King  for  years,  it 
was  because  he  was  opposed  to  the  Buckingham  regime,  which  ran 
counter  to  his  ideals  of  peace  abroad  and  efficient  administration  at 
home.  An  aristocrat  by  birth  and  temper  he  had  no  sympathy  with 
Puritanism  and  parliamentary  supremacy.  The  Petition  of  Right 
and  the  remonstrances  went  further  than  he  could  follow,  so  he  turned 
back.  When  Buckingham,  the  chief  obstacle  which  had  stood  in  his 
way,  was  removed,  he  welcomed  the  chance  to  put  into  practice  the 
policies  which  he  had  long  cherished. 

Tonnage  and  Poundage  and  Religious  Innovations.  —  The  two 
most  pressing  questions  left  unsettled  by  the  Petition  of  Right  con- 
cerned the  royal  right  to  levy  tonnage  and  poundage  without  parlia- 
mentary grant,  and  religious  innovations.  Charles  maintained  that 
since  Parliament  had,  in  failing  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  to  grant 
him  tonnage  and  poundage,  departed  from  a  long-recognized  custom, 
he  was  entitled  to  collect  it  on  his  own  authority.  The  Commons 
argued  that  by  the  Petition  of  Rfght  he  had  yielded  any  right  which 
he  may  have  possessed.  This  he  denied  on  the  ground  that  tonnage 
and  poundage  was  not  included  under  "  gift,  loan,  benevolence,  or 
tax."  Since  a  "  tax  "  was  then  generally  understood  to  mean  a  direct 
tax,  there  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that,  technically,  he  was  in  the  right. 
Whatever  legal  rights  the  King  may  have  had,  his  attempts  to  enforce 
them  were  bitterly  resisted.  In  reply  he  imprisoned  some  and  seized 
the  goods  of  others  who  refused  to  pay.  The  religious  issue  had 
reached  an  equally  acute  stage.  When  his  High  Church  supporters 
were  sharply  attacked  he  sought  to  shield  them  by  pardons  and  pro- 
motions. Then,  in  November,  1628,  he  issued  a  Declaration  pro- 
hibiting further  disputes  on  Church  questions,  and  providing  that  all 
ecclesiastical  changes,  unless  contrary  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  the 
land,  should  be  settled  in  Convocation  with  the  royal  approval,  which 
meant  by  a  body  composed  largely  of  the  King's  creatures. 

The  Eliot  Resolutions  (1629).  —  When  Charles's  third  Parliament 
met  for  its  second  session,  20  January,  1629,  the  Commons  began  a 
busy  discussion  of  the  religious  differences  and  of  the  treatment  of 
the  merchants  who  refused  to  pay  tonnage  and  poundage.  Seeing 
that  he  was  to  get  nothing  but  complaints,  the  King  ordered  them  to 
adjourn.  The  news  caused  a  tumult,  and,  when  the  Speaker  sought 
to  leave  the  chair,  two  members,  Holies  and  Valentine,  held  him  down 
by  main  force  while  Holies  repeated  from  memory  three  resolutions 
which  Eliot  had  drawn  up.  They  declared  that : 

"  Whosoever  shall  bring  in  innovations  in  religion,  or  by  favor  seek 
to  extend  or  introduce  Popery  or  Arminianism,  or  other  opinions  dis- 


308     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

agreeing  from  the  true  and  orthodox  Church,  shall  be  reputed  a  cap- 
ital enemy  to  this  Kingdom  and  Commonwealth. 

"  Whosoever  shall  counsel  or  advise  the  .  .  .  levying  of  ... 
tonnage  and  poundage,  not  being  granted  by  Parliament,  or  shall  be 
an  actor  or  instrument  therein,  shall  be  likewise  reputed  an  innovator 
in  the  Government  and  a  capital  enemy  of  this  Kingdom  and  Common- 
wealth." 

"  If  any  merchant,  or  other  person  whatsoever,  shall  voluntarily 
.  .  .  pay  .  .  .  tonnage  and  poundage  not  being  granted  by  Parlia- 
ment, he  shall  likewise  be  reputed  a  betrayer  of  the  liberty  of  England 
and  an  enemy  to  the  same." 

While  the  King's  officers  were  pounding  at  the  door,  the  resolutions 
were  carried  and  the  excited  throng  who  had  pressed  and  shouted 
about  the  Speaker's  chair  left  the  House.  Thus  ended  the  last  Par- 
liament which  Charles  was  to  hold  for  eleven  years. 

The  Significance  of  the  Dissolution.  —  A  crisis  marking  an  inevitable 
breach  had  arisen.  If  the  King  could  at  pleasure  interrupt  debate  on 
public  grievances,  popular  representation  was  an  empty  form.  On 
the  other  hand,  if  his  royal  orders  could  be  openly  resisted,  Charles 
Stuart  had  practically  ceased  to  be  King.  Eliot  and  eight  other  mem- 
bers concerned  in  the  recent  disturbances  were  arrested  on  an  indef- 
inite charge  of  sedition  and  contempt.  An  attempt  on  the  part  of 
some  to  obtain  their  release  by  Habeas  Corpus  was  first  evaded  and 
then  offered  on  terms  which  they  could  not  accept.  When  finally 
brought  to  trial  the  majority  made  submission.  Eliot  died  in  the 
Tower,  27  November,  1632.  Holies  escaped  abroad ;  but  Valentine 
and  another  of  the  eight  remained  in  prison  till  1640. 

The  Period  of  Personal  Government  (1629-1640). — During  the 
eleven  years  that  Charles  governed  without  a  Parliament  he  had  an 
opportunity  to  do  one  of  two  things  —  to  establish  a  despotism  or 
to  conciliate  his  subjects.  He  did  neither.  The  royal  impolicy  was 
manifested  in  diverse  ways:  in  vacillation  and  duplicity  in  foreign 
relations;  in  taking  money  from  the  people  by  methods  inexpedient 
and  of  doubtful  legality ;  in  allowing  Laud  and  his  party  full  scope  to 
carry  out  a  program  which  ran  counter  to  the  wishes  of  the  majority; 
in  offending  the  moral  sense  of  the  graver  sort  by  the  license  allowed 
at  Court  and  by  the  harsh  treatment  meted  out  to  those  who  protested ; 
in  breaking  down  respect  for  the  judiciary,  the  guardian  of  the  laws ; 
and  finally  by  a  rash  attempt  to  introduce  Episcopacy  in  Scotland. 

(i)  Foreign  Policy.  —  Buckingham's  foreign  policy  had  at  least 
the  merit  of  energy ;  but  even  that  disappeared  with  his  death.  Peace 
was  concluded  with  France  in  1629  and  with  Spain  in  1630.  Then 


PRECIPITATION  OF  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  KING  AND  PEOPLE    309 

followed  a  series  of  futile  negotiations  with  these  two  countries  and 
with  various  Protestant  Powers.  Charles  aimed  to  recover  the  Palat- 
inate and  to  assert  the  supremacy  of  the  narrow  seas;  but  his  un- 
trustworthiness  drew  on  him  the  contempt  of  the  great  Continental 
leaders,  while  by  his  inaction  he  lost  the  chance  of  increasing  his 
popularity  at  home  and  abroad. 

(2)  Arbitrary  Taxation.  —  The  King's  irregular  methods  of  raising 
money,  though  bolstered  up  with  a  show  of  legality,  proved  one  of 
the  chief  means  of  alienating  his  subjects.     He  continued  to  levy 
tonnage  and  poundage  and  impositions  regardless  of  public  feeling. 
Perverse  ingenuity  was  shown  in  the  creation  of  new  monopolies; 
since  the  Act  of  1624  limiting  monopolies  had  excepted  corporations 
and  trading  companies  from  its  prohibitions,  licenses  were  granted  to 
a  number  of  such  organizations  for  the  manufacture  of  soap,  starch, 
beer,  and  other  commodities,  and  it  was  in  vain  that  the  patentees 
were  scathingly  denounced  as  a  "  nest  of  wasps  or  swarm  of  vermin 
which  have  overcrept  the  land."     Although  the  country  was  prosper- 
ous and  most  of  the  financial  exactions  fell  on  special  classes  best  able 
to  bear  them,  nevertheless,  discontent  at  the  royal  attempt  to  raise 
money  independent  of  Parliament  became  increasingly  widespread 
as  the  years  went  on,  until  a  crisis  came  in  the  year  1637. 

(3)  Religion  and  Morals.     The  Laudian  Policy.  —  Meantime,  the 
differences  in  questions  of  religion  and  morals  were  reaching  an  acute 
stage.     The  King's  chief  agent  in  Church  affairs,  Archbishop  Laud, 
by  his  influence  in  the  Privy  Council,  and  by  his  control  of  the  courts 
of  High  Commission  and  Star  Chamber,  gathered  into  his  hands  all 
the  machinery,  both  ecclesiastical  and  temporal,  for  enforcing  his 
drastic  policy.     He  was  a  tireless  worker,  fearless,  honest,  and  devoted 
to  his  duty  as  he  saw  it ;  but  he  was  narrow  and  rigid  in  his  views, 
and,  though  he  put  no  one  to  death,  he  sanctioned  cruel  punishments. 
Religious  toleration  was  still  practically  unknown  even  among  his 
opponents,  but  he  was  wanting  in  discrimination  as  well.     He  restored 
church  buildings  whose  original  beauty  had  been  marred  by  neglect, 
he  cleared  St.  Paul's  of  tradesmen  and  lawyers  who  used  the  holy 
place  for  base  traffic,  he  made  war  on  corruption  and  religious  sloth, 
but,  at  the  same  time,  he  persecuted  men  who,  from  sincere  convic- 
tion, refused  to  participate  in  the  ceremonies  which  he  was  laboring 
to  extend  throughout  the  land.     While  he  strove  for  Church  unity, 
his  test  was  uniformity ;  hence,  he  was  not  inclined  to  inquire  too 
strictly  what  people  believed,  so  long  as  they  conformed.     Wherever 
prescribed  ecclesiastical  rules  were   disregarded  he  concluded  that 
there  was  no  religion.     Hence  the  Puritan,  the  indifferent,  and  the 


310     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

profane  were  alike  in  his  eyes.  Furthermore,  he  undertook  to  suppress 
every  breath  of  hostile  expression  in  the  press,  in  the  pulpit,  the  parish 
church,  and  the  conventicle.  Much  corruption,  irreverence,  and  neg- 
lect he  found  by  energetic  inquiry.  Many  clergymen  were  profane, 
abusive,  and  loose  in  their  conduct,  the  Communion  table  was  some- 
times used  as  a  writing  desk,  or  otherwise  desecrated ;  men  slouched 
into  church  with  their  hats  on,  or  disturbed  the  service  outside ;  pigs 
were  allowed  in  many  places  to  root  up  the  churchyard.  While  Laud 
did  much  good  work  in  remedying  these  and  various  other  abuses, 
his  failure  to  distinguish  between  the  worthy  and  the  unworthy  stirred 
up  a  curiously  general  opposition.  The  impious  or  profligate,  lay  or 
cleric,  who  was  proceeded  against  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  the 
country  squire  who  resented  the  enhanced  power  of  the  parson,  the 
lawyer  who  chafed  against  the  increased  jurisdiction  of  the  Church 
tribunals,  and  the  courtiers  who  disliked  the  bishops  usurping  great 
offices  of  State  were  all  aroused. 

The  Puritan  Sentiment  and  Current  Morality.  —  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Puritan  conscience  was  shocked  at  what  they  considered 
to  be  the  high-handed  encouragement  of  immorality.  In  1618,  in 
order  to  counteract  the  zeal  of  certain  magistrates,  James  had  issued 
a  Declaration  of  Sports  which  authorized  the  continuance  of  games 
on  Sunday.  There  were  some  good  reasons  for  this :  among  others 
to  prevent  idleness  and  tippling;  and  to  encourage  the  subjects  to 
strengthen  their  bodies  for  the  more  effective  defense  of  the  realm. 
In  1633,  the  Declaration,  which  had  been  promulgated  in  only  one 
diocese,  was  published  throughout  the  land,  and  ministers  were  ordered 
to  read  it  from  the  pulpit  under  pain  of  suspension  or  deprivation. 
Then,  in  Somerset,  it  was  the  custom  to  celebrate  the  anniversary 
of  the  patron  saints  of  churches  on  the  Sunday  following.  These 
"  Wakes,"  as  they  were  called,  were  frequently  scenes  of  drunkenness 
and  disorder.  When  a  conscientious  Chief  Justice  made  an  effort  to 
stop  this  abuse  he  was  forbidden  to  ride  on  the  Western  circuit  again. 
All  this  seemed  to  the  Puritans  nothing  more  than  governmental  sanc- 
tion of  Sabbath  breaking. 

The  Censorship  of  the  Press.  —  By  a  rigid  censorship  of  the  Press 
and  by  the  brutal  punishment  of  those  who  evaded  its  restrictions 
an  attempt  was  made  to  check  attacks  on  the  existing  system.  Many 
of  those  suppressed  or  punished  were  violent  and  abusive  in  their 
language  and  unreasonable  in  their  standards,  but  there  was  much 
to  justify  their  protests,  so  that,  in  silencing  them,  voices  were  stifled 
that  cried  for  better  things.  The  first  sufferers,  in  spite  of  the  cruel 
pains  inflicted  on  them,  attracted  little  attention.  Among  them  was 


PRECIPITATION  OF  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  KING  AND  PEOPLE     311 

Alexander  Leighton,  a  fiery  and  uneasy  Scot.  In  his  writings  he  had 
alluded  to  the  Queen  as  a  "  Canaanite  and  an  idolatress  "  and  had 
attacked  the  bishops  as  "  trumpery  of  anti-Christ  "  whom  he  coun- 
seled Parliament  to  smite  under  the  fifth  rib ;  so,  in  1630,  he  was  ar- 
rested, sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  £10,000,  to  have  his  ears  cropped, 
be  pilloried,  and  whipped  and  to  remain  in  prison  for  life.  Though 
part  of  the  sentence  was  remitted  he  was  only  released  from  prison 
ten  years  later.  In  1632  William  Prynne,  a  barrister  of  vast  learn- 
ing but  narrow-minded  and  contentious,  denounced  the  theater  in  a 
work  entitled  Histriomastix;  a  Scourge  of  Stage  Players,  and  received 
as  hard  measure  as  Leighton.  Continuing  his  jeremiads  from  prison 
he  was  called  to  account  again,  in  1637,  together  with  two  others, 
chiefly  for  onslaughts  on  the  Episcopacy.  Each  was  sentenced  in 
the  Star  Chamber  to  pay  a  fine  of  £5000,  to  stand  in  the  pillory, 
to  lose  his  ears,1  and  to  be  imprisoned.  But,  whereas  the  former 
sentences  had  passed  unnoticed,  this  time  the  sufferers  were  sur- 
rounded by  a  sympathetic  grieving  multitude ;  nevertheless,  in 
company  with  John  Lilburne,  another  tempestuous  spirit  who  was 
caught  circulating  Puritanical  books,  they  had  to  languish  in  prison 
till  1640. 

Fear  of  the  Revival  of  Roman  Catholicism.  —  Another  thing  which 
contributed  to  alienate  the  subject  was  the  widespread  suspicion 
that  the  King  and  his  advisers  were  on  the  road  to  Rome.  Laud, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  regarded  the  Roman  Church  as  a  branch  of  the 
Catholic  communion,  but  thought  it  was  severed  by  errors  and  in- 
novations from  the  truer  traditions  preserved  in  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land ;  Charles,  too,  was  stanchly  Anglican ;  but  the  Queen  was  a 
Roman  Catholic,  and  many  of  the  Court  ladies  were  attracted  by  the 
gorgeous  Roman  ritual.  Moreover,  the  King,  in  his  desire  to  please 
Henrietta  Maria,  admitted  papal  legates  and  allowed  concessions  to 
worshipers  of  the  old  faith,  and  a  number  of  conversions  resulted. 
Laud  did  all  in  his  power  to  check  the  movement;  but  he  was  far 
from  successful. 

The  Convergence  of  Discontent  (1637). — The  significance  of  the 
discontent  aroused  by  the  Laudian  policy  is  difficult  to  realize  in  the 
present  day  when  men  have  such  varied  interests,  when  they  may 
think  what  they  like,  and  worship  where  they  please.  In  the  early 
seventeenth  century  the  mass  of  Englishmen,  beyond  the  routine 
of  their  daily  life,  had  almost  no  intellectual  resource  save  religion, 

1  Since  Prynne's  ears  were  already  cropped,  the  stumps  were  gleaned  and  lie 
was  branded  with  the  letters  "S.  L.,"  that  is,  "Seditious  Libeler,"  but  he  inter- 
preted them  to  mean  "Scars  of  Laud." 


312     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

and  they  were  obliged  to  worship  in  the  parish  church.  When  they 
were  forced  to  participate  in  ceremonies  which  many  of  them  regarded 
as  idolatrous  and  to  hear  doctrines  which  their  reason  could  not  ac- 
cept, it  was  inevitable  that  their  pent-up  fury  would  burst  forth  with 
terrific  consequences  when  the  chance  offered.  For  years,  however, 
after  the  crisis  of  1629,  there  was  no  open  resistance.  The  reasons 
are  obvious :  no  machinery  existed  for  focusing  and  expressing  public 
discontent.  The  press  was  muzzled ;  there  were  no  public  meetings, 
and,  if  any  had'  been  attempted,  they  would  have  been  suppressed 
as  seditious  riots;  there  was  no  party  organization  or  no  adequate 
means  of  communication.  Even  gatherings  at  the  tavern  or  ale  houses 
or  at  the  homes  of  the  great  merchants  and  gentry  were  dangerous, 
for  they  might  be  reported  by  spies ;  so  the  bulk,  even  of  the  Puritans, 
conformed  to  the  ecclesiastical  regulations,  either  half-heartedly  or 
sullenly,  most  of  them  meeting  to  worship  and  pray  in  secret,  while 
others  fled  to  America  to  develop  in  the  New  World  religious  and 
political  ideas  and  practices  which  were  stifled  in  the  old.  The  turn 
of  the  tide  in  England  came  in  1637  —  first,  the  popular  demonstra- 
tion about  the  pillory  for  Prynne  and  his  fellow  sufferers,  then  the 
case  of  John  Hampden,  and  a  rising  in  Scotland. 

(4)  Ship  Money.  Origin  and  Aim.  —  All  of  the  King's  ingenious 
but  ill-judged  financial  expedients  had  been  unpopular ;  ship  money 
proved  to  be  the  most  "  famous  and  disastrous  "  in  its  consequences. 
It  called  forth  the  first  notable  resistance  and  it  convinced  the  mass 
of  the  subjects  that  they  could  not  depend  upon  the  judges  to  pro- 
tect popular  rights.1  There  was  no  doubt  that  Charles  was  con- 
fronted by  an  urgent  problem.  The  French,  rapidly  developing 
their  maritime  resources,  were  in  negotiation  with  the  Dutch,  who 
had  the  greatest  mercantile  fleet  and  the  finest  navy  afloat,  for  the 
partition  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  while,  in  addition,  English 
shipping  was  gravely  menaced  by  pirates  from  Algiers  and  Dunkirk 
who  scoured  the  Channel.  Her  merchant  marine  was  in  a  deplorable 
state  compared  with  the  glorious  days  of  Elizabeth,  and  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  seas,  asserted  by  English  monarchs  since  the  first  Ed- 
ward, was  in  danger  of  becoming  an  empty  boast.  It  was  at  this 
critical  juncture  that  Charles,  at  the  suggestion  of  his  Attorney-Gen- 
eral Noy,  called  on  his  subjects  for  ship  money.  With  his  charac- 
teristic want  of  frankness  he  concealed  designs  for  maintaining  the 
supremacy  of  the  narrow  seas  and  protecting  the  Spanish  Netherlands 

1  They  were  still  consulted  beforehand,  and  those  who  showed  the  slightest 
independence  were  dismissed.  This  happened  to  Crew  in  1626;  to  Walter  in 
1629;  to  Heath  in  1634. 


PRECIPITATION  OF  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  KING  AND  PEOPLE    313 

against  the  Trench  and  Dutch,  alleging  merely  that  he  aimed  to  clear 
the  Channel  of  pirates. 

It  was  an  old  custom  to  call  on  the  port  towns  and  maritime 
counties  for  ships,  while  the  levying  of  money  instead,  though  very 
infrequent,  was  not  unknown.  The  first  of  the  writs  which  Charles 
now  issued,  in  October,  1634,  was  confined  to  the  port  towns. 
Since  the  country  was  at  peace  and  since  money  and  not  ships 
were  asked  for,  the  suspicion  arose  that  a  new  scheme  of  direct 
taxation  independent  of  Parliament  was  intended.  In  spite  of 
some  grumbling,  however,  the  levy  was  paid  without  resistance, 
and,  during  the  summer,  Charles  actually  sent  out  a  fleet  which  did 
good  service.  On  4  August,  1635,  a  second  writ  was  issued  calling 
for  twice  the  amount  of  the  first  and  including  the  inland  towns  and 
counties.  Public  opinion  was  so  roused  that  Charles  consulted  the 
judges  in  December  and  obtained  an  opinion  that :  "  When  the 
Kingdom  was  in  danger,  whereof  his  Majesty  was  the  only  judge, 
the  charge  ought  to  be  borne  by  the  Kingdom  in  general."  When  a 
third  and  even  a  fourth  levy  followed,  in  1636  and  1637,  it  became 
evident  that  there  was  an  opportunity  for  a  permanent  and  general 
tax  —  "an  everlasting  supply  for  all  occasions."  Feeling  surged 
higher  and  higher,  and  calls  were  even  heard  for  a  Parliament. 
Hoping  to  stem  the  tide,  Charles  had,  in  February,  1637,  referred 
to  the  judges  again,  and  again  they  sustained  him. 

Hampden's  Case  (1637). — Among  those  who  refused  to  pay  his 
assessment,  in  1635,  was  John  Hampden,  a  wealthy  country  gentle- 
man. Though  it  amounted  to  only  20  shillings  his  case  was  made 
the  test.  The  trial  was  opened  in  November,  1637,  before  the  full 
bench  of  twelve  judges,  and  judgment  was  rendered  in  the  following 
June.  There  were  learned  arguments  as  to  whether  ship  money  was  a 
tax  which  required  the  consent  of  Parliament,  also  as  to  whether 
inland  towns  and  counties  were  included  in  the  obligation  to  fur- 
nish ships ;  but  the  main  issue  developed  over  the  question  as  to  whether, 
in  time  of  danger,  the  King  had  the  right  of  levying  the  money  of 
the  subject  for  the  defense  of  the  realm,  and  whether  the  King  was 
the  sole  judge  of  such  danger.  Charles's  extreme  supporters  took  a 
position  according  to  which  the  long  battle  which  Parliament  had 
been  waging  for  centuries  to  secure  the  power  of  the  purse  had  been 
fought  in  vain.  The  Sovereign,  by  the  simple  assertion  that  the 
Kingdom  was  in  danger,  could  impose  whatever  taxes  he  chose. 

Seven  of  the  twelve  decided  against  Hampden,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that,  at  the  time  of  his  refusal  to  pay,  the  Kingdom  was  in  no  dan- 
ger of  invasion.  For  nearly  four  years  ship  money  continued  a 


314    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

legal  source  of  revenue  and  was  occasionally  collected.  '  It  was  evi- 
dent that  the  judges  would  not  protect  the  liberties  of  the  subject, 
and  that  some  of  them  at  least  had  scant  regard  for  what  Parliament 
had  gained  in  the  past.  With  dependence  on  established  law  thus 
shaken,  the  way  was  opened  for  Revolution. 

(5)  The  Crisis  in  Scotland.  —  The  outbreak  in  Scotland,  which 
also  began  in  the  memorable  year  1637,  was  fraught  with  two  notable 
consequences.  It  forced  the  King  to  call  another  Parliament,  thus 
giving  his  English  subjects  a  chance  for  concerted  action  which  cul- 
minated in  civil  war ;  furthermore,  it  threw  the  Scotch  on  the  par- 
liamentary side,  a  fact  which  contributed  appreciably  to  Charles's 
ultimate  defeat.  James,  who  boasted  that  "  he  knew  the  stomach  " 
of  his  Scotch  subjects,  had  been  very  cautious  in  his  policy,  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  he  restored  Episcopacy  in  a  modified  form. 
It  was  Charles  and  Laud  who  brought  on  the  crisis.  The  Catholic 
marriage  had  aroused  the  suspicion  of  the  Scots  at  the  very  beginning 
of  the  reign,  and  every  act  which  followed  deepened  their  distrust. 
In  1633  the  King,  accompanied  by  Laud,  visited  Scotland.  Shocked 
at  the  lack  of  propriety  in  outward  religious  observance,  they  launched, 
on  their  return  to  England,  a  series  of  high-handed  measures.  Among 
them  was  a  new  Book  of  Canons  or  rules  for  ecclesiastical  government, 
drawn  up  without  ever  being  referred  to  the  General  Assembly  or  to 
Parliament.  Published  in  1636,  they  declared  the  King  absolute 
head  of  the  Church  in  Scotland.  Also,  a  new  Service  Book  was 
issued,  "  Laud's  Liturgy,"  which  was  unsparingly  denounced  be- 
cause its  ceremonies  smelled  of  the  mass,  because  it  followed  the 
English  model,  and  because  it  was  imposed  by  royal  authority. 

The  Scottish  National  Covenant.  —  The  first  attempt  to  read 
the  new  service,  made,  23  August,  1637,  at  St.  Giles's,  Edinburgh, 
provoked  a  riot.  And,  as  the  news  spread  through  the  country, 
Charles  was  soon  flooded  with  supplications  from  all  classes,  beg- 
ging that  the  hated  liturgy  be  suppressed.  To  these  he  turned 
a  deaf  ear,  and  when  the  Opposition  began  to  organize,  he  issued  a 
proclamation  declaring  all  meetings  and  supplications  treasonable. 
The  Scotch  leaders,  by  way  of  reply,  framed  a  "  National  Cove- 
nant," February,  1638,  the  signers  of  which  pledged  themselves 
on  oath  to  defend  the  Crown  and  true  religion.1  Almost  everywhere 
throughout  Scotland  it  was  signed  with  enthusiasm.  Where  such 
was  lacking  persuasion  and  threats  were  even  employed. 

1  These  two  contradictory  principles  of  devotion  to  Presbyterianism  and  of 
loyalty  to  the  King  played  a  curious  part  in  the  struggles  to  follow.  Often  the 
Scots  were  in  arms  against  him ;  but  only,  they  insisted,  in  defense  of  their  religion. 


PRECIPITATION  OF  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  KING  AND  PEOPLE    315 

Futile  Negotiations  and  Preparations  for  War.  —  In  order  to  stem 
the  rising  tide,  Charles  agreed  that  a  free  Assembly  and  a  free  Parlia- 
ment should  meet,  and  even  professed  his  willingness  to  revoke  the 
Canons  and  Liturgy,  though  he  refused  to  accept  the  Covenant.  He 
insisted,  also,  that  the  Assembly  should  consist  solely  of  clergymen, 
including  bishops,  while  the  Scots  were  determined  to  exclude  the 
latter,  and  to  admit  laymen.  In  defiance  of  the  royal  wishes  an  As- 
sembly, constituted  after  the  Scotch  plan,  met  at  Glasgow,  21  No- 
vember, 1638,  deposed  the  bishops,  and  nullified  the  Canons  and  the 
Liturgy.  Charles,  who  had  only  promised  concessions  in  order  to 
gain  time,  had,  by  the  spring  of  1639,  completed  an  elaborate  plan 
for  an  invasion  of  Scotland,  and  for  combining  with  it  a  rising  of 
his  supporters  in  the  Highlands.  But  his  funds  were  scanty,  while 
his  troops  were  raw  and  undisciplined,  with  no  enthusiasm  except 
to  get  home  safely,  and  his  generals  were  men  of  no  military  ex- 
perience or  capacity.  The  Scots,  on  the  other  hand,  were  fired  by  a 
tremendous  zeal  and  were  drilled  by  veterans  schooled  in  the  Con- 
tinental wars.  Indeed,  their  commander,  Alexander  Leslie,  later  Earl 
of  Leven,  had  been  trained  under  Gustavus  Adolphus,  the  greatest 
captain  of  the  age. 

The  First  Bishops'  War  (1639). — The  royalist  risings  in  the  High- 
lands came  to  nothing,  and  when  the  two  armies  on  the  Border  were 
brought  face  to  face  neither  wished  to  fight.  For  Charles  it  meant 
certain  defeat,  while  the  Scotch  feared  the  consequences  of  a  victory 
which  might  rouse  the  national  pride  of  Englishmen  to  rally  to  the 
support  of  the  King.  It  is  said  that  only  one  man  was  killed,  and  he 
by  accident,  in  the  whole  war.  With  both  sides  ready  to  come  to 
terms  a  treaty  was  easily  arranged.  The  Scots  agreed  to  disband, 
while  Charles  agreed  to  leave  the  ecclesiastical  questions  in  dispute 
to  a  General  Assembly  and  the  civil  questions  to  a  free  Parliament. 
The  Assembly,  which  met  at  Edinburgh,  12  August,  replaced  the  Epis- 
copal by  the  Presbyterian  system,  and  imposed  the  Covenant  upon 
the  whole  nation,  while  Charles,  again  merely  to  gain  time,  ratified 
all  its  measures,  though  when  the  Scotch  Estates  met  and  confirmed 
these  measures  they  were  dissolved.  Later,  they  met  again,  2  June, 
1640,  on  their  own  authority  and  prepared  to  resume  the  war. 

Wentworth  in  Ireland.  Recall  to  England  as  Chief  Minister.  — 
Charles,  too,  had  been  making  ready  to  renew  hostilities.  His  chief 
adviser  was  Thomas  Wentworth,  whom  he  recalled,  in  September, 
1639,  from  Ireland  where  he  had  served  as  Lord  Deputy  since  1633. 
He  had  ruled  with  a  strong  hand  and  greatly  improved  the  material 
conditions  of  the  country.  He  had  suppressed  piracy,  protected 


316     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER    BRITAIN 

trade,  and  encouraged  the  flax  culture  in  the  north,  he  had  developed 
a  well-disciplined  army,  he  had  been  successful  in  managing  Parlia- 
ment and  using  it  as  a  source  of  supplies.  Also,  he  had  endeavored 
to  reform  the  Church  in  order  to  employ  it  against  the  ascendancy 
of  Rome.  Yet  he  had  only  accentuated  the  bitterness  of  the  sub- 
ject people.  Besides  having  to  contend  against  the  religious  prejudice 
and  anti-English  feeling  of  the  natives  and  the  greed  of  the  English 
officials  and  colonists,  he  was  also  harsh,  impatient  of  opposition, 
and  high-handed  in  his  methods.  In  order  to  keep  Ireland  to 
some  degree  dependent  on  England,  he  discouraged  the  wool  manu- 
facture and  kept  salt  as  government  monopoly.  Moreover,  he  was 
guilty  of  unjust  evictions  in  the  province  of  Connaught.  On  the 
whole,  he  carried  out  in  Ireland  the  rule  of  "  thorough  " l  which 
he  and  Laud  in  their  correspondence  advocated  for  England. 

The  Short  Parliament  (13  April-May,  1640).  —  In  January,  1640, 
Wentworth  was  created  Earl  of  Strafford.  Influenced  by  his  success 
with  the  Irish  Parliament,  he  advised  Charles  to  call  an  English  Par- 
liament, which  might  grant  the  supplies  needed  to  put  down  the  Scots, 
or  by  its  refusal  give  the  King  an  excuse  to  act  on  his  own  authority. 
When  the  session  opened,  13  April,  all  of  the  leading  opponents  of 
the  royal  policy  were  present.  Although  far  from  extreme  in  their 
attitude,  they  were  determined  upon  redress  of  grievances,  while 
the  King  insisted  that  a  grant  of  supplies  should  come  first.  John 
Pym,  a  veteran  who  had  sat  in  every  Parliament  since  1614  and  who, 
from  the  leadership  which  he  now  assumed,  came  to  be  known  as 
"  King  Pym,"  opened  with  a  stirring  speech.  In  a  masterly  survey 
of  the  events  of  the  session  of  1629  and  of  the  period  of  personal  rule 
which  followed,  he  summed  up  the  popular  complaints  under  three 
heads :  breaches  of  parliamentary  privilege ;  innovations  in  religion ; 
and  invasions  of  private  property.  Committees  were  appointed 
to  consider  each  of  these  subjects.  Finding  that  there  was  little 
chance  of  getting  any  money  without  concessions  which  he  was  un- 
willing to  make,  and  that  the  Opposition  leaders  were  treating  with 
the  Scots,  Charles  ordered  a  dissolution,  5  May.  Although  the 
Short  Parliament  only  sat  three  weeks  and  did  not  pass  a  single  meas- 
ure, its  work  was  memorable ;  for  it  brought  the  chiefs  of  the  people 
together  and  gave  them  an  opportunity  to  discuss  and  formulate 
the  popular  discontent  against  the  Crown. 

Devices  for  Raising  Money  after  the  Short  Parliament.  —  Straf- 
ford, in  the  Privy  Council,  held  that,  since  Parliament  had  refused  to 

1  That  is,  carrying  "through"  a  policy  regardless  of  consequences.  The  two 
words  meant  the  same  in  those  days. 


PRECIPITATION  OF  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  KING  AND  PEOPLE  317 

vote  the  required  supplies,  the  King  was  "  absolved  from  all  rules 
of  government."  His  violence  and  arbitrariness  knew  no  bounds : 
he  proposed  that  an  army  should  be  raised  in  Ireland  to  assist  in  re- 
ducing "  this  Kingdom" -— whether  Scotland  or  England  is  not  quite  cer- 
tain. Hampden,  he  declared,  should  be  "  well  whipped  into  his  right 
senses,"  for  going  to  law  about  ship  money.  When  the  City  refused 
a  loan  he  proposed  that  some  of  the  aldermen  be  hanged  as  examples. 
All  sorts  of  expedients  were  tried  to  raise  funds  —  ship  money  and 
its  military  equivalent,  "  coat  and  conduct  "  money  for  the  equip- 
ment and  transport  of  troops,  were  levied;  futile  attempts  were 
made  to  raise  loans  from  Spain  and  the  Pope ;  while  a  proposal  to 
debase  the  currency,  known  as  "  the  abominable  project  of  brass 
money,"  came  to  nothing.  These  and  various  other  schemes  proved 
as  unproductive  as  they  were  unpopular. 

The  Second  Bishops'  War,  1640.  —  On  23  August,  Charles  joined 
his  army  at  York.  It  consisted  mainly  of  pressed  men,  ill-equipped, 
discontented,  Puritan  in  sentiment,  and  violently  suspicious  of  its 
officers,  many  of  whom  were  reputed  Romanists.  The  Scots,  having 
issued  a  manifesto  declaring  that  they  were  merely  seeking  their 
rights,  and  that  they  were  in  full  sympathy  with  the  English,  crossed 
the  Border,  brushed  the  King's  forces  aside,  and  occupied  the  two 
counties  of  Durham  and  Northumberland.  In  the  face  of  the  crisis 
Charles  was  forced  to  consent  to  summon  another  Parliament.  Be- 
fore it  assembled  he  called  a  Great  Council  of  the  Peers  —  the  first 
of  the  sort  since  the  reign  of  Edward  III  —  to  meet  him,  24  September, 
at  York.  This  body  guaranteed  a  large  loan  and  opened  negotiations 
with  the  Scots  at  Ripon.  It  was  finally  agreed  that  the  invaders 
should  remain  in  possession  of  Durham  and  Northumberland  and 
receive  £850  a  day  until  a  definite  peace  was  signed ;  then  the  nego- 
tiations were  transferred  to  London,  where  they  were  concluded  the 
following  August.  On  28  October,  1640,  the  Great  Council  was  dis- 
solved and  a  few  days  later  Parliament  met. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

For  narrative,  constitutional,  and  special  references,  see  ch.  XXVII.  Also 
Gardiner,  Constitutional  Documents  of  the  Puritan  Revolution  (1899),  intro- 
duction, a  good  summary,  and  G.  P.  Gooch,  English  Democratic  Ideas  in 
the  Seventeenth  Century  (1898). 

Biography.  P.  Gibbs,  George  Villiers,  First  Duke  of  Buckingham  (1908) 
rather  gossipy.  I.  A.  Taylor,  The  Life  of  Queen  Henrietta  Maria  (1905). 
Macaulay,  essay  on  Hampden.  Goldwin  Smith,  Three  English  Statesmen 
(1868),  Pym,  Cromwell,  and  Pitt.  H.  D.  Traill,  Strafford  (1889).  W.  H. 


31 8     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Hutton,  Laud  (1895).  D.  Masson,  The  Life  of  John  Milton  (6  vols.,  1859- 
1880) ;  every  other  chapter  is  devoted  to  the  general  history  of  the  times. 

Contemporary.  Clarendon,  History  of  the  Great  Rebellion  (best  ed. 
W.  D.  Macray,  6  vols.,  1886),  a  literary  and  historical  classic;  but  must  be 
read  with  caution,  owing  to  the  inaccuracies  and  prejudices  of  the  author. 
Lucy  Hutchinson,  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  Colonel  Hutchinson  (best  ed.  C.  H. 
Firth,  2  vols.,  1885),  a  rather  idealized  picture  of  the  highest  type  of  Puritan 
gentleman.  Peter  Heylyn,  Cyprianus  Anglicus  (1668),  a  life  of  Laud  by 
an  avowed  admirer. 

Church.  W.  H.  Hutton,  History  of  the  English  Church  from  the  Accession 
of  Charles  I  to  the  Death  of  Anne  (1903). 

Scotland  and  Ireland.  P.  H.  Brown,  Scotland.  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  IV.  Turner,  Joyce,  and  Bagwell. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  189-194. 
Gardiner,  Documents,  nos.  1-25. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

FROM  THE  OPENING  OF  THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT  TO  THE  OUT- 
BREAK OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR  (1640-1642) 

The  Opening  of  the  Long  Parliament.     Temper  and  Aims.  —  The 

body  which  assembled,  3  November,  1640,  came  to  be  known  as  the 
Long  Parliament  and  was  destined  to  sit  through  years  perhaps  the 
most  eventful  in  English  history.  While  most  of  the  men  who  had 
found  seats  in  the  Short  Parliament  were  reflected  in  the  autumn  of 
1640,  the  temper  both  of  the  members  and  of  those  who  returned  them 
had  changed.  Convinced  by  the  developments  of  the  intervening 
months  that  Charles  and  his  councilors  were  conspiring  to  crush  their 
religious  and  civil  liberties  and  to  introduce  "  Popery,"  they  now  de- 
termined not  only  to  remove  existing  grievances,  but  to  "  pull  up  the 
causes  of  them  by  the  roots."  Even  yet,  however,  their  intentions 
were  not  revolutionary :  they  designed  merely  to  make  it  impossible 
for  the  King  to  govern  without  a  Parliament ;  to  do  away  with  his 
arbitrary  power  of  taxing  and  administering  justice;  to  safeguard 
Protestantism,  and  to  punish  the  evil  advisers  whom  they  blamed 
for  leading  the  King  astray.  While  they  were  pretty  generally  agreed 
upon  their  political  program,  a  split  came  on  the  religious  question ; 
one  party  wanted  to  abolish  Episcopacy  outright,  the  other  party 
wanted  only  to  modify  it.  The  inevitable  conflict  encouraged  the 
shifty  King  to  start  intriguing  again  in  order  to  recover  what  he  had 
yielded,  and  convinced  the  extremists  that  there  was  no  hope  of  peace 
and  safety  until  Charles  Stuart  had  ceased  to  live. 

The  Opposition  Leaders  in  the  Commons  Pym  and  Hampden.  — 
The  party  chiefs  who  had  succeeded  Eliot  and  his  fellows  differed 
from  their  predecessors  in  organizing  a  great  popular  movement  out- 
side the  walls  of  Parliament.  For  years  they  had  been  meeting  and 
maturing  their  plans  in  the  country  houses  of  wealthy  peers  and  com- 
moners. When  the  Short  Parliament  revealed  the  temper  of  the  nation 
they  began  to  act.  They  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  Scots; 
they  organized  the  petition  for  a  new  Parliament,  and,  during  the 
autumn  elections,  they  rode  about  the  country  influencing  voters  to 
choose  Puritan  representatives.  Until  his  death,  in  December,  1643, 

319 


320     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  leading  spirit  in  the  popular  opposition  was  John  Pym.  Added 
to  unusual  abilities  as  a  debater  and  parliamentary  tactician,  he  had 
rare  gifts  of  popular  management.  According  to  his  theory,  Parlia- 
ment was  the  chief  element  in  the  constitutional  life  of  the  nation,  of 
the  two  Houses  the  lower  was  superior,  while  the  rights  of  the  people 
transcended  both.  He  never  was  a  Republican,  though  events  might 
have  made  him  such  had  he  lived.  He  was  opposed  to  the  Bishops, 
whom  he  regarded  as  agents  of  royal  despotism ;  but  he  advocated  in 
place  of  Episcopal,  not  Presbyterian  but  Parliamentary  control  of 
the  Church.  Pym's  closest  associate  and  supporter  was  John  Hamp- 
den,  whom  the  Ship  Money  Case  made  a  central  figure  in  the  struggles 
against  the  Crown.  Hampden's  influence  was  due  as  much  to  his 
high  rank  and  to  his  character  as  to  his  abilities ;  he  was  absolutely 
fearless,  free  from  private  ambition,  and  possessed  of  a  wonderful  ascend- 
ancy over  men.  Like  Pym,  he  sought  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation 
with  Charles  and  his  people  rather  than  to  do  away  with  the  Monarchy ; 
on  the  other  hand,  he  gradually  became  an  advocate  of  a  "  root  and 
branch  "  extirpation  of  Episcopacy.  Pym  and  Hampden  were  the  cen- 
ters of  a  small  group,  forming  the  "  engine  which  moved  all  the  rest." 

Cromwell,  Vane,  and  Hyde.  — Oliver  Cromwell  (1599-1658)  who  had 
entered  the  House  of  Commons  in  1628,  and  represented  Cambridge 
in  the  Short  and  Long  Parliaments,  was  as  yet  notable  chiefly  for  his 
religious  zeal  and  his  advocacy  of  Puritan  liberty  of  preaching.  The 
fact,  however,  that  he  was  a  cousin  of  Hampden  brought  him  into 
intimate  relation  with  the  Opposition  chiefs ;  he  soon  became  active 
on  committees,  and  "  very  much  hearkened  unto."  "  Very  ordinarily 
apparelled  ...  his  countenance  swollen  and  reddish,  his  voice  sharp 
and  untuneable,"  and  fervid  in  utterance,  he  was  a  man  of  power  rather 
than  charm.  Sir  Harry  Vane,  almost  a  fanatic  in  his  enthusiasm, 
was  an  extreme  liberal  in  politics  and  an  Independent  in  religion, 
but  had  both  ability  and  great  powers  of  leadership.  Edward  Hyde, 
later  Earl  of  Clarendon,  was  one  of  the  most  active  in  securing  the 
political  reforms  of  the  first  session  of  the  Long  Parliament ;  but  he 
was  too  much  attached  to  the  Church  and  the  prerogative  to  go  fur- 
ther, so,  as  the  tendencies  of  the  extremists  in  Church  and  State  be- 
came more  and  more  evident,  he  joined  the  King's  party  and  became 
the  leader  of  the  constitutional  royalists.  His  History  of  the  Great 
Rebellion,  written  mostly  during  his  subsequent  exile,  is,  in  spite  of 
its  prejudices  and  errors  of  fact,  the  great  classic  of  the  period. 

The  Puritan  Peers.  —  There  was  a  small  but  stanch  body  of  Puri- 
tan leaders  among  the  peers,  a  few  of  whom  belonged  to  the  little  circle 
dominated  by  Pym  and  Hampden.  Chief  among  them  were  the  Earls 


FROM  LONG  PARLIAMENT  TO  OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR       321 

of  Essex  and  Manchester.  The  Earl  of  Essex,  a  son  of  Elizabeth's 
favorite,  became  the  first  commander-in-chief  of  the  Parliamentary 
army,  but  though  actuated  by  a  high  sense  of  duty,  he  lacked  asser- 
tiveness,  his  abilities  were  too  slender  for  the  difficult  situation,  and  he 
soon  had  to  make  way  for  a  leader  of  more  robust  fiber.  The  Earl 
of  Manchester  was  "  a  sweet  meek  man  "  who  for  a  time  commanded 
the  army  of  the  Association  of  Eastern  Counties,  but  was  also  forced 
into  retirement  for  lack  of  vigor. 

Early  Work  of  the  Long  Parliament.  —  Charles  could  not  dismiss 
this  Parliament  nor  could  he  resist  its  measures ;  for  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  for  him  to  obtain  a  grant,  either  to  pay  off  the  Scottish  in- 
vaders or  to  raise  another  army  to  resist  them.  London  became 
the  center  of  stirring  activity.  Pamphlets  on  religion  and  politics 
and  fervid  sermons  contributed  to  spread  radical  ideas  and  to  rouse 
men  to  carry  them  into  effect ;  sects  multiplied ;  while  mobs  of  howling 
apprentices  and  even  of  once  sober  tradesmen  menaced  the  Court  at 
Whitehall  and  fanned  the  zeal  of  Parliament  at  Westminster.  As  an 
act  of  tardy  justice  the  victims  of  the  Star  Chamber  prosecutions, 
Prynne,  Leighton,  and  Lilburne,  were  released  and  welcomed  in  the 
City  with  every  manifestation  of  joy.  Parliament's  valiant  labors 
during  the  few  months  of  its  first  session  group  themselves  under  three 
main  heads:  (i)  proceedings  against  the  King's  evil  councilors; 
(2)  curtailing  the  royal  powers  of  arbitrary  taxation  and  administra- 
tion of  justice ;  (3)  attempts  at  religious  reforms. 

(i)  Impeachments.  The  Trial  and  Execution  of  Strafford.  — 
Parliament  had  sat  just  a  week  when  Strafford,  the  "  dark-browed 
apostate,"  whom  the  Commons  regarded  as  the  King's  evil  genius  and 
their  own  most  dangerous  enemy,  was  impeached  and  placed  in  cus- 
tody. Other  impeachments  followed  in  swift  succession.  Some 
escaped,  but  Laud, "  too  old  and  brave  to  fly,"  was  lodged  in  the  Tower, 
whence  he  was  taken  four  years  later  to  the  block.  The  charges 
against  Strafford  which  the  Commons  sent  to  the  House  of  Lords  de- 
clared, in  substance :  that  he  had  traitorously  endeavored  to  subvert 
the  laws  of  England  and  Ireland  and  to  introduce  arbitrary  and  ty- 
rannical government;  that  he  had  advised  the  King  to  reduce  his 
subjects  in  Scotland  and  England  by  force  of  arms ;  and  that  he  had 
tried  to  enlist  "  papists  "  in  support  of  his  political  schemes.  The 
trial  began  22  March,  1641,  in  Westminster  Hall,  which  was  crowded 
with  spectators.  While  it  was  easy  to  prove  the  accused  Minister 
guilty  of  tyranny  and  contempt  of  the  law,  it  was  not  possible  to  sub- 
stantiate the  charge  of  treason.  According  to  the  existing  law  that 
was  an  offense  that  could  be  committed  only  against  the  King,  and 


322     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  King  had  approved  of  all  that  Straff ord  had  done.  The  charge 
which  underlay  the  various  counts  against  the  accused  was  treason 
against  the  nation  —  a  new  offense  which  had  never  been  recognized 
by  Statute.  As  the  trial  progressed  the  danger  increased  that  he  might 
escape  after  all,  so  those  most  bent  on  his  destruction  proposed  that 
a  Bill  of  Attainder  —  which  required  no  evidence  —  be  substituted 
for  an  impeachment ;  though  opposed  at  first  by  Pym  and  Hampden, 
the  Bill  passed  the  Commons,  21  April.  Charles  did  everything  in 
his  power  to  block  its  further  progress :  he  offered  to  dismiss  the  Earl, 
and  even  to  give  his  consent  to  any  punishment  short  of  death  penalty. 
But  the  mob  which  surged  about  Westminster  demanded  the  head  of 
"  Black  Tom  the  Tyrant,"  whose  fate  was  sealed  by  the  discovery 
of  a  plot,  in  which  the  Queen  rashly  engaged  to  bring  the  army  down 
from  York  to  overawe  Parliament.  In  consequence  of  a  dispute 
which  arose  between  two  factions  of  the  royalist  supporters,  this  "first 
army  plot  "'was  betrayed  to  the  popular  leaders;  Pym  seized  a  fitting 
moment  to  disclose  the  information,  and  the  Lords,  who  had  hitherto 
hesitated,  voted  the  Attainder,  8  May.  Charles  withheld  his  signa- 
ture as  long  as  he  could,  but  pressed  by  deputations  from  both  Houses 
and  menaced  by  the  armed  and  excited  throng,  he  was  obliged  to 
sacrifice  his  Minister  whom  he  had  promised  to  protect.  When  the 
condemned  Earl  heard  the  decision,  he  exclaimed :  "  Put  not  your 
trust  in  princes  nor  in  the  sons  of  men,  for  in  them  is  no  salva- 
tion." On  12  May,  1641,  receiving  Laud's  benediction  as  he  passed, 
he  proceeded  dauntlessly  and  haughtily  to  his  execution  on  Tower 
Hill.  He  had  served  the  King  faithfully  and  he  was  put  to  death 
without  a  warrant  of  law ;  but  he  was  a  dangerous  man  who,  had  he 
been  allowed  to  live,  would  have  worked  to  destroy  the  liberties  of 
the  people  and  the  lives  of  their  leaders. 

(2)  Remedial  Legislation.  —  Meantime,  Parliament  had  taken 
steps  to  curtail  the  King's  arbitrary  powers.  On  16  February,  1641, 
a  Triennial  Bill  became  law,  providing  that  henceforth  Parliament 
should  meet  at  least  once  in  three  years,  a  design  to  prevent  such 
long  inter-parliamentary  intervals  as  had  occurred  under  James  and 
Charles.  Another  measure  —  aimed  to  stop  for  the  future  the  sum- 
mary methods  which  Charles  had  employed  to  block  Buckingham's 
impeachment  and  Eliot's  resolutions  —  provided  that  Parliament 
should  not  be  dissolved  without  its  own  consent.  The  King  gave  his 
assent  1 1  May.  Secured  against  interference  with  its  work,  Parliament 
proceeded  to  deal  with  taxation  and  the  extraordinary  courts.  On 
22  June,  1641,  a  statute  was  passed  granting  tonnage  and  poundage 
for  two  months ;  but  providing  that  henceforth  "  no  subsidy, 


FROM  LONG  PARLIAMENT  TO  OUTBREAK  OF   CIVIL  WAR       323 

custom,  impost  or  other  charge  whatsoever  "  should  be  imposed 
except  by  consent  of  Parliament  on  merchandise  imported  or  ex- 
ported. This  was  followed,  5  July,  by  an  Act  abolishing  the  Star 
Chamber,  and  greatly  restricting  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Council  of 
Wales  and  the  Marches.  The  High  Commission  was  done  away  with 
by  an  Act  which  became  law  the  same  day.  In  August,  ship  money 
was  declared  illegal.  Unhappily,  Charles,  in  spite  of  his  promises, 
refused  to  accept  without  a  struggle  the  limitations  thus  imposed  upon 
his  sovereignty.  He  tried  all  manner  of  devices  to  recover  the  ground 
he  had  lost ;  his  wife,  too,  was  fertile  in  suggesting  expedients  as  rash 
as  they  were  futile,  while  increasing  dissension  over  the  Church  ques- 
tion offered  him  the  hope  of  strengthening  his  party  at  the  expense 
of  his  opponents. 

(3)  The  Attempt  to  Settle  the  Church  Question.  —  Of  the  parties 
opposed  to  the  existing  Church  of  England  it  seemed  for  a  time  as  if 
the  Presbyterians  would  prevail.  The  Scotch  commissioners  for  com- 
pleting the  treaty  of  peace  brought  to  London  a  number  of  preachers 
who  at  first  received  a  favorable  hearing;  but  the  hotness  of  their 
proselyting  zeal  and  the  expense  of  maintaining  the  Scotch  forces 
gradually  made  them  unpopular  with  one  section  of  the  English  popu- 
lar party.  Throughout  that  party  there  was  a  general  desire  for  a 
parliamentary  regulation  of  the  Church  as  well  as  the  State,  and  for 
doing  away  with  the  Laudian  innovations.  Sharp  differences  of 
opinion,  however,  arose  over  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  changes 
to  be  undertaken;  there  were  many  who  demanded  the  abolition  of 
Episcopacy  and  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  while  others  would 
have  been  content  with  modifying  the  powers  of  the  Bishops  and  alter- 
ing the  liturgy.  Among  the  extremists,  or  "  root  and  branch  "  men, 
there  were  at  least  three  groups :  the  parliamentary  majority,  led  by 
Pym,  wanted  a  Puritan  State  Church,  controlled  by  parliamentary  lay 
commissioners  in  place  of  Bishops ;  a  second  group,  made  up  of  a  few 
divines  backed  by  the  Scots,  clamored  for  a  Presbyterian  establishment ; 
a  third  party,  led  by  the  London  Independents,  strove  for  congre- 
gational control  of  doctrine  and  worship.  The  issue  was  joined  when, 
December,  1640,  "  a  world  of  honest  citizens  in  their  best  apparel  " 
came  to  the  House  of  Commons  "  in  a  very  modest  way  "  with  a 
petition,  containing  15,000  names,  for  the  abolition  of  Episcopacy 
"with  all  its  roots  an4  branches."  For  months  the  whole  Church 
question  was  debated  earnestly  but  inconclusively,  and  one  bill  after 
another  was  introduced  only  to  be  rejected. 

The  Second  Army  Plot  and  the  "  Incident."  —  The  differences 
gave  Charles  "  a  majority  in  the  Lords  and  a  large  minority  in  the 


324     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Commons  "  ;  but  instead  of  fostering  the  moderate  party,  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  drawn  into  two  wild  and  wholly  irreconcilable  schemes. 
One  was  to  go  to  Scotland  to  attach  himself  to  a  party  that  was  forming 
against  the  extreme  Covenanters.  At  the  same  time,  under  the  bane- 
ful influence  of  the  Queen,  Charles  hopefully  welcomed  another  attempt 
to  bring  the  Yorkshire  army  to  London.  The  Second  Army  Plot, 
which  proved  more  futile  than  the  first,  served  only  to  strengthen  the 
suspicion  against  the  King.  He  started  for  Scotland,  10  August,  1641, 
concealing  his  real  purpose  under  the  pretext  that  he  was  going  to  com- 
plete arrangements  for  the  treaty  of  peace.  While  he  evidently  was 
not  privy  to  a  mad  and  futile  plot  —  known  as  the  "  Incident  "  — 
for  seizing  the  Covenanting  leaders,  he  was  suspected  of  complicity 
in  it,  which  almost  amounted  to  the  same  thing. 

The  Ulster  Rebellion  (1641).  —  In  the  autumn  of  1641  the  news  of 
a  terrible  rebellion  in  Ulster  reached  England.  Freed  from  the  iron 
grip  of  Strafford,  chafing  under  the  ascendancy  of  an  ultra-Protestant 
Parliament,  and  infuriated  by  generations  of  accumulated  grievances, 
the  wild  and  ignorant  peasantry,  whom  the  leaders  from  the  Celtic 
aristocracy  could  not  or  would  not  control,  threw  themselves  on  their 
enemies  with  barbarous  cruelty.  It  is  estimated  that  5000  were 
massacred  outright  and  that  twice  as  many  more  perished  from  star- 
vation, exposure,  fright,  and  other  causes.  Rumor  exaggerated  the 
victims  to  fabulous  numbers,  ranging  from  40,00x3  to  300,000.  The 
English,  horrified  and  alarmed,  attributed  the  outburst  not  to  oppres- 
sion and  extortion,  but  to  the  savagery  of  the  Irish  worked  on  by  the 
teachings  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Parliament  and  the  people  saw 
the  need  of  recruiting  a  large  army  to  deal  with  the  situation,  but  the 
leaders  feared  to  trust  unreservedly  any  considerable  force  to  the  King, 
because  it  would  give  him  just  the  weapon  he  needed  to  recover  the 
power  which  he  had  been  obliged  to  yield.  So  Pym  carried  a  motion 
that  Charles  should  either  "  employ  such  Councilors  and  Ministers  as 
should  be  approved  by  his  Parliament  "  or  Parliament  would  raise  an 
army  subject  to  its  own  control,  and  as  a  means  of  appealing  to  the 
people  in  a  more  detailed  and  formal  manner  than  they  had  yet  done, 
he  and  his  followers  pushed  through  the  celebrated  Grand  Remon- 
strance. 

The  Grand  Remonstrance  (1641). — During  the  first  week  after 
the  opening  of  the  Long  Parliament  a  motion  had  been  introduced  to 
draw  up  such  a  remonstrance  to  the  King  "  as  should  be  a  faithful 
and  lively  representation  of  the  state  of  the  kingdom."  It  was  August, 
however,  before  the  proposal  was  adopted,  and  the  discussion  might 
have  dragged  on  interminably  if  the  Rebellion  had  not  brought  the 


IRELAND 

SINCE  THE 
ACCESSION   OF  THE  STUARTS 


SCALE  OF  ENGLISH  MILES 
0  20  40  80  80         100 


0       Loniritude     8          Wrat          7  from         6       Greenwich    8 


4  «.,E»««'t,ll,r, 


FROM  LONG  PARLIAMENT  TO  OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR       325 

matter  to  a  head.  The  Remonstrance  finally  passed  the  Commons, 
22  November,  and  was  shortly  after  presented  to  the  King  and  printed. 
Although  addressed  to  the  Crown,  the  Grand  Remonstrance  was,  in 
reality  as  well  as  in  intention,  an  "  appeal  to  the  nation,"  a  statement 
of  the  case  of  the  Commons  against  the  King.  It  consists  of  a  pre- 
amble and  204  clauses,  which  trace  in  considerable  detail  the  King's 
misgovernment,  from  his  accession  to  the  meeting  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment ;  describe  the  abuses  which  the  Commons  had  abolished  since 
the  opening  of  the  session,  the  reforms  which  they  had  prepared  and 
effected  and  the  obstacles  they  had  met. with;  explain  and  defend 
the  scheme  of  the  Church  reform  of  the  parliamentary  leaders ;  and 
outline  the  other  remedial  measures  demanded  —  the  establishment 
of  safeguards  against  Roman  Catholicism,  of  securities  for  the  better 
administration  of  justice,  and  the  choice  of  such  Ministers  as  Parlia- 
ment might  have  cause  to  confide  in. 

Its  Significance.  —  The  document  is  of  the  deepest  significance. 
It  presents  a  condensed  but  adequate  history  of  the  reign  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  parliamentary  opposition,  it  is  a  clear,  concise  state- 
ment of  the  case  of  the  popular  party,  and,  finally,  it  caused  a  breach 
in  the  opposition  ranks  resulting  in  the  formation  of  a  party  of  con- 
stitutional royalists  who  encouraged  the  King  to  continue  the  struggle. 
The  earlier  clauses  denouncing  past  misgovernment  were  not  opposed. 
The  fight  began  over  the  recommendation  for  Church  reform  and 
waxed  bitter  over  the  question  of  printing,  which  meant  submitting  the 
whole  matter  to  the  people.  Members  shouted,  waved  their  hats,  and 
even  drew  their  swords.  During  the  factional  fights  which  followed 
the  names  "  Cavalier  "  and  "  Roundhead  "  first  came  to  be  employed. 

The  Attempted  Arrest  of  the  Five  Members.  —  Charles  returned 
from  Scotland  late  in  November,  1641.  Deceived  by  the  splendor  of 
his  reception  in  the  City  and  encouraged  by  the  split  in  the  parlia- 
mentary ranks,  he  not  only  returned  an  unsatisfactory  answer  to  the 
petition,  but  sharpened  the  issue  by  various  ill-advised  acts.  On 
3  January,  1642,  in  order  to  rid  himself  of  his  most  dangerous  oppo- 
nents, he  ordered  the  Attorney-General  to  impeach  five  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  including  Pym  and  Hampden  1  —  charged  with 
subverting  the  fundamental  laws  of  England  and  inviting  a  foreign 
power  to  invade  the  Kingdom.  Egged  on  by  his  wife,  Charles  went 
the  next  day  with  an  armed  force  to  seize  them  in  person.  Warned 
of  his  intention,  the  accused  members  had  fled  by  boat  to  the  City, 
and,  when  Charles  asked  if  they  were  in  the  House,  the  Speaker  Lenthall 

1  This  was  a  most  irregular  proceeding,  for  impeachment  had  hitherto  never 
originated  except  in  the  Lower  House.  The  name  of  one  peer  was  afterward  added. 


326     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

humbly  evaded  the  question  with  the  memorable  words :  "  May  it 
please  your  Majesty,  I  have  neither  eyes  to  see  nor  tongue  to  speak 
but  as  the  House  is  pleased  to  direct  me,  whose  servant  I  am  here." 
Charles  answered :  "  Well,  I  see  all  the  birds  are  flown,"  and  went 
away  pursued  by  cries  of  "  Privilege,  privilege  !  "  The  incident  was 
regarded  as  one  of  tremendous  import.  If  the  leaders  of  the  party 
of  reform  were  to  be  treated  as  traitors,  and  if  the  sacred  precincts 
of  the  Commons  could  be  invaded  by  the  Sovereign  with  an  armed 
force  at  his  heels,  there  was  little  hope  of  any  safeguarding  the  liberties 
of  the  subject  in  a  peaceful  parliamentary  way. 

The  Struggle  for  the  Control  of  the  Kingdom.  —  Five  days  after 
his  failure  to  arrest  the  members,  Charles  withdrew  with  his  family 
from  London,  never  again  to  enter  his  capital  except  as  a  prisoner. 
The  next  six  months  were  occupied  in  a  struggle  between  Parliament 
and  the  Crown  for  the  control  of  arsenals,  fortresses,  militia,  and  other 
military  resources  of  the  Kingdom.  Parliament  saw  no  other  way  to 
guarantee  the  political  and  religious  liberties  of  the  people,  while  the 
King  realized  that  he  could  only  maintain  his  sovereignty  by  frustrating 
their  efforts. 

The  Opening  of  the  War  (22  August,  1642). — Parliament,  2  June, 
sent  him  nineteen  Propositions  embodying  their  final  demands,  which 
included :  parliamentary  control  of  the  army  and  of  appointments 
to  important  political  and  judicial  offices,  the  suppression  of  Roman 
Catholicism,  and  the  reform  of  the  government  and  liturgy  of  the 
Church  as  Parliament  should  advise.  Refusing  to  accept  these 
terms,  Charles  hastened  preparations  for  war.  Parliament  did  the 
like :  they  chose  a  committee  of  both  Houses  to  provide  for  the  safety 
of  the  Kingdom,  they  voted  an  army,  and  appointed  the  Earl  of  Essex 
Captain-General.  Further  futile  negotiations  followed.  Then  Charles 
marched  south  toward  London  from  York,  where  his  headquarters 
were.  On  22  August  he  raised  his  standard  at  Nottingham  and  the 
Civil  War  was  begun. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

See  chs.  XXVII,  XXVIH.  Also  H.  L.  Schoolcraft,  The  Genesis  of  the 
Grand  Remonstrance  (1902)  an  excellent  study ;  John  Forster,  The  Debates 
on  the  Grand  Remonstrance  (1860)  and  The  Arrest  of  the  Five  Members  (1860). 
J.  A.  R.  Marriott,  Life  and  Times  of  Lucius  Cary,  Viscount  Falkland  (1907). 
John  Stoughton,  History  of  Religion  in  England  (6  vols.,  1881)  from  the 
Nonconformist  standpoint. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  195-206. 
Gardiner,  Documents,  nos.  26-56. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

FROM  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR  TO  THE  EXECUTION  OF 
CHARLES  I  (1642-1649) 

The  Aim  of  the  Popular  Leaders  in  the  Civil  War.  —  Even  now 
that  the  issue  was  joined,  the  guiding  aim  of  the  parliamentary 
leaders  was  still  merely  so  to  restrict  the  powers  of  the  Crown  that 
the  people  they  represented  might  be  secure  in  their  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberties.  The  war  which  followed,  and  the  resulting  execu- 
tion of  the  King,  came  from  a  final  realization  of  the  fact  that 
Charles  would  not  submit  to  any  considerable  loss  of  his  powers, 
and  that  he  was  conspiring  in  every  possible  way  to  recover  the  ground 
which  he  had  been  forced  to  yield.  The  events  of  the  past  year  had 
marked  a  decided  advance  in  the  parliamentary  demands.  Barring 
the  settlement  of  the  religious  situation,  the  great  mass  of  the  mem- 
bers, in  the  autumn  of  1641,  had  been  satisfied  with  depriving  the  King 
of  the  extraordinary  judicial  powers  acquired  since  the  accession  of 
the  Tudors;  with  securing  control  of  the  supplies;  with  guarantee- 
ing frequent  sessions  and  the  duration  of  the  existing  body  until  its 
work  was  done.  By  June,  1642,  they  found  it  necessary  to  demand 
safeguards  against  Episcopacy  and  Roman  Catholicism,  and  con- 
trol of  the  military,  judicial,  and  administrative  machinery  of  the 
Government.  While,  during  the  struggle,  Episcopacy  and  Monarchy 
were  temporarily  overthrown,  it  was  only  as  a  means  to  an  end  — 
to  preserve  Protestantism  and  the  law. 

The  Numbers  and  Grouping  of  the  Combatants.  —  The  zealous 
fighters  on  either  side,  however,  were  in  a  small  minority.  Many 
who  had  resisted  the  King  in  his  encroachments  against  their  liberties 
and  property  hesitated  to  draw  their  swords  against  him  when  the 
fatal  moment  of  decision  came.  Fear  of  anarchy  and  dread  of  Puri- 
tan supremacy  weighed  heavily  with  numbers  of  them  ;  another  power- 
ful check  was  a  deep-rooted  instinct  of  loyalty  to  Monarchy.  The 
nobles  generally  took  the  King's  side,  though  enough,  like  Essex  and 
Manchester,  fought  against  him  "  to  make  rebellion  respectable." 

327 


328     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

While  the  majority  of  the  gentry  also  stood  by  the  King,  a  consider- 
able minority  were  to  be  found  in  the  parliamentary  ranks.  Of  the 
small  freeholders  or  yeomen  the  greater  part  in  the  east  and  midlands 
were  Parliament  men ;  the  royalist  following  among  this  class  was 
strongest  in  the  west.  As  a  general  rule,  the  trading  classes  in  the 
towns  were  strong  for  Parliament.  The  laboring  classes  were  mostly 
indifferent,  only  fighting  when  they  were  pressed,  or  when  it  was  neces- 
sary to  defend  their  poor  homes  and  their  goods  and  chattels.  The 
Anglican  clergy  were  stanch  in  their  royalism,  as  were  the  Univer- 
sities, more  especially  Oxford,  which  was,  during  the  greater  portion 
of  the  war,  the  King's  headquarters.  Most  of  the  great  Catholic 
families  also  threw  in  their  lot  with  the  Crown. 

Territorial  Distribution  of  Parliamentarians  and  Royalists.  —  The 
north,  the  west,  and  the  extreme  southwest,  the  stronghold  of  royal- 
ism,  were  largely  agricultural  and  pastoral,  economically  backward  and 
under  the  control  of  landed  magnates.  The  most  productive  agri- 
cultural regions  and  the  bulk  of  the  commerce  and  manufactures 
were  in  the  south  and  east,  the  centers  of  advanced  religious  and 
political  sentiment.  Roughly,  a  line  from  Hull  to  Southampton 
separated  the  royal  from  the  parliamentary  districts,  though  ports 
and  marts  of  trade  like  Bristol,  Gloucester,  and  Plymouth  in  the 
royalist  country  were  for  Parliament.  Resources  of  men  and  money 
were  very  unequally  distributed,  the  parliamentary  territory  con- 
taining more  than  three  quarters  of  the  wealth  of  the  entire  coun- 
try. Here  the  rich  and  populous  London,  an  incalculable  source 
of  strength,  was  situated.  But,  although  there  were  general  lines  of 
cleavage  socially  and  territorially,  "  the  war  was  not  one  of  classes 
or  districts  but  of  ideas."  Outside  England,  Charles  sought  aid  in 
various  directions;  but  with  ill-success.  In  attempting  to  ally 
himself  with  the  Irish  Catholics  he  lost  more  than  he  gained,  because 
of  the  opposition  which  he  excited  among  his  English  subjects.  In 
Scotland  the  Earl  of  Montrose  led  the  wild  Highland  clans  valiantly 
but  vainly  in  his  cause.  The  Queen  was  tireless  in  her  intrigues 
with  Continental  Powers:  for  one  reason  or  another  none  could  or 
would  do  much  ;  but  the  Catholic  powers  were  particularly  reluctant 
to  furnish  assistance  unless  Charles  changed  his  faith. 

The  Revenues  of  the  Two  Parties.  —  Parliament  collected  the 
King's  taxes  and  the  rents  from  the  royal  estates  in  the  districts 
which  they  controlled ;  also,  since  the  navy  took  their  side,  they  se- 
cured the  customs  duties.  But  they  derived  the  bulk  of  their  revenue 
from  an  excise,  or  inland  revenue  duty,  and  a  direct  assessment  on 
lands  and  goods,  apportioned  in  the  various  counties  each  month. 


OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR  TO  EXECUTION  OF  CHARLES  I     329 

Charles,  for  his  part,  had  to  subsist  largely  on  plunder  and  gifts  from 
his  devoted  followers.  Having  little  ready  money  and  able  to  col- 
lect only  a  portion  of  their  normal  rents,  most  of  them  were  sooner  or 
later  reduced  to  melting  their  plate  and  sacrificing  their  jewels. 

The  Two  Armies.  —  Parliament  directed  its  side  of  the  war  through 
a  Committee  of  Safety  until  1643,  when  they  united  with  the  Scotch. 
Thenceforth,  Scotch  representatives  were  admitted,  and  the  name 
was  changed  to  the  Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms.  There  was  no 
standing  army  or  professional  soldiery :  the  forces  consisted  of  volun- 
teers, pressed  men,  and  county  militia  or  "  trained  bands,"  of  which 
the  trained  bands  —  with  the  notable  exception  of  th<5se  from  Lon- 
don —  were  the  least  satisfactory.  Since  they  were  changed  at  every 
muster  they  were  always  raw  and  inexperienced,  besides  being  un- 
willing to  march  outside  their  own  counties.  The  best  service  was 
rendered  by  volunteer  forces  raised  by  private  persons  for  the  King 
or  Parliament.  In  some  cases,  groups  of  counties  banded  together 
to  put  an  army  into  the  field,  the  most  famous  being  the  Eastern 
Association,  whose  levies  rendered  notable  service. 

At  first  the  Parliamentary  party  suffered  from  the  lack  of  a  com- 
petent commander :  indeed,  most  of  their  earlier  generals  were  chosen 
because  of  their  social  position  rather  than  their  military  capacity. 
The  King  was  head  of  the  Royal  forces,  but  he  was  slow  and  irreso- 
lute, while  his  nephew  Rupert,1  who  began  as  commander  of  horse 
and,  toward  the  close  of  the  war,  became  General-in-Chief,  was  a  dash- 
ing cavalry  leader,  but  utterly  without  caution  and  restraint.  At 
the  opening  of  the  struggle  both  the  sides  made  the  mistake  of  under- 
rating their  opponents.  The  Parliamentarians  saw  in  the  King's 
men  a  body  of  mincing  courtiers  and  profane  swaggerers,  while  the 
Royalists  contemned  their  enemies  as  shopkeepers  and  clodhoppers. 
Cromwell,  however,  after  the  first  real  encounter  recognized  the  mis- 
take his  side  was  making,  and  said  to  Hampden  with  shrewd  pene- 
tration :  "  Your  troops  are,  most  of  them,  old  decayed  serving  men 
and  tapsters,  and  such  kind  of  fellows,  and  their  troops  are  gentle- 
men's sons,  younger  men  and  persons  of  quality ;  do  you  think  that 
the  spirits  of  such  base  and  mean  fellows  will  ever  be  able  to  encounter 
gentlemen  that  have  honor  and  courage  and  resolution  in  them? 
You  must  get  men  of  a  spirit,  and,  take  it  not  ill  what  I  say  ...  of  a 
spirit  that  will  go  on  as  far  as  the  gentlemen  will  go  or  you  will  be 
beaten  still."  In  cavalry  the  Royalists  had  the  initial  advantage, 
for  the  gentry  were  used  to  riding,  hunting,  and  martial  exercises, 
and  exacted  implicit  obedience  from  the  tenantry  who  served  under 

1  A  son  of  the  Count  Palatine  Frederick. 


33°    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

them.  The  infantry  were  about  double  the  number  of  cavalry. 
Their  weapons  were  supposed  to  be  the  pike  and  the  musket,  but 
many  had  nothing  but  pitchforks  and  cudgels,  while  a  few  appeared 
with  the  primitive  bow  and  arrow.  The  Parliamentary  artillery, 
greatly  developed  by  Cromwell,  proved  very  effective  in  reducing 
Royalist  strongholds  after  the  King  had  been  overcome. 

The  Plan  of  War.  —  In  the  early  stages  of  the  war  neither 
side  had  any  consistently  executed  plan  of  campaign.  Charles's 
main  aim  was  to  recover  London,  while  Parliament  at  first  aimed 
merely  to  gain  as  much  territory  as  possible,  and  to  that  end  its 
armies  wandered  aimlessly  about  the  country.  It  was  only  after  the 
rise  of  Fairfax  and  Cromwell  that  a  definite  plan  was  adopted  — 
the  defeat  of  the  King  in  battle  and  the  capture  of  his  person.  Want 
of  money,  lack  of  discipline,  and  absence  of  enthusiasm  on  the  part 
of  the  rank  and  file  hampered  both  sides,  and  numberless  petty  en- 
gagements resulted,  which  exhausted  their  energies  and  obscured 
the  larger  features  of  the  struggle.  ^ 

The  Campaign  of  1642.  —  From  Nottingham,  Charles  marched  west 
to  recruit  his  slender  forces  and  supplies.  Essex  followed  him  slowly. 
Suddenly  the  King  turned  back,  with  his  pursuer  hard  on  his  heels, 
and  made  for  London.  At  Edgehill,  in  Warwickshire,  the  first  serious 
encounter  of  the  war  took  place,  23  October,  1642.  The  result  was 
a  drawn  battle,  the  chief  consequence  of  which  was  to  convince  Crom- 
well that  his  party  could  accomplish  nothing  with  such  a  miscel- 
laneous lot,  whereupon  he  went  off  to  the  eastern  counties  to  or- 
ganize his  famous  troop  of  Ironsides.  Essex  pressed  on  to  London, 
while  Charles  established  himself  at  Oxford,  which  he  made  his  head- 
quarters during  the  remainder  of  the  war.  Before  the  close  of  the 
year  he  made  one  more  vain  attempt  to  reach  the  capital ;  but  his 
failure  was  counterbalanced  by  the  success  of  Royalist  forces  in  the 
southwest  and  the  north. 

The  Campaign  of  1643.  — The  Royalists,  in  the  campaign  of  1643, 
again  made  London  the  objective  point,  planning  to  approach  and 
surround  the  City  from  three  directions.  ,  The  Earl  of  Newcastle 
was  to  force  his  way  from  Yorkshire  through  the  hostile  eastern  coun- 
ties and  take  up  a  position  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Thames,  a  con- 
tingent from  Devon  and  Cornwall  was  to  march  through  the  south- 
ern counties,  occupy  Kent,  and  thus  threaten  the  City  from  that  di- 
rection, while  Charles,  with  the  Oxford  army  recruited  from  Wales 
and  the  west  Midlands,  was  to  approach  between  them  and  com- 
plete the  line  of  investment.  But  this  well-devised  plan,  in  spite  of 
some  preliminary  successes,  was  frustrated  mainly  by  the  narrow 


ENGLAND          — 
AND    WALES 


from  1        Orconwich        0  EMt  1 


OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR  TO  EXECUTION  OF  CHARLES  I     331 

fears  and  selfishness  of  the  local  levies  and  the  Parliamentary  control 
of  the  ports.  The  Yorkshiremen  would  not  move  from  home  while 
Hull  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy ;  the  men  of  the  south  were 
of  the  same  mind  about  Plymouth,  and  Charles  found  it  impossible 
to  lead  his  forces  from  the  west  until  he  had  made  an  attempt  to  re- 
duce Gloucester,  which  commanded  the  navigation  of  the  Severn. 

Newcastle's  Failure  in  the  Eastern  Counties.  Cromwell's  "  Iron- 
sides."—  During  the  spring  and  early  summer  Newcastle  with 
his  northern  army  won  for  Charles  practically  the  whole  land  from  the 
Scotch  border  to  the  Humber,  except  Hull.  Then  he  led  his  unwill- 
ing forces  into  the  counties  of  the  Eastern  Association,  a  district 
which,  because  of  its  wealth  and  tough  Puritan  stock,  formed  the 
backbone  of  the  Parliamentary  cause.  Here  Cromwell  was  laboring 
to  organize  a  force  of  men  of  real  ideals,  strengthened  by  effective 
drill  and  held  together  by  adequate  and  regular  pay.  His  famous 
regiment  of  horse  —  the  "Ironsides"  —which  was  his  particular 
creation,  is  almost  unique  in  the  history  of  warfare.  Almost  exclu- 
sively men  of  substance,  largely  freeholders,  none  were  included  but 
"  those  who  had  the  fear  of  God  before  them  and  made  some  con- 
science of  what  they  did,"  yet,  so  long  as  they  were  Protestants  who 
were  not  "  prelatists,"  l  Cromwell  did  not  care  what  their  sect  might 
be.  Terrible  against  the  enemy,  they  studiously  refrained  from 
plunder -and  all  manner  of  cruelty  toward  non-combatants.  Crom- 
well not  only  commanded  their  respect  by  his  military  ability  and  his 
political  and  religious  principles,  but  won  their  warm  affection  by  his 
"  familiar,  rustic  carriage,"  his  love  of  merriment  and  fondness  for 
rough  games.  The  new  regiment  first  showed  its  strength  by  repuls- 
ing Newcastle  in  a  cavalry  skirmish  25  July,  1643.  Though  they 
were  obliged  to  retreat  when  the  latter's  whole  army  came  up,  the 
reluctant  temper  of  his  forces  obliged  the  Royalist  general  to  turn 
back,  and,  after  a  brief  and  unsuccessful  siege  of  Hull,  he  retired  to 
York.  Meantime,  Parliament  had  sent  Manchester  into  the  Asso- 
ciated Counties  with  a  commission  to  raise  10,000  foot  and  5000 
horse  to  be  paid  for  out  of  the  national  taxes. 

The  Royalists  from  the  South  and  West  Likewise  Fail  to  Reach 
London.  —  In  the  southwest,  the  Royalists  succeeded  in  overrunning 
Devon,  Wiltshire,  and  Dorset ;  but  since  Plymouth,  supported  by  a 
parliamentary  fleet,  held  out  persistently,  the  Cornishmen  refused  to 
march  to  Kent.  In  the  west,  Essex,  whose  army  was  steadily  wasted 
by  sickness  and  desertion,  conducted  a  desultory  and  ineffective 
campaign  centering  about  Oxford.  In  spite  of  the  ineptitude  of  the 

1  That  is,  supporters  of  the  Episcopal  system. 


332     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Parliamentarians  the  Royalist  forces  would  not  march  on  London  until 
Gloucester  was  captured ;  so,  10  August,  Charles  encamped  before 
the  city.  In  spite  of  the  efforts  of  a  strong  peace  party  Essex  was 
provided  with  a  force  of  15,000,  from  the  London  trained  bands,  to 
raise  the  siege  of  Gloucester.  Charles,  withdrawing  at  their  approach, 
sought  to  block  their  return  to  London,  and  a  fierce  but  indecisive 
battle  was  fought  near  Newbury,  20  September,  1643.  The  King's 
powder  having  given  out,  he  slipped  away  during  the  night,  leaving 
the  London  road  open  to  his  enemy. 

The  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  (1643).  — Meantime,  Parliament 
had  completed  an  alliance  with  "  their  brethren  of  Scotland  "  that 
marked  the  turning  point  of  the  war.  By  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant,  finally  accepted  by  both  Houses,  25  September,  1643, 
the  subscribers  agreed  to  preserve  the  reformed  religion  in  the  Church 
of  Scotland  (Presbyterianism) ,  to  reform  religion  in  England  and  Ire- 
land, and  "  to  bring  the  Churches  of  God  in  the  three  Kingdoms  to 
the  nearest  conjunction  and  uniformity  " ;  to  extirpate  "  Popery, 
prelacy  .  .  .  and  whatsoever  shall  be  found  to  be  contrary  to  sound 
doctrine  and  the  power  of  Godliness  "  ;  and  to  "  preserve 'the  rights 
and  privileges  of  Parliament  and  the  liberties  of  the  Kingdoms." 
The  Scots  contracted  to  provide  an  army,  for  the  support  of  which  the 
English  Parliament  agreed  to  furnish  £30,000  a  month.  Their  as- 
sistance assured  the  victory  of  Parliament,  yet  at  the  same  time  their 
entrance  into  the  struggle  sharpened  the  differences  between  Pres- 
byterians, Independents,1  and  those  who  advocated  parliamentary 
control  of  religion  —  differences  which  encouraged  the  King  to  per- 
severe in  fighting  and  intrigue  until  he  finally  lost  his  head. 

The  Deaths  of  Pym  and  Hampden  (1643). — The  alliance  was 
mainly  the  work  of  Pym  and  was  his  last  great  undertaking;  for, 
worn  out  with  his  arduous  labors,  he  died,  8  December,  1643.  In 
him  the  cause  lost  a  matchless  leader,  as  it  had  lost  a  wise  counselor 
in  Hampden,  mortally  wounded  at  Chalgrove  Field  in  the  previous 
June.  They  were  sadly  missed  in  the  troubles  soon  to  break  out 
between  the  military  chiefs  and  the  Houses. 

The  Westminster  Assembly.  —  As  soon  as  it  was  decided  to  ask 
military  aid  of  the  Scots,  reform  of  the  Church  on  a  Presbyterian 
basis  became  a  "  political  necessity,"  and  an  assembly  for  that  pur- 
pose met  at  Westminster  Abbey,  i  July,  1643,  nearly  two  months 
before  the  formal  ratification  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant. 
This  body,  made  up  of  representative  English  divines,  peers  and  com- 
moners, together  with  Scotch  commissioners,  continued  in  formal 
1  Advocates  of  congregational  church  government. 


OUTBREAK  OF   CIVIL  WAR  TO  EXECUTION  OF   CHARLES   I     333 

session  till  22  February,  1649.  One  fruit  of  its  labors,  the  Westminster 
Confession,  though  never  accepted  by  Parliament,  remains  the  form 
of  belief  in  the  Presbyterian  Church  to-day,  while  the  system  of  Church 
government  —  on  the  Presbyterian  model  —  which  it  formulated 
was  accepted  by  Parliament,  with  the  qualification  that  it  should  be 
under  the  control  of  a  standing  committee  of  the  Houses.  Although 
partially  established  in  some  counties,  the  final  triumph  of  the  army 
under  Cromwell,  who  stood  for  Independency  and  toleration  against 
Scotch  clerical  Parliamentary  domination,  and  who  aimed  to  unite 
all  Protestants  who  would  fight  against  the  King,  prevented  the 
system  from  ever  becoming  national. 

Marston  Moor  (2  July,  1644).  — Although  at  the  beginning  of  1644 
Charles  was  still  master  of  two  thirds  of  the  Kingdom,  he  weakened 
his  forces  by  trying  to  garrison  all  the  territories  which  he  held,  while 
his  supplies  and  equipment  were  rapidly  melting  away.  On  the  other 
hand,  though  the  taxpayers  grumbled,  the  Parliamentary  troops  were 
well  provided  and  were  learning  their  trade  in  the  exacting  school 
of  experience.  In  January,  1644,  the  Scots  under  the  veteran  Earl 
of  Leven  crossed  the  Tweed  with  18,000  foot  and  3000  horse.  New- 
castle, who  had  only  5000  foot  and  3000  horse,  shut  himself  up  in  York. 
In  April,  Leven,  joined  by  a  Parliamentary  army  under  the  Fairfaxes, 
father  and  son,  sat  down  before  the  city,  where  in  June,  they  were  re- 
inforced by  the  army  of  the  Eastern  Association  under  Manchester, 
with  Cromwell  as  lieutenant-general  commanding  the  horse.  On  the 
approach  of  Rupert,  whom  Newcastle  had  summoned  to  his  relief, 
the  Parliamentarians  raised  the  siege  and  took  up  a  position  near 
Long  Marston,  somewhat  west  of  York,  to  bar  his  road.  But  Rupert 
"  by  a  dashing  maneuver  "  circled  round  them,  entered  the  city  from 
the  north,  and,  2  July,  came  out  and  offered  battle  at  Marston  Moor, 
the  bloodiest  contest  of  the  whole  war.1  For  five  hours,  in  the  long 
twilight  of  a  summer  evening,  the  combat  raged.  While  the  soldiers 
fought  magnificently,  it  was  mainly  Cromwell  who  plucked  the  victory 
from  the  enemies'  hands,  and  he  earned  here  from  Rupert  the  name  of 
"  Ironsides,"  later  transferred  to  his  famous  regiment.  Cromwell 
himself  attributed  the  success  to  "  the  Lord's  blessing  on  the  Godly 
party  principally."  Though  Rupert  escaped  with  6000  horse,  the 
rest  of  the  Royalist  army  was  broken  up,  York  surrendered  and  the 
land  north  of  the  Trent  was  lost  to  the  King.  This  decisive  victory 
for  Cromwell  and  the  "  Godly  party  "  marked  a  decided  breach  in 
the  anti-royalist  ranks;  fearing  that  the  extremists  might  become 

1  The  united  Parliamentary  armies  numbered  20,000  foot  and  7000  horse,  the 
Royalists,  about  the  same  number  of  horse,  and  11,000  foot. 


334    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

dominant,  Leven,  Manchester,  and  Lord  Fairfax  before  they  parted 
sent  a  joint  letter  to  the  Committee  of  both  Kingdoms  recommending 
the  establishment  of  Presbyterianism  and  peace  with  the  King. 

Surrender  of  Essex's  Army  (2  September,  1644).  — The  Presbyterian 
wing  were  all  the  more  uneasy  because,  in  the  late  summer,  Charles 
succeeded  in  bottling  up  the  army  of  Essex  on  the  Devon  coast ;  while 
Essex  escaped  by  boat  and  his  cavalry  managed  to  break  through, 
his  infantry  were  forced  to  surrender,  2  September.  In  London  the 
disappointment  was  bitter,  for  it  looked  as  if  the  great  gain  in  the  north 
was  to  be  altogether  neutralized.  Charles,  however,  was  not  able  to 
profit  by  his  success,  for  his  supplies  were  short  and  his  troops  were 
mutinous.  On  his  way  north  he  was  intercepted  by  a  Parliamentary 
army,  twice  the  size  of  his  own,  made  up  of  many  elements,  includ- 
ing the  army  of  the  Eastern  Association  which  came  down  from  the 
north.  In  the  second  battle  of  Newbury  which  ensued,  27  October, 
1644,  Cromwell  was  completely  victorious,  but  owing  to  the  inert- 
ness of  Manchester,  the  King  was  able  to  slip  off  to  Oxford  in  the 
night. 

Cromwell's  Plan  for  Remodeling  the  Army.  The  Self-denying 
Ordinance.  —  Cromwell  saw  that  it  was  necessary  to  get  rid  of  generals 
like  Essex  and  Manchester  before  the  cause  which  he  had  at  heart 
could  prevail.  Accordingly,  he  made  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons in  which  he  laid  the  whole  blame  for  the  failure  to  capture  Charles 
and  his  army  at  Newbury  on  Manchester,  who  was  not  only  ineffective 
but  professedly  half-hearted.  Cromwell  and  his  supporters,  vigorously 
opposing  a  considerable  element  who  were  vainly  striving  to  arrange 
terms  with  the  King,  saw  that,  in  addition  to  getting  rid  of  incompe- 
tent and  unenthusiastic  leaders,  they  must  reorganize  the  whole  army 
into  an  effective  fighting  machine,  well  paid,  equipped  and  disciplined, 
consisting  of  spirited,  zealous  troops  and  unhampered  by  Presbyterian 
tests.  He  saw  that  the  first  essential  was  to  beat  the  King  in  the  field 
and  to  postpone  the  settlement  of  other  questions  until  that  was  ac- 
complished. __At  his  suggestion  the  Self-denying  Ordinance,  providing 
that  the  members  of  cither  House  should  throw  down  their  commands, 
military  ..and  civil,  was  introduced  into  the  Commons,  9  December, 
1644..  Meantime,  by  the  New  Model  Ordinance,  the  Commons  had 
directed  the  Committee  of  both  Kingdoms  "  to  consider  of  a  frame  and 
model  of  the  whole  militia,"  recommending  an  army  of  14,000  foot 
and  7600  horse  to  be  "  regularly  paid  from  taxes  assessed  on  those 
parts  of  the  country  which  were  suffering  least  from  the  war."  Sir 
Thomas  Fairfax,  a  young  and  capable  officer  unattached  to  any  sect 
or  party,  was  named  Commander-in-Chief  in  place  of  Essex.  The  New 


SCOTLAND. 

After  1603. 


OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR  TO  EXECUTION  OF  CHARLES  I     335 

Model  Ordinance  passed  the  Lords  15  February,  while  the  Self-deny- 
ing Ordinance  became  law,  3  April.  No  provision  had  been  made 
against  the  reappointment  to  office  of  members  of  Parliament  who 
had  resigned,  and  10  June  Cromwell  became  lieutenant-general. 

The  New  Model  Army.  —  It  was  so  difficult  to  secure  volunteers 
for  the  infantry  that  8500  men  had  to  be  pressed.  The  cavalry  were 
of  a  much  finer  type,  while  the  officers  in  both  branches  of  the  service, 
though  some  rose  from  humble  rank,  were  generally  of  good  family 
and  godly  men.  Gradually  their  zeal,  guided  by  Fairfax  and  Crom- 
well, welded  together  an  irresistible  force,  which  grew  steadily  in 
strength  and  discipline  as  the  King's  forces  fell  more  and  more  into 
weakness  and  disorder. 

The  Battle  of  Naseby  (14  June,  1645).  The  King  a  Fugitive. — 
Forthwith,  Fairfax  and  Cromwellstarted  to  overcome  the  King.  They 
found  him  wandering  "about  the  Midlands,  desirous  of  joining  Mont- 
rose,  who  wRsjfighting  for  him,  in..  Scotland,  and  yet  hesitating  to  leave 
his  baseTat  Oxford.  The  decisive  battle  was  fought  at  Naseby,  14 
June,  1633:  "Charles  managed  to  escape  with  half  his  cavalry  to  the 
Welsh  border ;  he  still  had  an  army  in  the  southwest ;  he  held  many 
strong  places;  he  hoped  to  bring  together  his  scattered  forces,  and, 
with  the  aid  of  the  Irish,  to  be  "  in  a  far  better  condition  before  winter 
than  he  had  been  at  any  time  since  this  rebellion  began."  But,  though 
he  eluded  capture  for  nearly  a  year  and  though  some  of  his  supporters 
held  out  even  longer,  his  cause  was  doomed. 

Montrose  in  Scotland  (1644,  1645).  —  For  a  time  Charles  rested 
great  hopes  in  Montrose,  who,  beginning  i  September  1644,  had  a 
year  of  triumph,  gaining  battle  after  battle.  But  the  Highlanders, 
who  composed  the  bulk  of  his  army,  were  keener  on  booty  and  ven- 
geance against  hostile  clans  than  they  were  on  restoring  the  power  of 
the  King.  After  each  victory  numbers  of  them  would  disperse  to 
their  mountain  glens  to  deposit  their  spoil.  With  such  an  unstable 
following  it  was  impossible  to  achieve  permanent  results ;  moreover, 
the  Covenanters,  who  opposed  him  on  religious  grounds,  were  steadily 
reinforced  by  those  who  were  infuriated  by  the  pillaging  of  his  un- 
controllable hordes.  At  length,  13  September,  1645,  ne  was  defeated 
and  forced  to  flee. 

Charles  Intrigues  with  the  Irish  (1642-1645).  —  Charles  had  also 
counted  much  on  support  from  Ireland.  In  order  to  secure  religious 
concessions  the  Roman  Catholics  desired  to  come  to  terms,  while 
Charles  was  anxious  to  release  for  service  in  England  the  army  which 
the  Marquis  of  Ormonde  was  commanding  against  them,  and  even 
nourished  a  mad  hope  of  employing  Irish  troops  in  England.  When 


336    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  Irish  finally  insisted  upon  freedom  of  worship  and  the  repeal  of 
the  laws  rejecting  papal  jurisdiction,  the  King,  knowing  that  Ormonde, 
who  was  a  Protestant,  would  listen  to  no  such  terms,  sent  the  Catholic 
Earl  of  Glamorgan  with  vague  instructions  to  treat  behind  the  back 
of  the  Lord  Lieutenant.  Glamorgan  arrived,  25  August,  1645 ;  and, 
although  the  Irish  even  increased  their  original  demands,  he  signed 
a  secret  treaty  granting  all  they  asked.  A  copy  of  this  treaty  was  dis- 
covered and  published  and  Glamorgan  was  arrested  ;  notwithstanding 
Charles's  disavowal  of  this  arrangement,  he  was  unable  to  clear  him- 
self from  suspicion,  nor  had  he  got  the  least  help  for  all  risk  he  had  run. 
The  Queen,  who  had  again  gone  abroad  in  November,  1644,  was  equally 
unsuccessful  with  the  Continental  Powers. 

The  End  of  the  First  Civil  War  (1646).  — Without  any  prospect  of 
foreign  help,  it  was  only  a  question  of  time  how  long  Charles  and  his 
few  remaining  adherents  could  hold  out.  Qn  10  July,  1645,  his  last 
field  army  was  overcome  at  Langport  in  the  southwest,  and  it  only 
remained  to  reduce  the  garrisons  and  to  secure  the  territories  held  by 
ants  of  the  royal  forces.  When  the  news  of  one  reverse  after  jin- 
tfther  had  reached  him,  Charles  finally  left  Oxford,  25  AprilT^i^  The 
Bcotch  had  offered  their  mediation,  and,  finally  deciding  to  trust  such 
^.gue  assurances  as  they  were  willing  to  offer,  he  rode,  5  May,  into 
their  camp  at  Newark,  which  he  only  left  as  a  prisoner.  With  the 
surrender  of  Oxford,  24  June,  the  first  Civil  War  was  practically  over, 
though  a  few  isolated  castles  held  out  for  some  time  longer. 

State  of  Parties  at  the  Close  of  the  War  in  1646.  —  During  the  three 
years  from  the  beginning  of  Charles's  captivity  to  his  death,  in  1649, 
he  was  occupied  in  tortuous  and  futile  intrigues  to  recover  his  liberty 
and  his  authority.  The  divided  state  of  parties  offered  him  at  least 
a  prospect  of  success.  He  could  still  count  on  a  small  body  of  English 
Royalists  who  were  ever  ready  to  fight  again  if  they  got  the  chance, 
and  he  still  nourished  hopes  in  the  Irish  Catholics  with  whom  he  was 
constantly  in  communication.  Parliament,  which  had  begun  the  strug- 
gle in  behalf  of  popular  liberties,  was  pledged  to  Presbyterianism,1 
and  had  of  late  come  to  be  chiefly  concerned  with  stemming  the  rising 
power  of  Cromwell  and  the  Army,  mainly  Independents  and  advocates 
of  toleration  for  all  Protestant  sects.  It  only  widened  the  breach  when 
the  Army  became  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  doing  away  with  the 
Monarchy.  The  Scots,  whose  chief  aim  was  to  preserve  their  religion 
at  home  and  to  extend  it  in  England,  naturally  ranged  themselves  with 

1  In  spite  of  150  new  members  known  as  the  "Recruiters,"  who  had  been  elected 
to  fill  the  vacancies  caused  by  the  desertion  of  the  Royalists,  the  Presbyterians 
were  still  in  the  majority. 


OUTBREAK  OF   CIVIL  WAR  TO   EXECUTION  OF   CHARLES  I     337 

Parliament  against  the  Army.  The  bulk  of  the  English  people  were 
anxious  for  peace.  Pushed  into  the  struggle  by  the  fervor  of  the 
minority,  they  had  undergone  much  loss  and  suffering,  from  the  in- 
evitable disorganization  of  trade,  from  increased  taxes,  and,  in  spite  of 
the  relatively  humane  character  of  the  war,  from  plundering  and 
pillaging. 

Parliamentary  Intolerance.  —  Notwithstanding  the  tireless  in- 
trigues of  the  King,  it  might  have  been  possible  to  have  effected  a 
settlement  if  the  Commons  had  not  failed  to  realize  the  need  of  recon- 
ciling either  the  Royalists  or  the  Army.  To  win  over  the  former,  it 
was  essential  to  grant  them  a  measure  of  toleration  and  to  show  some 
tenderness  in  the  matter  of  their  estates.  -Instead  of  thaJu-the dominant 
party  agreed_fh at  tbp  "  Prayer  Rook  was  an  abominable  idol  in  the 
land,"  and  foibade  it  by  law,  while  2000  of  the  Anglican  clergy  were 
expelled  from  their  benefices.  Furthermore,  certain  Royalists  were  al- 
together exempted  from  pardon,  while  hosts  of  others  were  punished 
by  the  total  or  partial  forfeiture  of  their  estates.  Regrettable  and 
impolitic  as  was  its  treatment  of  the  vanquished  Royalists,  it  was  the 
height  of  folly  and  ingratitude  for  Parliament  to  oppose  the  Army  who 
had  fought  and  won  its  battles.  Yet  the  wrong-headed  majority 
made  repeated  attempts  to  come  to  terms  with  the  King,  to  get  rid 
of  the  Army,  and  to  suppress  the  sects  that  Cromwell  had  fostered. 
Many  of  the  Parliamentary  leaders  were  embittered  from  the  fact 
that  they  had  been  excluded  from  the  Army  by  the  Self-denying  Or- 
dinance, though  they  really  wanted  to  cut  down  military  expenses, 
and  by  persecuting  the  religious  and  political  extremists,  chiefly  in  the 
Army  and  among  its  supporters,  they  were  at  least  partially  sincere 
in  their  hope  to  check  disorder  and  confusion,  to  strengthen  their  hold 
on  the  sober  Roundhead  element,  and  to  placate,  somewhat,  the  mod- 
erate Cavaliers  to  whom  they  denied  the  Prayer  Book. 

The  Scots  Deliver  the  King  to  Parliament, January  (1647).  — While 
the  King,  since  the  autumn  before  his  captivity,  had  been  treating 
secretly  both  with  Parliament  and  the  Scots,  he  refused  to  concede 
anything  more  than  a  toleration  for  their  religion,  since  like  his  father, 
he  believed  that  "  the  nature  of  Presbyterian  government  is  to  steal 
the  crown  from  the  King's  head."  Indeed,  he  frankly  told  the  Scots 
that  he  would  rather  lose  his  crown  than  his  soul.  For  this  reason, 
and  because  he  refused  to  agree  to  Parliamentary  control  of  the  Army 
and  Navy,  the  negotiations  with  Parliament  ended  in  failure.  At  the 
same  time,  he  alienated  the  Scots  by  his  unwillingness  to  take  the 
Covenant.  As  a  result,  the  Scots  drew  closer  to  Parliament,  and  in 
January,  1647,  they  delivered  up  the  King  in  return  for  payment  of 


338    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

arrears  of  pay  and  of  the  expenses  which  they  had  incurred  in  the 
war  just  closed. 

Parliament  and  the  Army.  — Parliament,  with  the  King  in  their 
hands,  thought  that  if  they  could  manage  to  disband  the  New  Model, 
they  might  force  their  terms  upon  him  and  secure  a  Presbyterian 
settlement.  The  Army  refused  to  agree,  except  upon  their  own  terms 
—  toleration,  indemnity  for  past  acts,  and  arrears  of  pay  —  terms  to 
which  Parliament  would  not  listen,  though  later  they  offered  a  grudging 
concession  of  arrears.  In  order  to  work  more  effectively,  each  of  the 
regiments  of  the  New  Model  chose  two  agents,  called  "  agitators,"  1 
who,  in  combination  with  the  council  of  the  generals,  acted  as  a  rival 
representative  body  to  Parliament.  Since  Fairfax  had  no  strong 
religious  convictions  or  ability  in  statesmanship,  the  burden  of  leader- 
ship fell  on  Cromwell,  who  from  his  seat  in  Parliament  and  from  his 
place  in  the  Army  Council,  strove  to  be  a  peacemaker,  urging  con- 
cession on  one  hand  and  obedience  on  the  other.  It  was  only  after 
long  hesitation  that  he  made  up  his  mind  to  extreme  measures,  and 
then  he  acted  with  his  customary  decision  and  energy. 

The  Army  Secure  the  King  and  March  to  London.  —  On  31  May, 
1647,  ne  sent  Cornet  Joyce  and  a  troop  of  soldiers,  who  tore  the  King 
from  his  Parliamentary  captors  and  took  him  to  Newmarket,  where 
the  Army  was  then  quartered.  Charles  went  willingly,  for,  having 
failed  to  arrange  terms  with  Parliament,  he  was  glad  to  try  his  chances 
with  the  Army,  who  after  a  solemn  engagement  not  to  disband  until 
they  had  obtained  satisfactory  concessions,  began  to  draw  toward 
London.  They  entered  the  capital,  6  August,  still  further  embittered 
against  Parliament,  who,  under  the  pressure  of  a  city  mob,  had  re- 
voked such  concessions  as  they  had  at  length  reluctantly  consented  to 
grant. 

\  The  Heads  of  Proposals  (1647).  —  Meantime,  the  Army  chiefs  had 
sought  to  come  to  terms  with  the  King,  offering  to  restore  him  to  the 
throne  and  to  accept  Episcopacy  if  he  would  grant  toleration.  The 
scheme  of  the  saner  element  was  formulated  in  the  "  Heads  of  Pro- 
posals," sketched  by  Cromwell's  son-in-law,  General  Ireton,  17  July, 
1647,  and  later  amended  by  the  Army  Council.  While  allowing  Par- 
liament adequate  powers  for  the  control  of  the  Sovereign  and  the 
administration  of  the  government,  it  provided  checks  against  Parlia- 
mentary omnipotence,  and  outlined  a  series  of  reforms  by  which  the 
people  should  have  more  voice  in  public  affairs  and  a  more  adequate 
representation.  Special  precautions  were  taken  to  safeguard  religious 
liberty  against  Presbyterian  intolerance.  It  was  a  farsighted,  states- 

1  From  an  old  word  meaning  "to  act."    The  form  "adjutator"  is  erroneous. 


OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR  TO  EXECUTION  OF  CHARLES  I     339 

manlike  plan,  but  it  was  in  advance  of  the  times  and  failed  to  satisfy 
either  party :  it  was  too  democratic  and  too  tolerant  for  the  Royalist, 
and  too  conservative  and  too  balanced  for  the  extremist. 

The  Transformation  in  the  Army.  —  In  the  debates  in  the  Army 
Council,  Ireton  took  the  lead.  Cromwell,  keen  as  he  was  in  seeing 
the  needs  of  the  moment  and  swift  in  action,  was  not  inclined  to  look 
far  into  the  future.  It  was  only  when  he  came  to  realize  that  the  re- 
ligious freedom  which  he  and  his  companions  had  won  at  the  risk  of 
their  lives  could  never  be  secure  so  long  as  Charles  Stuart  remained 
King,  that  he  made  up  his  mind  to  dispose  of  him  and  of  his  royal 
office.  Ireton  and  many  others  saw,  long  before  he  did,  that  Charles 
was  only  playing  parties  off  one  against  another  until  he  could 
raise  a  sufficient  force  for  a  second  Civil  War.  At  first,  the  zealots 
in  the  New  Model  were  chiefly  in  the  cavalry ;  the  infantry,  largely 
pressed  men  and  hirelings,  contained  many  men  who,  although  not 
deep  grounded  in  their  convictions,  were  rather  inclined  to  support 
Presbyterianism  and  Parliament.  A  number  of  causes,  however, 
tended  to  alter  their  temper.  For  one  thing,  the  denial  of  their  reason- 
able requests  alienated  them  from  Parliament.  Then  the  Presbyterian 
chaplains,  as  a  rule,  left  their  regiments  to  enter  the  livings  from  which 
the  Episcopal  clergy  had  been  expelled,  and  the  preachers  who  remained, 
together  with  the  officers,  exerted  a  steadily  growing  influence ;  further- 
more, many  volunteers  flocked  in  to  replace  the  pressed  men,  infecting 
with  their  enthusiasm  those  who  remained. 

Rise  of  Democratic  Opinion  in  the  Army.  —  The  political  trans- 
formation was  equally  striking.  Indeed,  in  this  period  English  demo- 
cratic opinion  took  rise.  Evolved  by  certain  advanced  thinkers,  it 
was  first  voiced  in  the  debates  in  the  Army  Council,  and  quickly  per- 
meated the  whole  body.  Formulated  in  plans  for  a  written  consti- 
tution which  failed  to  survive,  these  fundamental  ideas  of  democracy 
—  equality  of  opportunity  for  every  man,  and  government  by  the 
people  as  well  as  for  the  people,  or  universal  manhood  suffrage  — 
after  lying  dormant  for  a  century  and  more,  came  to  the  front  in  the 
American  and  French  Revolutions.  Extremists  declared  that  they 
would  have  no  more  kings  or  lords  —  "  the  meanest  man  in  England," 
they  insisted,  "  had  the  right  to  a  share  in  the  election  of  his  rulers." 
Since  leaders  in  the  battle  for  liberty  had  hitherto  based  their  claims  on 
constitutional  precedents — on  the  birthright  of  Englishmen — it  marked 
a  new  and  significant  departure  when  Colonel  Rainsborough  appealed 
to  the  natural  rights  of  man.  "  The  poorest  he  that  is  in  England," 
he  said,  with  quaint  directness,  "hath  a  life  to  live  as  the  greatest  he. 
And,  therefore  .  .  .  it's  clear  that  every  man  that  is  to  live  under  a 


340     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

government  ought  first  by  his  own  consent  to  put  himself  under  that 
government."  Republicanism  and  universal  suffrage,  however,  were 
not  the  ideals  of  the  majority  of  Englishmen  of  that  day ;  fearing  that 
only  confusion  and  anarchy  would  result,  many  even  of  the  Army 
leaders,  with  Cromwell  in  the  vanguard,  fought  strenuously  to  preserve 
the  law  of  the  land.  Yet  the  men  whom  they  condemned  as  vision- 
aries and  fanatics,  and  who  were  unable  to  make  their  views  prevail  at 
that  time,  were  contending  for  principles  which  are  the  bone  and  sinew 
of  modern  political  life.  On  the  other  hand,  the  more  conservative 
members  of  the  party  of  political  and  religious  progress  were  wise  in 
their  efforts  to  hold  the  radicals  in  check,  for  revolutions,  unless  they 
are  carefully  guided,  are  bound  to  be  wrecked  by  their  very  excesses. 
As  it  was,  all  sorts  of  queer  sects  and  parties  grew  and  multiplied. 

The  "  Engagement."  —  In  November,  1647,  Charles  fled  to  the 
Isle_pf  Wight  where,  26  December,  he  signed  with  the  Scots, 
,a  treaty  known  as  the  "  Engagement,"  by  which  he  undertook  to 
allow  a  Presbyterian  settlement  for  three  years,  on  condition  that  the 
Church  should,  at  the  end  of  that  period,  be  regulated  by  himself  and 
the  Houses.  In  return,  the  Scots  agreed  to  support  the  King's  demand 
for  the  disbandment  of  the  Army,  and,  if  this  were  refused,  to  publish 
a  manifesto,  as  a  preliminary  to  invading  England,  asserting  certain 
royal  prerogatives,  including  the  "  negative  voice  "  x  and  control  over 
the  militia  and  the  great  offices  of  State.  It  is  practically  certain 
that  Charles  had  no  intention  of  binding  himself  permanently  by  the 
Engagement ;  for  the  moment,  however,  he  was  all  for  the  Scots,  and 
adopted  such  an  uncompromising  attitude  toward  Parliament  that 
they  broke  off  all  negotiations  with  him. 

The  Second  Civil  War  (1648).  — The  King  counted  on  a  Royalist 
reaction  to  support  the  Scottish  invasion,  and  there  was  much  in  the 
situation  to  encourage  his  hopes.  Among  moderate  men  respect  for 
Parliament  was  steadily  diminishing,  with  some  because  of  its  ineffect- 
iveness, with  others  because  of  its  intolerance ;  many  more  were  fright- 
ened at  the  prospect  of  Army  rule ;  while  the  austerity  of  Puritanism 
offered  a  most  unlovely  prospect  to  the  pleasure-loving  Englishman. 
Yet  it  was  one  thing  to  manifest  discontent,  and  quite  another  to  join 
in  rebellion;  accordingly,  the  mass  of  the  people,  during  the  Second 
Civil  War,  "  looked  on  in  bewildered  neutrality."  Presbyterian  sol- 
diers in  some  garrisons  declared  for  the  King,  and  so  did  the  more 
pronounced  Cavaliers;  but  there  were  no  considerable  risings  except 
in  Wales,  Kent,  and  Essex.  The  result  was  fatal  to  the  King ;  for  the 
crisis  brought  Parliament  and  the  Army  together  once  more  and  healed 
1 1.e.  the  royal  veto  power. 


OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR  TO  EXECUTION  OF  CHARLES  I     341 

the  breach  between  Cromwell  and  the  extremists.  On  his  way  to 
quell  the  outbreak  in  Wales,  Cromwell  met  the  Agitators  at  Windsor, 
where  at  a  solemn  prayer  meeting,  lasting  three  days,  it  was  resolved 
that :  "  it  was  our  duty  if  ever  the  Lord  brought  us  back  in  peace,  to 
call  Charles  Stuart,  that  man  of  blood,  to  an  account  for  the  blood 
he  had  shed,  and  the  mischief  he  had  done  to  his  utmost,  against  the 
Lord's  cause  and  the  people  in  these  poor  nations."  Easily  suppressing 
the  rising  in  Wales,  Cromwell  was  free  to  march  against  the  Scots,  who 
had  crossed  the  Border,  8  July.  They  consisted  only  of  extreme  Royal- 
ists, for  there  was  another  Scotch  party  who  would  not  fight  for  a  mon- 
arch who  refused  the  Covenant.  Cromwell  intercepted  the  invaders 
in  Lancashire,  and  made  short  work  of  them  in  the  three  days  running 
fight  of  Preston,  Wigan,  and  Warrington,  17-19  August,  while  Fairfax 
crushed  out  the  revolts  in  Kent  and  Essex.  All  Charles's  plans  had 
miscarried,  and  he  was  soon  to  meet  the  fate  which  the  Army  leaders 
had  voiced  in  their  prayer. 

Pride's  Purge.  —  For  the  moment,  however,  the  old  discord  and 
intrigues  were  resumed.  Though  Parliament  had  joined  with  the 
Army  in  the  face  of  pressing  danger,  they  still  were  fearful  of  religious 
and  political  radicalism,  and  were  even  yet  ready  to  restore  the  King 
if  he  would  agree  to  Presby  terianism  and  aid  them  to  suppress  the  sects. 
When,  with  this  end  in  view,  they  resumed  negotiations  with  him,  in 
September,  1648,  the  Army  proceeded  to  act  with  decision.  They 
issued  a  remonstrance,  drawn  up  by  Ireton,  declaring  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  devise  terms  that  would  bind  the  King,  and  that  it  was  just 
to  execute  him  as  a  traitor  for  his  attempts  to  turn  a  limited  into  an 
absolute  monarchy ;  i  December  they  removed  him  to  a  lonely  for- 
tress on  the  Hampshire  coast,  and  appealed  from  the  existing  Par- 
liament "  unto  the  extraordinary  judgement  of  God  and  his  people." 
The  House  of  Commons  continued  so  defiant  that,  6  December,  1648, 
Colonel  Pride  was  sent  with  a  force  of  soldiers  who,  when  the  Commons 
appeared  for  the  day's  session,  turned  back  those  known  to  oppose  the 
Army  and  arrested  those  who  resisted.  The  "  Rump  "  that  remained 
after  Pride's  Purge  was  in  no  sense  a  representative  body,  but  merely 
a  group  of  members  depending  for  their  places  on  the  support  of  the 
soldiers.  That  evening,  Cromwell  returned  from  the  north,  and,  from 
this  time  on,  he  took  the  lead. 

The  High  Court  of  Justice  and  the  Trial  of  the  King.  —  The  Rump 
soon  showed  its  temper  by  passing  a  resolution  that,  according  to  the 
fundamental  laws  of  the  Kingdom,  it  jvasjreason  jn_the,K_ing  toJgYy- 
war  .against  Parliament  and  the  Kingdom.     This  was  followed  by 
other  resolutions  to  the  effect  that  whatever  was  enacted  by  the  Com- 


342     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

mons  had  the  force  of  law,  even  without  the  assent  of  the  King  and 
the  House  of  Lords,  and,  6  January,  1649,  an  Act  was  passed  erecting 
a  High  Court  of  Justice  of  135  persons  to  try  the  King,  though  only 
68  appeared,  20  January,  the  day  the  trial  opened  at  Westminster  Hall. 
The  King,  who  had  in  the  meantime  been  brought  to  London,  was 
seated  in  a  crimson  chair  in  front  of  the  bar ;  he  refused  to  acknowledge 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  in  any  way.  The  charge  set  forth  that : 
"  Charles  Stuart,  being  admitted  King  of  England  with  a  limited  power, 
out  of  a  wicked  design  to  erect  an  unlimited  power,  had  traitorously 
levied  war  against  the  Parliament  and  people  of  England,  thereby 
causing  the  death  of  many  thousands,  and  had  repeated  and  persevered 
in  his  offense."  Accordingly,  he  was  impeached  as  a  "  tyrant,  traitor, 
murderer,  and  a  public  and  implacable  enemy  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  England."  The  sentence  was  finally  pronounced  on  the  27th,  and 
Charles,  amid  cries  of  "  Justice  ! "  and  "  Execution ! "  was  led  out  of 
the  court. 

The  Execution  of  the  King  (30  January,  1649).  —  Charles  was  de- 
capitated, 30  January,  1649, on  a  scaffold  in  front  of  Whitehall.  His 
quiet  dignity  and  courage  made  a  wonderful  impression  on  the  multi- 
tude. In  his  dying  speech,  he  disclaimed  all  guilt  for  the  Civil  War, 
declared  against  the  unlawfulness  of  his  sentence,  and  said:  "  For  the 
people  truly  I  desire  their  liberty  and  freedom  as  much  as  anybody 
whosoever;  but  I. must  tell  you  that  their  liberty  and  their  freedom 
consist  in  having  government,  those  laws  by  which  their  life  and  their 
goods  may  be  most  their  own.  It  is  not  for  having  a  share  in  the 
government,  sirs,  that  is  nothing  pertaining  to  them ;  a  subject  and 
a  sovereign  are  clean  different  things."  Sincere  in  his  religious  and 
political  convictions,  no  doubt,  he  failed  to  understand  his  people.  In 
his  eyes,  those  who  resisted  him  were  bad  subjects  and  bad  Christians, 
against  whom  deceit  and  force  were  legitimate  weapons.  The  execu- 
tion of  the  King  went  far  beyond  the  wishes  of  the  majority,  and  those 
who  brought  it  about  made  the  mistake  of  trying  to  cloak  their  action 
under  forms  of  law.  It  was  not  a  time  for  law  or  pity,  but  for  "  cruel 
necessity,"  since  there  was  no  hope  of  peace  until  Charles  Stuart  — 
the  incarnation  of  obstinacy  and  duplicity  —  was  dead.  Many 
troublous  years  were  to  follow,  and  Monarchy  and  the  Church  of 
England  were  to  be  restored,  but  owing  to  the  daring  act  of  those  grim 
men  of  1649,  it  was  not  the  same  despotic  Monarchy  or  the  same  all- 
powerful  Church. 


OUTBREAK  OF  CIVIL  WAR  TO  EXECUTION  OF  CHARLES  I     343 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Besides  the  general  and  special  works  cited  in  chs.  XXVII-XXIX, 
Gardiner,  History  of  the  Great  Civil  War  (4  vols.,  1893) ;  J.  L.  Sanford, 
Studies  and  Illustrations  of  the  Great  Rebellion  (1858) ;  C.  H.  Firth,  The 
House  of  Lords  during  the  Civil  War  (1910). 

Biography.  T.  Carlyle,  Cromwell's  Letters  and  Speeches  (best  ed.  S.  C. 
Lomas,  3  vols.,  1904),  an  effectual  vindication  of  Cromwell's  sincerity. 
The  best  modern  lives  of  Cromwell  are :  S.  R.  Gardiner  (1899) ;  C.  H. 
Firth  (1900) ;  and  J.  Morley  (1900).  W.  W.  Ireland,  Life  of  Sir  Henry 
Vane  the  Younger  (1905).  E.  C.  Wade,  John  Pym  (1912). 

Military  and  Naval.  C.  H.  Firth,  Cromwell's  Army  (1902)  the  authority 
on  the  subject.  T.  S.  Baldock,  Cromwell  as  a  Soldier  (1899).  C.  R.  Mark- 
ham,  Life  of  Lord  Fairfax  (1870),  anti-Cromwellian.  Fortescue,  British 
Army.  W.  L.  Clowes,  The  Royal  Navy;  Oppenheim,  The  Royal  Navy; 
Hanncy,  Royal  Navy;  and  Corbett,  England  in  the  Mediterranean. 

Church.  Wakeman;  Hutton;  Stoughton;  and  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  IV,  ch.  XII.  W.  A.  Shaw,  History  of  the  English  Church,  1640- 
1660  (2  vols.,  1900),  an  exhaustive  treatment.  G.  B.  Tatham,  The  Puritans 
in  Power,  a  Study  of  the  English  Church  from  1640  to  1660  (1913). 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  207-212. 
Gardiner,  Documents,  nos.  57-85. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

THE  KINGLESS  DECADE:    THE  COMMONWEALTH  AND  THE 
PROCTECTORATE    (1649-1660) 

The  Commonwealth :  the  First  National  Republic.  —  In  March, 
1649,  the  Rump  abolished  the  House  of  Lords  and  the  office  of  King 
as  unnecessary,  burdensome  and  dangerous,  later  in  the  same  month 
it  named  a  Council  of  State  to  carry  on  the  executive  work  of  the 
government,  and  19  May,  England  was  declared  to  be  a  Common- 
wealth. Thus  the  first  national  republic  in  the  world's  history  had 
come  into  being.  "  In  form  a  democracy,"  it  was  in  reality  "  an 
oligarchy,  half  religious,  half  military,"  the  creation  of  a  minority 
imposed  upon  a  majority  of  disaffected  subjects.  The  Anglicans, 
the  Presbyterians,  and  the  Roman  Catholics  wanted  a  Monarchy, 
with  the  sects  absolutely  excluded  from  power  and  toleration,  while 
the  bulk  of  the  people,  though  indifferent  in  political  and  ecclesi- 
astical questions,  were  hostile  to  military  domination,  heavy  taxa- 
tion, interruption  of  business  and  meddling  with  their  pastimes. 
Even  those  who  upheld  the  Commonwealth  were  divided  among  them- 
selves; they  included  religious  and  political  groups  of  various  com- 
plexions, each  of  whom  wanted  a  freer  system,  or  one  more  suited  to 
their  peculiar  ideas.  The  Army,  too,  whose  pay  was  still  in  arrears, 
were  insistent  that  Parliament  should  take  steps  either  to  limit  its 
own  power  or  fix  a  date  for  dissolution.  Parliament  disregarded  the 
demand,  and  unrepresentative  and  masterful  as  it  was,  there  is  much 
to  be  said  in  defense  of  its  attitude.  In  the  event  of  its  dissolution 
there  was  grave  peril  that  the  Royalists  might  raise  their  heads  or 
that  the  extremists  might  gain  the  upper  hand  ;  in  the  one  case,  another 
civil  war  was  inevitable,  in  the  other,  confusion  and  anarchy. 

The  Problems  of  the  New  Government.  —  John  Lilburne,  "  Free- 
born  John,"  was  the  chief  spokesman  of  the  political  Levelers  and 
of  many  other  discontented  ones  who  demanded  more  individual 
liberty  than  the  existing  government  allowed.  Twice  he  was  tried 
and  acquitted,  and  once,  in  the  interval,  was  exiled  by  a  special  Act 

344 


THE  KINGLESS  DECADE  345 

of  Parliament.  Cromwell  —  whom  Lilburne  had  once  heard  declare 
angrily  before  the  Council,  "  that  there  was  no  other  way  to  deal  with 
these  men  but  to  break  them  or  they  will  break  you  "  —  aroused 
his  bitterest  ire.  "  You  will  scarce  speak  to  Cromwell,"  he  cried, 
"  but  he  will  lay  his  hand  on  his  breast,  elevate  his  eyes  and  call 
God  to  record.  He  will  weep,  howl,  and  repent,  even  while  he  doth 
smite  you  under  the  fifth  rib."  While  Cromwell  had  no  sympathy 
with  unrestricted  Parliamentary  control,  he  was  determined  that 
order  should  be  preserved.  Thus,  when  an  effort  to  disband  several 
of  the  regiments  led  to  a  series  of  mutinies,  he  combined  promptly 
with  Fairfax  in  putting  them  down.  Anarchy  in  England  was  only 
one  of  the  many  problems  to  be  faced.  Scotland,  Ireland,  and  more 
than  one  of  the  American  colonies  had  declared  for  Charles  II.  A 
portion  of  the  fleet  was  Royalist,  and  since  the  attitude  of  foreign 
powers  was  also  menacing,  English  ships  at  sea,  English  merchants, 
and  English  ambassadors  were  in  serious  peril.  Altogether,  the  new 
Government  had  undertaken  a  tremendous  and  complicated  task: 
to  set  up  an  adequate  central  authority  in  place  of  Monarchy;  to 
prevent  the  restoration  of  the  Stuarts;  to  settle  the  religious  ques- 
tion; to  unify  three  kingdoms;  to  maintain  the  sea  power;  to 
secure  and  extend  the  colonial  possessions,  and  to  safeguard  and 
extend  the  national  commerce.  Cromwell  ere  long  assumed  the 
\4eadership  in  all  this  work  and  maintained  it  while  he  lived. 

The  Conquest  of  Ireland  (1649). — The  most  pressing  danger  was 
from  Ireland,  whither  Ormonde  had  returned  in  1648,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  uniting  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  Royalists.  After  the 
execution  of  Charles,  they  proclaimed  his  son  Charles  II  and  secured 
practically  all  Ireland,  except  Dublin.  In  order  to  meet  this  crisis, 
Cromwell  was  sent  over  as  Commander-in-Chief,  and  in  September, 
1649,  ne  appeared  before  Drogheda,  where  the  enemy  were  strongly 
fortified.  Setting  up  his  siege  guns,  he  battered  down  the  walls, 
took  the  city  by  storm,  and  ordered  the  garrison  put  to  the  sword. 
He  has  been  bitterly  condemned  for  this  ruthless  bloodshed,  though 
in  the  Irish  war  no  quarter  had  been  given  on  either  side ;  moreover, 
eminent  generals  have  justified  such*single  acts  of  slaughter  as  a  means 
of  preventing  a  protracted  war.  Cromwell  himself  deplored  the  act 
as  a  melancholy  necessity,  regarding  himself,  at  the  same  time,  as  a 
chosen  agent  to  visit  the  righteous  judgment  of  God  upon  the  authors 
of  the  massacre  of  1641.  Yet,  after  all  has  been  said,  the  proceeding 
remains  the  darkest  blot  in  his  career.  Within  ten  months  he  had 
conquered  eastern  Ireland,  Ormonde's  unstable  alliance  fell  to  pieces, 
and  the  backbone  of  the  war  was  broken.  In  August,  1650,  Crom- 


346     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

well,  leaving  his  generals  to  conquer  the  natives  in  the  west,  hurried 
home,  for  the  situation  in  Scotland  demanded  attention. 

The  "  Cromwellian  Settlement  "  (1652).  —  Two  years  were  required 
to  complete  the  subjugation  of  Ireland,  at  a  cost,  from  fighting,  famine, 
and  pestilence,  of  the  lives  of  a  third  of  the  inhabitants.  The  scheme, 
formulated  in  1652  by  the  Rump,  for  dealing  with  the  conquered  is 
known  as  the  "  Cromwellian  Settlement."  Although  the  details 
were  not  devised  by  him,  it  was  made  possible  by  his  victories,  it 
met  with  his  approval  and  was  carried  out  under  his  supervision. 
The  Catholic  religion  was  suppressed,  and  the  Celtic  owners  were  dis- 
possessed of  their  remaining  lands  in  Leinster,  Munster  and  Ulster, 
receiving  nominal  compensation  in  the  wild,  remote  and  unfruitful 
Connaught,  while  their  holdings  were  given  to  those  who  had  fur- 
nished money  for  the  Irish  wars  and  to  the  generals  and  soldiers. 

The  Situation  in  Scotland.  —  After  the  crushing  defeat  of  the  Scot- 
ish  Royalists  in  1648,  the  extreme  Covenanters  under  Argyle  became 
dominant.  Bitterly  opposed  to  the  English  Independents  and  the 
policy  of  toleration  espoused  by  the  victorious  army,  they  offered  to 
support  Charles  II,  on  condition  that  he  take  the  Covenant.  Al- 
though inclined  to  Roman  Catholicism,  the  Prince  was  as  indifferent 
to  religious  as  he  was  to  moral  principles,  so,  in  his  extreme  necessity, 
he  followed  the  suggestion  of  some  of  his  advisers  "  to  promise  any- 
thing and  break  the  promise  when  you  can."  He  had  to  pay  a  heavy 
price  for  his  apostasy.  He  was  not  allowed  to  speak  in  council,  he 
had  to  listen  to  long  sermons,  he  was  prohibited  from  dancing,  card 
playing,  and  even  from  walking  on  Sunday  afternoons ;  moreover  he 
was  obliged  to  bewail  his  own  sins  and  those  of  his  house,  his  father's 
hearkening  to  evil  counsel  and  his  mother's  idolatry.  No  wonder  he 
declared  that  he  would  rather  be  hanged  than  ever  set  foot  again  in 
that  hated  land. 

The  Invasion  of  Scotland  and  the  Battle  of  Dunbar  (1650).  —  Fair- 
fax, who  had  no  sympathy  with  the  policy  of  the  Commonwealth, 
resigned  his  command  in  June,  1650.  Cromwell,  appointed  to  suc- 
ceed him,  was  commissioned  to  invade  Scotland,  and  crossed  the 
border  22  July.  When  the  Scots  rejected  his  advances,  he  was  forced, 
much  against  his  will,  to  resort  to  arms.  Frustrated  in  an  attempt 
to  take  Edinburgh,  he  was  obliged,  by  sickness  among  his  troops  and 
lack  of  supplies,  to  retreat  to  the  coast,  where,  at  Dunbar,  the  Scots 
succeeded  in  hemming  him  in  between  the  mountains  and  the  sea. 
Very  unwisely  they  came,  down  from  their  commanding  position,  3 
September,  1650,  and  offered  battle,  and  were  scattered  by  one  of 
Cromwell's  irresistible  cavalry  charges  just  as  the  morning  sun  rose. 


THE  KINGLESS  DECADE  347 

The  Scots  Invade  England.  The  Battle  of  Worcester  (1651).  — 
Cromwell  now  advanced  and  took  Edinburgh.  When  the  defiant 
Scots  proceeded  to  crown  Charles  at  Scone,  Cromwell,  with  daring 
strategy,  crossed  the  Firth  of  Forth,  thus  cutting  his  enemies  off 
from  the  Highlands  upon  which  they  depended  for  recruits  and  sup- 
plies. Since  he  left  the  road  to  England  open,  the  Scots  had  no  choice 
but  to  march  south  across  the  Border,  though  the  invasion  would  in- 
evitably arouse  the  national  sentiment  of  the  bulk  of  the  English. 
Cromwell  hastened  after  them,  and  Charles's  army,  much  worn  down 
by  English  forces  which  had  been  harassing  his  flanks  and  rear,  was 
overtaken  at  Worcester.  There,  3  September,  1651,  a  fierce  battle  was 
fought.  Charles,  who  manfully  plunged  into  the  fray,  after  he  had 
for  some  time  breathlessly  followed  events  from  the  cathedral  tower, 
only  fled  when  the  last  hope  was  gone.  After  six  weeks  of  thrilling 
adventures,  he  made  his  way  to  France  to  wait  for  better  times. 
Worcester  fight  was  Cromwell's  "  crowning  mercy."  Scotland  soon 
yielded,  and  it  now  remained  to  establish  the  Commonwealth 
securely  in  England  and  to  assert  its  power  in  the  colonies,  on  the 
seas  and  abroad. 

The  Sea  Power  of  the  Commonwealth.  —  Before  the  close  of  1651 
the  fleet  of  the  Commonwealth,  chiefly  through  the  abilities  of  Blake, 
who  had  won  his  spurs  as  a  land  commander  during  the  Civil  Wars, 
had  successfully  asserted  its  dominion  of  the  seas.  Prince  Rupert, 
who  had  taken  over  the  command  of  the  royal  navy,  was  able  to  ac- 
complish little.  The  island  possessions  of  the  Royalists  in  the  Channel 
were  forced  to  yield,  and  after  the  news  of  Worcester,  Virginia,  the 
Bermudas  and  Barbados,  which  had  declared  for  the  King  and  where 
many  Royalist  exiles  had  taken  refuge,  acknowledged  the  authority  of 
Parliament.  In  the  two  years  from  1649  to  1651  the  navy  was  more 
than  doubled ;  and  the  weapon  thus  forged  was  soon  to  be  used,  first 
against  the  Dutch  and  subsequently  against  Spain. 

The  Fkst  Dutch  War  (1652-1654).  —  The  first  Dutch  war,  result- 
ing from  troubles  which  had  been  long  brewing,  broke  out  in  July, 
1652.  The  causes  of  friction  were  commercial  and  political.  In  the 
East  Indies  there  was  long-standing  rivalry  which  had  led  to  bloody 
encounters ;  for  instance,  in  1623,  the  Dutch  had  massacred  a  body  of 
English  traders,  a  deed  for  which  they  steadily  refused  to  make  com- 
pensation. The  English,  oh  their  part,  refused  to  recognize  the  right 
of  the  Dutch  to  fish  for  herring  in  the  North  Sea ;  against  the  latter's 
claim  that  free  ships  made  free  goods  they  insisted  on  searching  their 
ships  for  Royalist  arms ;  and  they  demanded  that  the  Dutch  recognize 
the  English  supremacy  in  the  narrow  seas  by  lowering  their  colors 


348     SHORTER  ^HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

when  ships  of  the  two  countries  met.  The  Estates  General  not 
only  rejected  an  alliance  with  the  Commonwealth,  but  refused 
its  demands  to  expel  the  Royalist  exiles,  although  a  body  of  these 
exiles  had,  in  1649,  murdered  the  English  diplomatic  representa- 
tive at  the  Hague ;  nor  would  the  Estates  proscribe  the  House  of 
Orange,  allied  by  marriage  to  the  Stuarts  and  openly  hostile  to  the 
new  English  regime.  Finally  in  October,  1651,  the  English  aimed  a 
blow  at  the  Dutch  carrying  trade  by  a  Navigation  Act  providing  that 
no  goods  should  be  imported  from  Asia,  Africa,  or  America  save  in 
English  or  Colonial  ships,  or  from  any  European  country  except  in 
English  ships  or  those  of  the  country  that  produced  the  goods.1  In 
the  conflict  which  followed,  though  the  honors  were  about  even  in 
actual  engagements,  the  English,  on  the  whole,  had  the  advantage. 

The  Growing  Opposition  to  the  Commonwealth.  —  While  the 
Commonwealth  had  asserted  its  power  by  force  of  arms  in  all  direc- 
tions, the  existing  arrangement  failed  to  win  the  approval  of  the  bulk 
of  the  nation.  The  Council  of  State  was  efficient  and  honest;  but 
the  Rump  Parliament  contained  many  members  who  were  charged 
with  self-seeking  and  corruption.  Then,  in  order  to  deal  with  the 
recent  crises,  Parliament  had  not  only  been  obliged  to  impose  heavy 
taxes,  but  to  muzzle  the  writings  of  those  who  opposed  their  policy, 
and,  in  general,  to  resort  to  very  arbitrary  measures.  Their  aus- 
terity added  to  their  general  unpopularity :  they  put  a  stop  to  church 
festivals;  they  closed  the  theaters;  they  tried  to  enforce  morality 
by  law,  and  to  stifle  innocent  merriment  in  a  regime  of  gloom. 

.Cromwell  Dissolves  the  Rump  (20  April,  1653). — Finally,  2  August, 
1652,  the  officers  of  the  Army  formulated  a  petition,  embodying  the 
demands  of  the  more  progressive  sort  and  again  insisting  on  arrears 
of  pay.  When  nothing  came  of  it,  Cromwell  began  reluctantly  to 
realize  that  Parliament  was  as  serious  an  obstruction  to  the  cause 
which  he  had  at  heart  as  Charles  had  been.  Gradually  he  became 
convinced  that  the  only  hope  lay  in  his  assuming  the  executive ; 
but,  as  usual,  he  proceeded  cautiously,  until  the  Rump  planned  a  step 
which  helped  him  to  action.  The  members,  instead  of  providing 
for  a  general  election,  framed  a  bill  to  prolong  their  own  powers  by 
filling  the  vacant  seats  in  their  body  with  men  of  whose  qualifications 
they  should  themselves  be  the  judge.  Directly  he  heard  the  news, 
Cromwell  hurried  to  the  House,  followed  by  a  guard  of  soldiers. 
With  his  hat  on  his  head  he  strode  up  and  down  the  floor,  and  after  an 
angry  speech  in  which  he  overwhelmed  them  with  grave  charges,  he 

1  This  Act,  however,  which  was  apparently  not  very  rigidly  enforced,  was  not 
made  a  pretext  for  war. 


THE  KINGLESS  DECADE  349 

snatched  up  the  offending  bill  and,  putting  it  under  his  cloak,  he  com- 
manded the  doors  to  be  locked,  and  hurried  away. 

The  Nominated  Parliament  (July-December,  1653).  —  Immedi- 
ately after  the  dissolution  of  the  Rump,  the  Army  superseded  the 
Council  of  State  by  a  provisional  council  with  Cromwell  at  the  head. 
Fearing  to  appeal  to  the  country  at  large,  the  new  executive  deter- 
mined to  secure  an  assembly  of  godly  men  of  their  own  way  of  think- 
ing, and,  to  that  end,  they  wrote  to  the  Congregational  ministers  of 
each  county  asking  them  to  name  suitable  persons,  from  which  lists 
they  made  their  selections,  adding  names  of  their  own.  Thus,  they 
assembled  a  body  to  which  they  handed  over  the  powers  of  the  State 
on  condition  that,  after  devising  a  new  scheme  of  representation,  it 
should  bring  its  own  sessions  to  a  close  within  fifteen  months.  The 
Nominated,  Little,  or  Barebones  Parliament,1  as  it  has  been  variously 
called,  was  intended  to  be  a  constituent  assembly  only;  but,  com- 
posed of  zealous  reformers,  it  chose  a  Council  of  State,  appointed 
committees  to  consider  the  needs  of  the  Church  and  the  nation ; 
and  proceeded  with  the  work  properly  belonging  to  the  body  it  was 
supposed  to  constitute.  Most  of  its  proposed  reforms  were  good 
in  themselves,  indeed,  many  of  them  have  since  been  adopted, 
but  they  were  in  advance  of  the  time.  So,  12  December,  1653,  the 
more  moderate  members  held  an  early  sitting  and  resigned  their 
powers  into  the  hands  of  Cromwell,  while  those  who  resisted  were 
expelled  by  the  troops.  If  the  Rump  had  not  been  ready  to  go  far 
enough,  its  successor  had  gone  too  far,  and  aroused  the  fear  that  it 
was  going  to  introduce  the  domination  of  the  sects  and  radicalism. 

The  Instrument  of  Government.  Cromwell  made  Lord  Pro- 
tector (December,  1653). — Upon  the  overthrow  of  the  Nominated 
Parliament,  the  Army  officers  presented  a  scheme  known  as  the  In- 
strument of  Government,  vesting  the  supreme  power  in  a  single  per- 
son,  assisted,  and  to  some  extent  controlled,  by  a  Council  and  a  Parlia- 
ment. The  Instrument  is  notable  as  the  first  written  constitution 
for  governing  a  nation  in  modern  times  and  the  only  one  which  Eng- 
.land  has  ever  had  in  actual  operation.  On  16  December,  Cromwell 
accepted  office  as  Lord  Protector  for  life.  Powers  of  legislation  and 
extraordinary  taxation  2  were  vested  in  Parliament,  though  between 
sessions  the  Protector  and  Council  could  issue  ordinances  which  might 
be  afterwards  confirmed  or  disallowed  by  Parliament.  The  Protector 
had  na. power  of  veto,  though  he  could  withhold  his  assent  to  a  bill 

1  It  got  its  name  from  Praise-God-Barebone,  a  leather  merchant  of  London. 

2  A  fixed  revenue  was  provided  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  army  and  navy 
and  the  civil  administration. 


350     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

for  twenty  days.  It  was  provided  that  Parliament  should  meet  at 
least  once  in  three  years  and  that  each  session  should  last  at  least 
five  months.  The  Christian  religion  as  contained  in  the  Scriptures  l 
was  to  be  professed  by  the  nation ;  there  was  to  be  an  established 
Church,  but  a  provision  less  objectionable  than  tithes  was  to  be 
made  for  its  support.  Full  liberty  was  allowed  to  believers  in  Jesus 
Christ,  though  this  was  not  to  extend  to  "  popery  or  prelary  "  or  to 
those  who  disturbed  the  peace  or  practiced  licentiousness.  While, 
on  the  whole,  the  Instrument  was  "  a  good  attempt  to  steer  between 
the  despotism  of  a  single  person  and  a  single  House,"  various  criti- 
cisms might  be  urged  against  it.  It  was  not  through  any  faults  in 
its  plan,  however,  that  the  Instrument  failed,  but  because  Parliament 
refused  to  accept  it,  insisting,  when  they  came  together,  that  it  was 
their  function  and  not  that  of  Cromwell  or  the  Army  to  construct 
the  constitution. 

Cromwell's  Aims  as  Protector.  —  From  16  December,  1653,  to  3 
September,  1654,  when  Parliament  met,  Cromwell  was  in  fact  if  not 
in  name  Sovereign.  Having  overcome  all  who  withstood  the  cause 
of  which  he  had  made  himself  the  champion,  and  standing  triumphant 
over  his  vanquished  opponents  —  the  King,  the  Irish,  the  Scots,  and 
Parliament — he  had  before  him  the  one  supreme  task — "of  healing 
the  rancor  engendered  by  so  many  years  of  strife ;  of  settling  a  new 
order,  political  and  ecclesiastical,  which  should  rest,  not  upon  mili- 
tary force  but  upon  the  willing  acceptance  of  all  good  citizens." 

The  Protector's  Religious  Policy.  —  The  religious  policy  which  he 
sought  to  enforce  was  one  which  he  adopted  but  did  not  originate. 
It  contemplated  an  established,  non-Episcopal  Church,  endowed  and 
supported  by  the  State,  and  comprehending  all  Protestant  sects  who 
believed  in  Christ,  save  those  who  accepted  Bishops  and  the  Prayer 
Book.  For  those  who  opposed  any  establishment  the  greatest  pos- 
sible toleration  was  to  be  allowed.  Each  congregation  was  to  own  its 
church  buildings  and  to  regulate  its  own  form  of  worship,  and  no 
provision  was  made  for  church  courts  or  ecclesiastical  assemblies. 
Anglicans  were  forbidden  openly  to  use  the  Prayer  Book,  but  their 
private  worship  was  winked  at  except  during  moments  when  the ' 
Government  felt  itself  in  danger.  Catholics,  though  still  subject 
to  the  old  penalties  for  saying  and  hearing  mass,  were  no  longer  forced 
to  attend  the  parish  church,  and  the  penal  laws  were  not  rigidly 
enforced.  The  Jews  began  to  reappear,  and,  though  the  feeling, 
economic  and  religious,  was  too  strong  for  Cromwell  to  follow  his  in- 
clination and  grant  their  petition  for  a  free  exercise  of  their  religion, 
1  This  meant  Puritanism. 


THE   KINGLESS   DECADE  351 

he  was  able  to  protect  them  from  disturbance ;  so  that  the  period  of 
his  rule  is  said  to  mark  their  return  to  England.  In  spite,  however, 
of  its  generally  tolerant  attitude,  Cromwell's  was  a  Puritan  regime. 
Its  austerity,  its  exclusion  of  the  Cavaliers  from  political  activity 
and  the  unfair  discrimination  in  financial  burdens  kept  alive  a  dis- 
content that  was  soon  to  assert  itself. 

Cromwell's  Foreign  Policy.  —  Cromwell's  foreign  policy,  which  now 
began  to  shape  itself,  had  three  main  objects :  the  weakening  of  the 
Stuart  cause  on  the  Continent,  the  development  of  England's  colonial 
and  commercial  power,  and  the  formation  of  a  great  alliance  of  the 
Protestant  countries  of  Europe  under  the  leadership  of  England. 
He  succeeded,  so  long  as  he  lived,  in  staving  off  a  Stuart  restoration, 
also  he  did  much  to  carry  on  the  old  Elizabethan  tradition  of  English 
maritime  supremacy  which  had  been  so  effectively  revived  under  the 
Commonwealth,  but,  in  his  third,  and  what  he  liked  to  believe  was  his 
paramount  aim,  he  was  not  so  fortunate.  After  the  Peace  of  West- 
phalia, which  concluded  the  Thirty  Years'  War  in  1648,  religious 
interests  in  Europe  gave  way  more  and  more  to  those  of  political 
arid  commercial  aggrandizement.  The  northern  Protestant  states, 
which  Cromwell  aimed  to  unite,  feh1  to  quarreling  among  themselves, 
and  the  two  great  Catholic  powers,  France  and  Spain,  whom  he  strove 
to  keep  apart,  made  peace  in  little  more  than  a  year  after  his  death. 
Moreover,  the  Protector  himself,  in  spite  of  his  Protestant  zeal, 
mingled  with  it  a  worthy  but  conflicting  ambition  to  enhance  Eng- 
land's material  advantages. 

Peace  with  the  Dutch  (April,  1654).  —  Deploring  the  continuance 
of  the  war  with  the  Dutch,  he  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace  in  April, 
1654,  but  his  terms  were  hard  and  distinctly  to  England's  commer- 
cial and  political  advantage.  The  Dutch  agreed  to  strike  their  flags 
to  English  ships  in  the  narrow  seas,  and  to  accept  the  Navigation  Act ; 
on  the  other  hand,  they  were  to  continue  to  fish  for  herring  in  the 
North  Sea  without  payment  of  rent,  and  they  maintained  their  own 
views  on  the  right  of  search.  Each  country  agreed  to  make  com- 
pensation for  damages  done  to  the  other  in  the  East  Indies;  con- 
cluded a  defensive  alliance ;  and  agreed  not  to  harbor  each  other's 
rebels,  which  involved  the  exclusion  of  the  Stuart  exiles  from  the 
United  Provinces.  Altogether,  the  war  was  a  heavy  blow  at  Eng- 
land's greatest  trade  rival  and  marked  the  beginning  of  the  end  of 
the  Dutch  supremacy  at  sea. 

The  Capture  of  Jamaica  (May,  1655).  The  War  with  Spain.  — 
France  and  Spain  contended  with  one  another  for  an  alliance  with  the 
Protector.  France,  to  be  sure,  was  the  hereditary  enemy  of  England, 


352     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

while  her  King  was  a  nephew  of  Henrietta  Maria.  On  the  other  hand, 
Spain  had  been  the  foe  who  inspired  the  glorious  achievements  of  the 
Elizabethan  seamen,  and  the  Spanish  religious  and  commercial  policy 
was  still  unbearably  exclusive.  When  England  asked  for  freedom  of 
religion  and  trade  for  her  merchants,  the  Spanish  ambassador  declared 
that  it  was  like  asking  for  his  master's  two  eyes ;  far  from  making  any 
concessions,  the  Inquisition  was  rigorously  enforced  against  English- 
men in  the  Spanish  dominions,  English  settlements  in  the  West  Indies 
were  persistently  harassed,  and  English  ships  were  intercepted  in  the 
surrounding  waters.  Cromwell's  reply  was  to  send,  in  December, 
1654,  a  fleet  and  an  army  bearing  orders  to  strike  at  the  Spanish  do- 
minions in  the  New  World  and  to  seize  her  treasure  ships,  with  the 
twofold  object  of  breaking  her  colonial  monopoly  and  striking  a  blow 
at  "  anti-Christ."  Jamaica,  practically  defenseless,  was  captured  by 
this  expedition  in  May,  1655.  In  June,  Blake,  who  was  protecting 
English  trade  and  pursuing  pirates  in  the  Mediterranean,  received 
orders  to  intercept  treasure  ships  on  their  way  to  Spain,  and  vessels 
containing  troops  and  supplies  for  the  West  Indies.  Not  till  months 
afterwards,  26  October,  1655,  did  Oliver  declare  war. 

The  Alliance  with  France  (1655  and  1657).  —  Two  days  before  the 
declaration  of  war  with  Spain,  he  concluded  a  treaty  with  France  pro- 
viding for  the  promotion  of  commerce,  and  the  exclusion,  from  each 
country,  of  the  rebels  of  the  other.  The  treaty  between  France  and 
England  was  followed  by  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  23  March, 
1657.  In  June  of  the  next  year,  the  French  General  Turenne,  assisted 
by  English  troops  who  fought  with  rare  bravery,  captured  Dunkirk, 
the  best  port  in  Flanders.  It  was  handed  over  to  the  Protector,  who 
had  stipulated  for  this  cession,  partly  because  Dunkirk  was  one  of 
the  keys  of  the  Channel,  and  partly  because  it  was  a  lair  for  pirates 
who  preyed  upon  English  commerce. 

Results  of  the  Protector's  Foreign  Policy.  —  In  foreign  policy  Oliver 
achieved  much.  He  gained  for  England  a  high  place  among  European 
Powers,  he  advanced  English  commercial  and  colonial  interests  by 
striking  hard  at  the  monopoly  of  Spain,  and  he  took  his  country  an- 
other long  step  toward  that  naval  supremacy  which  she  had  enjoyed 
for  the  last  two  centuries.  His  cherished  scheme,  however,  for  a  great 
Protestant  alliance  failed.  He  has  been  charged,  too,  with  short- 
sightedness in  furthering  the  greatness  of  France,  a  growing  Power, 
as  against  Spain  which  was  on  the  decline ;  yet  it  must  be  said  that 
the  decay  of  Spain  was  not  then  fully  apparent,  while  it  was  the  slavish 
policy  of  Charles  II,  far  more  than  Oliver's  alliance,  which  contributed 
to  the  subsequent  ascendancy  of  Louis  XIV.  A  more  serious  indict- 


THE  KINGLESS   DECADE  353 

ment  of  Oliver's  policy  is  that  it  took  money  which  the  country  could 
ill  spare ;  it  diverted  the  Protector's  attention  from  pressing  domestic 
problems,  and,  by  mingling  material  motives  with  religious  professions, 
he  lowered  his  ideals  and  stained  his  prestige  as  a  godly  ruler  of  the 
elect. 

The  First  Parliament  of  the  Protectorate.  —  Meantime,  the  first 
Parliament  of  the  Protectorate  had  met,  3  September,  1654.  Beside 
a  small  body  of  Republicans  opposed  to  a  strong  executive,  a  stout 
contingent  of  conservatives  had  been  elected  who  were  set  against 
war.  While  they  desired  a  settled  government,  they  were  bent  on  hav- 
ing one  settled  by  themselves.  Cromwell  was  willing  that  they  should 
alter  "  circumstantials  "  in  the  Instrument,  but  he  insisted  that  they 
should  not  meddle  with  "  fundamentals"  ;  nevertheless,  they  set  about 
to  revise  the  Instrument  in  such  a  manner  as  to  obtain  Parliamentary 
sovereignty,  control  over  the  militia,  and  religious  uniformity  rigidly 
restricting  freedom  of  conscience.  Consequently,  22  January,  1655, 
at  the  end  of  five  lunar  months,  Oliver  appeared  before  them,  and  after 
a  scathing  speech  proceeded  to  dissolve  the  House.  It  was  one  of 
the  ironies  of  fate  that  he  who  desired  above  all  things  peace  and  heal- 
ing and  who  had  contended  against  despotism  both  in  King  and  in 
Parliament,  could  only  preserve  at  the  point  of  the  sword  what  he 
had  struggled  to  gain  for  the  nation. 

The  Rule  of  the  Major-Generals  (1655).  — The  dissension  between 
the  Protector  and  Parliament,  and  evidences  of  discontent  outside, 
encouraged  the  Royalists  to  plan  a  general  revolt  in  March,  1655.  A 
single  armed  rising  occurred  which  was  easily  suppressed ;  nevertheless, 
the  unrest  continued  to  be  so  great  that  in  August  the  Protector  divided 
the  country  into  ten  military  districts,  setting  a  Major-General  over 
each.  In  addition  to  keeping  order,  they  were  commissioned  to  en- 
force the  Puritan  moral  code  and  were  most  effective  in  both  capacities. 
This  increased  rigor  served  only  to  alienate  further  the  mass  of  the 
people,  in  whom  the  love  of  amusement  was  strong.  Moreover,  the 
Cavaliers  were  oppressed  with  singular  and  special  burdens.  In  addi- 
tion to  those  who  were  punished  for  participation  in  the  recent  rising, 
an  income  tax  of  ten  per  cent  was  imposed  on  all  who  were  known  to 
have  taken  part  against  Parliament  in  the  Civil  War.  When,  owing 
to  the  need  for  money  for  carrying  on  the  Spanish  war,  a  new  Parlia- 
ment met,  17  September,  1656,  the  whole  country  was  seething  with 
discontent. 

Cromwell  made  Hereditary  Protector  (June,  1657).  — Very  wisely 
the  rule  of  the  Major-Generals  and  the  fining  of  the  Cavaliers  were 
discontinued.  While,  as  in  the  previous  Parliament,  various  professed 

2A 


354     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

opponents  of  the  Protector  were  excluded,  there  were  two  leading 
parties,  one  desiring  to  make  Cromwell  hereditary  Protector,  the  other 
to  make  him  King.  Cromwell  professed  to  regard  the  kingly  title 
"  as  a  mere  feather  in  the  hat  " ;  but  when  it  was  offered  him  in  a 
revised  form  of  the  Instrument,  known  as  the  Humble  Petition  and 
Advice,  he  hesitated ;  when  he  refused,  early  in  May,  1657,  it  was  ap- 
parently only  because  of  the  strenuous  opposition  of  the  Army.  In- 
stead, he  accepted  the  hereditary  office  of  Lord  Protector,  and,  26  June, 
was  inaugurated  with  regal  pomp  and  ceremony.  Most  of  the  other 
recommendations  of  the  Humble  Petition  were  adopted  as  well,  chief 
among  them  a  provision  for  a  second  or  "  other  House,"  whose  mem- 
bers should,  in  the  first  instance,  be  nominated  by  Cromwell.  When 
Parliament  met  again  in  January,  1658,  the  power  of  the  Protector  was 
found  to  have  been  greatly  weakened,  by  the  admission  of  the  members 
excluded  in  the  autumn  of  1656,  and  by  the  promotion  of  his  stanchest 
supporters  to  the  "  other  House."  In  the  face  of  intrigues  against 
his  authority  and  disputes  over  the  relations  between  the  two  Houses, 
he  ordered  their  dissolution,  4  February,  1658.  "  I  think  it  high  time 
to  put  an  end  to  your  sitting,"  he  declared,  "  and  let  God  be  judge  be- 
tween you  and  me."  It  was  destined  to  be  his  last  Parliament. 

Cromwell's  Death,  3  September,  1658.  —  The  last  few  months  of  his 
life  were  marked  by  growing  unpopularity  and  disappointment.  The 
strain  of  keeping  up  a  large  army  and  a  large  navy  at  the  same  time 
was  too  much  for  the  nation  to  bear,  while  the  need  for  money  grew 
more  pressing  every  day.  Only  Oliver's  strong  hand  could  hold  in 
check  the  steadily  mounting  discontent.  His  naturally  robust  consti- 
tution, undermined  by  fifteen  years  of  titanic  labors,  broke  under  the 
burden,  and  when,  in  August,  he  was  attacked  by  an  ague  and  inter- 
mittent fever  he  realized  that  his  days  were  numbered :  "  I  would  be 
willing,"  he  said,  "  to  live  to  be  further  serviceable  to  God  and  His 
people ;  but  my  work  is  done."  He  died  3  September,  1658. 

Cromwell's  Work.  —  Cromwell's  enemies  have  judged  him  harshly, 
and  long  after  his  death,  the  view  prevailed  that,  starting  as  a  sincere 
zealot,  the  taste  for  power  gradually  transformed  him  into  ahypocritical 
fanatic.  Such  a  distorted  view  has  not  been  able  to  survive  the  test 
of  fact,  and  now  it  is  possible  to  picture  him  more  nearly  as  he  really 
was  in  the  light  of  the  problems  he  had  to  face.  It  was  his  unswerving 
trust  in  God  and  his  absolute  acceptance  of  every  victory  which  he 
gained  in  war  and  in  politics,  at  home  and  abroad,  as  a  manifestation 
of  Divine  Providence,  that  lent  color  to  the  hostile  view  that  so  long 
prevailed.  In  spite  of  seeming  contradictions,  he  pursued  consistent 
aims  —  to  strike  at  despotism  under  whatever  form  it  was  cloaked, 


THE  KINGLESS  DECADE  355 

royal  or  parliamentary ;  to  stem  the  inrush  of  anarchy ;  and  to  pre- 
serve the  heritage  for  which  he  fought.     When  Parliament  proceeded 
to  contest  the  basis  of  his  power,  he  found  himself  forced  to  adopt 
methods  more  arbitrary  than  those  of  the  King  whom  he  had  over- 
thrown.   While  more  effective  as  a  destroyer  than  as  a  builder,  he 
achieved  many  things.     He  struck  a  blow  at  tyranny,  royal  and  eccle- 
siastical, from  which  it  never  recovered ;  he  gave  the  country  an  actual 
experience  in  religious  toleration  that  helped  prepare  the  way  for 
the  spiritual  freedom  which  it  was  left  to  later  hands  enduringly  to 
establish ;  he  made  the  name  of  England  respected  abroad,  and  adopt- 
ing the  maritime  and  colonial  policy  of  his  great  predecessor  Elizabeth, 
he  carried  it  a  stage  further  along  toward  the  goal  which  Great  Britain 
has  now  reached.     Under  his  government,  particularly  during  the 
regime  of  the  Major-Generals,  there  was  rigid  repression  and  minute 
interference  with  private  affairs,  and  some  innocent  recreation  was 
blighted  by  the  enforced  observance  of  the  gloomy  Puritan  Sabbath. 
While  certain  of  these  measures  were  due  to  stern  political  necessity, 
others  were  in  the  interests  of  a  high  if  somewhat  dreary  morality, 
and  the  policy,  mistaken  as  it  was  in  many  respects,  introduced  serious 
and  sober  ideals  which  have  done  much  to  uplift  the  national  character. 
Cromwell,  the  Man.  —  Cromwell  the  man,  so  simple  and  human  in 
his  bearing,  was  a  complex  character  embodying  the  most  diverse 
traits  —  at  once  daring  and  cautious,  hesitant  in  council  and  decisive 
in  action.    Although  a  religious  enthusiast,  he  was  at  the  same  time 
intensely  practical  in  his  military  and  state  policy.     In  his  habits  of 
life  he  was  the  opposite  of  a  "  morose  and  gloomy  "  ascetic ;  he  hunted, 
hawked,  and  was  a  lover  of  horses ;  he  loved  his  jest  and  was  enthusi- 
astic for  games,  playing  bowls  even  after  he  became  Lord  Protector ; 
he  had  an  ear  for  music,  and  scandalized  the  stricter  sort  by  allowing 
"  mixed  dancing  "  at  the  wedding  of  a  daughter  in  1657.     But  this 
lighter  side  only  appeared  at  moments  in  his  absorbed  and  purposeful 
life.    In  his  last  prayer  he  gave  thanks  that  he  had  been  "  a  mean 
instrument  to  do  God's  people  some  good  and  God  some  service."     If 
as  a  ruler  he  came  more  and  more  to  subordinate  "  the  civil  liberty 
and  interest  of  the  nation  ...  to  the  more  peculiar  interest  of  God,"- 
if  to  that  end  he  was  often  abrupt  and  arbitrary,  his  aims  were  lofty 
and  disinterested.     "  A  larger  soul,  I  think,  hath  seldom  dwelt  in  a 
house  of  clay,"  was  the  tribute  of  one  who  knew  him  best. 

Richard  Cromwell  Lord  Protector.  —  Richard  Cromwell,  whom  his 
father  had  named  successor,  was  a  worthy  man,  of  pure  life,  personally 
popular,  but  without  force  and  without  training  or  ability  in  affairs  of 
State ;  moreover,  he  had  no  hold  on  the  Army,  whose  chiefs  desired 


356     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

more  control  over  military  affairs  than  the  Government  would  accord. 
After  some  wrangling,  the  old  Rump  was  recalled  7  May,  1659.  Though 
originally  there  had  been  no  intention  of  overthrowing  the  Protec- 
torate but  merely  to  "  piece  and  mend  up  that  cracked  government," 
the  Rump  proceeded  to  pass  a  resolution  for  maintaining  a  Common- 
wealth "  without  a  single  person  "  at  the  head,  whereupon  Richard, 
after  a  few  days  of  hesitation,  resigned. 

The  End  of  the  Long  Parliament  (26  March,  1660).  — The  Rump 
was  as  unwilling  as  Richard's  government  had  been  to  allow  the  Army 
to  control  military  affairs,  hence  its  dissolution,  13  October,  1659. 
While  the  generals  were  trying  to  devise  some  plan  of  orderly  govern- 
ment in  which  they  might  have  the  voice  they  desired,  an  unexpected 
figure  arose  to  dominate  the  situation.  This  was  George  Monck,  who 
commanded  the  army  in  Scotland.  He  had  begun  his  military  career 
fighting  for  King  Charles ;  taken  prisoner  in  1644  by  the  enemy,  he 
had  successively  served  Parliament,  the  Commonwealth,  the  two  Pro- 
tectors, and  the  restored  Rump,  and  had  shown  unusual  ability  as  a 
fighter  on  the  sea  as  well  as  on  the  land.  A  man  of  sphinx-like  reserve, 
he  seemed  absorbed  in  his  military  duties  and  indifferent  to  politics. 
Now  he  suddenly  stood  forth  as  the  "  champion  of  the  authority 
of  Parliament  "  against  the  designs  of  the  generals.  Apparently  he 
cared  little  whether  England  was  a  Monarchy  or  a  Republic;  but, 
if  we  can  believe  his  own  professions,  he  was  convinced  that  she  should 
be  governed  by  law  rather  than  by  the  sword.  On  2  January,  1660, 
he  crossed  the  Tweed  at  the  head  of  his  troops.  General  Lambert, 
one  of  the  Army  chiefs,  made  a  vain  effort  to  oppose  him ;  but  there 
was  no  enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  the  Army,  and,  deserted  even  by 
his  own  men,  he  was  obliged  to  give  way.  Monck  marched  south, 
carefully  evading  any  public  declaration  of  his  intentions.  However, 
he  at  length  yielded  so  far  to  the  demands  of  the  Presbyterians  as  to 
readmit  to  the  Rump,  which  had  been  recalled  again  26  December,  the 
members  excluded  by  Pride's  Purge ;  but  he  informed  the  body  thus 
reconstituted  that  it  must  dissolve  by  6  May,  1660,  at  the  latest, 
and  make  way  for  a  free  Parliament.  Monck  was  made  commander 
of  the  army  of  the  three  kingdoms,  and,  26  March,  with  "  many  sad 
pangs  and  groans,  "  the  Long  Parliament  dissolved  itself  after  an  inter- 
mittent existence  of  nearly  twenty  years. 

The  Recall  of  Charles  II  and  the  Declaration  of  Breda.  —  Before 
dissolving,  it  had  provided  for  a  Convention  Parliament  to  meet  25 
April.  Royalists  were  allowed  to  vote  in  the  elections,  though  they 
were  not  eligible  to  sit  unless  they  had  given  some  proof  of  affection 
to  the  Parliamentary  cause.  About  this  time,  Monck  opened  negotia- 


THE  KINGLESS   DECADE  357 

tions  with  Charles ;  realizing  that  the  people  were  weary  of  frequent 
revolutions,  army  rule,  and  heavy  taxes,  he  may  have  thought  that 
he  would  gain  personally  by  recalling  the  King  as  a  means  of  anticipat- 
ing an  inevitable  reaction,  though  it  is  possible  that  he  had  an  un- 
selfish desire  to  restore  peace  and  a  settled  government.  At  any  rate, 
"  while  the  Restoration  was  the  result  of  a  general  movement  of  opin- 
ion too  strong  to  be  withstood,"  he  did  more  than  any  other  man  to 
bring  it  about.  As  a  result  of  the  negotiations  which  opened,  Charles, 
acting  under  the  advice  of  Hyde,  who  was  with  him  in  exile,  issued 
from  Breda  a  declaration  in  which  he  promised :  (i)  a  general  amnesty 
for  all  offenders,  save  those  excepted  by  Parliament;  (2)  liberty  of 
conscience,  according  to  such  a  law  as  Parliament  might  propose ; 
(3)  such  security  for  property  acquired  during  the  late  troubles  as 
Parliament  might  determine ;  (4)  full  arrears  to  the  soldiers  according 
to  Act  of  Parliament.  Following  a  futile  rising,  led  by  Lambert,  the 
Army  took  an  engagement  to  accept  whatever  settlement  Parliament 
might  make.  "  Their  whole  design,"  wrote  Pepys,  the  famous  diarist, 
"  is  broken  .  .  .  and  every  man  begins  to  be  merry  and  full  of  hope." 
The  Convention  met  25  April,  1660,  as  appointed.  After  both 
Houses  had  agreed  in  a  declaration  that,  "  according  to  the  ancient  and 
fundamental  laws  of  the  Kingdom,  the  government  is,  and  ought  to 
be,  by  Kings,  Lords,  and  Commons,"  Charles  was  proclaimed  in 
London. 

Nature  of  the  Restoration  and  the  Results  of  the  Puritan  Revolu- 
tion. —  Charles  landed  at  Dover,  25  May,  1660.  The  Restoration 
had  at  length  come  as  a  reaction  from  excessive  Puritanism  and  Army 
rule.  Yet  the  Revolution  had  accomplished  results  which  were  never 
to  be  effaced.  It  had  arrested  the  growth  of  absolutism ;  for  the 
Monarchy  that  was  restored  was  destined  never  again  to  be,  for  any 
considerable  period,  a  Monarchy  completely  independent  of  Parlia- 
ment. The  Established  Church,  too,  was  restored ;  but  it  never  again 
became  the  National  Church,  embracing  every  subject  as  such.  A 
lusty  body  of  Dissenters  had  sprung  up  and  multiplied  during  the  recent 
upheaval,  and  the  century  had  not  run  its  course  before  many  of  them 
had  obtained  a  recognized  legal  status  outside  the  bounds  of  the 

Establishment. 

/ 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

See  chs.  XXVII-XXX. 

Narrative.  Gardiner,  The  History  of  the  Commonwealth  and  the  Pro- 
tectorate (4  vols.,  1903).  C.  H.  Firth,  The  Last  Years  of  the  Protectorate, 
1656-1658  (1909).  F.  A.  Inderwick,  The  Interregnum  (1891).  Pollard, 


358     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Factors  in  Modern  History,  chs.  IX,  X.  The  Diary  of  the  contemporary 
John  Evelyn  (best  ed.  H.  B.  Wheatley,  4  vols.,  1906)  throws  vivid  lights  on 
the  period. 

Constitutional  and  special.  E.  Jenks,  The  Constitutional  Experiments 
of  the  Protectorate  (1890).  Gardiner,  Cromwell's  Place  in  History  (1897). 
G.  L.  Beer,  Cromwell's  Policy  in  its  Economic  Aspect  (1902)  valuable  for 
this  phase  of  the  subject.  R.  Dunlop,  Ireland  under  the  Commonwealth 

(1913)- 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  213-220= 
Gardiner,  Documents,  nos.  86-105. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 

FROM  THE  RESTORATION   TO   THE  FALL   OF  CLARENDON 

(1660-1667) 

The  New  King  and  the  Restoration.  —  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
Monarchy  and  the  established  Episcopacy  were  restored  under  Charles 
II,  the  old  absolutism  in  Church  and  State  was  destined  never  again 
to  prevail.  The  Puritan  Revolution  had  produced  an  upheaval 
and  an  awakening  which  was  bound  to  leave  enduring  results,  and 
Charles  was  shrewd  enough  to  sense  the  situation.  To  be  sure,  he 
struggled  to  make  himself  supreme,  and  he  ended  his  reign  in  a  very 
strong  position ;  but  he  achieved  his  aim  only  by  timely  concessions. 
He  recognized  Parliament,  and  the  opinion  which  it  represented,  as 
a  force  which  might  be  manipulated  but  never  dominated.  What- 
ever happened,  he  once  remarked,  he  was  determined  "  never  to  set 
out  on  his  travels  again." 

During  the  years  that  Charles  was  King,  neither  ^arbitrary  taxa- 
tion  nor  the  system  of  extraordinary  courts  "walTrevived.  More- 
over, notable  gains  were  made,  both  judicial  and  parliamentary.  The 
fining  of  juries  was  done  away  with,  and  a  new  Act  made  the  writ  of 
Habeas  Corpus,  for  protecting  the  subject  against  prolonged  im^_ 
prisonmept  hpfa™»  trial  more  of  a.  reality^  Parliament  asserted  suc- 
cessfully its  right  not  only  to  grant  taxes,  but  also  to  appropriate 
them  for  specific  purposes  ;  to  audit  accounts ;  and,  by  frequent  .and 
effective  impeachments,  to  hold  the  royal  Ministers,  in  some  measure, 
responsible  to  itself.  In  this  period,  too,  modern  party  organiza- 
tibn  took  rise,  and  the  system  of  Cabinet  government,  based  upon  it, 
showed  the  first  signs  of  taking  shape.  Yet,  while  many  good  laws 
were  passed,  bad  government  continued,  numerous  traces  of  abso- 
lutism survived,  and  much  that  cried  for  remedy  was  left  untouched. 
The  judges,  whose  tenure  was  still  during  royal  pleasure,  continued 
servile  to  the  Crown  and  tyrannical  to  the  subject ;  except  by  im- 
peachment there  was  no  means  of  getting  rid  of  those  who  refused  to 
govern  according  to  the  will  of  the  majority  in  the  House  of  Com- 

359 


360     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

mons  ;  while  the  King,  by  long  prorogations,  avoided  meeting  Parlia- 
ment for  extended  intervals,  and  during  the  last  four  years  of  his  reign 
never  summoned  that  body  at  all. 

The  Early  Life  of  Charles  II.  —  Charles  II  was  thirty  years  old  on 
the  day  that  he  entered  London,  29  May,  1660.  He  had  received 
little  systematic  instruction  from  books  ;  but  his  life  had  been  a  stir- 
ring one,  full  of  harsh  and  varied  lessons  in  the  great  school  of  ex- 
perience. Often  out  at  the  elbows  during  his  long  years  of  exile,  and 
disappointed,  time  and  again,  in  his  efforts  to  come  to  his  own,  he  dis 
played  through  all  his  adversity  chiefly  the  virtue  of  cheerfulness, 
and  continually  vexed  his  grave  and  learned  councilor,  Hyde,  by  his 
unwillingness  to  work  and  his  loose  habits.  Charles's  early  mis- 
fortunes and  privations  did  nothing  to  build  up  his  character  ;  they 
only  made  him  more  greedy  of  comfort  and  amusement  when  the 
opportunity  came. 

His  Character  and  Attainments.  —  To  the  end  he  remained  indo- 
lent, fickle,  untrustworthy  and  absolutely  devoid  of  reverence.  Al- 
though utterly  selfish,  he  had  an  easy  good  nature  and  charm  of 
manner  that  captivated  everyone  who  came  in  contact  with  him, 
and  generally  was  as  ready  in  making  promises  as  he  was  careless  in 
performing  them.  According  to  Rochester,  one  of  his  boon  com- 
panions, "  he  never  said  a  foolish  thing  and  never  did  a  wise  one"  ; 
nevertheless,  he  was  keen  and  persistent  in  any  matter  that  he  thought 
worth  the  trouble.  He  had  an  acute  observant  mind,  an  excellent 
memory,  and  a  nimble  wit.  In  person  he  was  over  six  feet  tall,  and 
well  formed,  of  dark  swarthy  complexion,  with  a  cynical  eye,  a  great 
fleshy  nose  and  thick  lips.  It  was  only  his  magnificent  physique 
and  his  devotion  to  athletic  exercises  that  enabled  him  to  keep  his 
health,  in  view  of  the  excesses  in  which  he  indulged.  , 

His  Policy.  —  He  was  quite  without  scruple  in  pursuing  his  ends,  and 
sharp  at  profiting  by  the  mistakes  of  his  opponents.  Although  he 
hated  the  details  of  business  and  was  too  sensible  to  believe  in  the 
Divine  Right  of  Kings,  he  aimed  to  keep  as  free  from  parliamentary 
control  as  possible  :  to  that  end,  he  sojjgjhtj.o^ej,  up  j, 


to  reintroduce  Roman  Catholicism,  to  secure  toleration  for_Dis- 
senierg^ana  aiiigp  himseji  _with  France.  He  bribed,  flattered,  and 
managed,  but,  fully  alive  to  his  royal  limitations,  he  yielded  when 
popular  opposition  proved  too  strong.  Thus,  before  ^he.  rlose  o,£hjp 
reign,  he  gave  up  all  his  projects,  except  the  French  alliance  to  which 
lie  clung  tenaciously;  with  a  political  cunning  rare  in  history,  he 
shifted  to  the  Anglican  sideband  by  adroit  politics  managedJLp  spend 
his  last  years  free  from  parliamentary  restraint^ 


FROM  RESTORATION  TO  THE   FALL  OF   CLARENDON      361 

The  Supremacy  of  the  Lord  Chancellor  Clarendon.  —  The  first 
period  of  Charles's  reign  was  marked  by  the  ascendancy  of  Edward 
Hyde,  Earl  of  Clarendon,  who  had  accompanied  his  young  master 
into  exile  and  rose  to  become  Lord  Chancellor.  He  had  many  ad- 
mirable qualities:  industrious^ honest,  and  fixed  in  his  principles, 
he  was  a  devoled  champion  of  theChurch  of  England  and  an  op- 
ponent of  royal  absolutism"  On  the  other  hand,  in  spite  of  an  un- 
usual knowledge  of  men  and  parties,  he,  was  quite  incapable  of  adapt- 
ingjhimself  to  changed  conditions,  and  met  the  usual  fate  of  men  who 
try  to  steer  a  middle  course.  ,  He  alienated  the  King  by  opposing 
his  policy  of  t.q]igrp.r.ion  and  by  frowning  on  his  pleasures,  while,  at 
the  same  time,  he  alienated  Parliament  by  opposing  what  he  regarded 
as  thelrmbdilfllnu  in  the  details'  6f  administration.  The  Privy  Coun- 
cil formed  under  his  leadersdip,  June,  1660,  was  constituted  both  of 
Cavaliers  and  Puritans  who  had  worked  to  bring  about  the  Restora- 
tion. Out  of  thirty  members,  twelve  had  formerly  taken  sides  against 
the  Crown  ;  indeed,  both  within  the  Council  and  outside,  there  were  not 
only  party  differences  but  differences  between  members  of  the  same 
party.  Thus  courtiers,  particularly  women,  were  able  to  prevai}. 
by  intrigue,  and  graver  gave  way  steadily  to  lighter  counsels,  v/  *^ 

The  Convention  Parliament  (25  April-29  December,  1660).  — 
After  the  recall  of  the  King,  the  Convention  set  about  to  settle  the 
government.  Strong  in  the  Commons,  the  Cavaliers  dominated  the 
Lords.1  On  n  June  by  an  Act  "  for  removing  all  questions  and  dis- 
putes," the  authority  of  the  Convention  was  formally  established. 
Acting  henceforth  as  a  legal  body,  it  proceeded  to  take  up  the  terms  of 
the  Declaration  of  Breda.  The  first  to  be  settled  concerned  the  fate 
of  those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  late  troubles.  The  King  had 
promised  a  pardon  for  all  save  those  excepted  by  Parliament.  While 
the  Commons  wanted  to  make  very  few  exceptions,  the  Lords  were 
inclined  to  be  less  lenient.  Through  the  efforts  of  Charles  and  Hyde 
a  moderate  compromise  was  adopted,  as  a  result  of  which,  ^thirteen  of 
the  regicides  were  put  to  death,  though  some  twentjlfive  more  were 
given  life  sentences.2  The  status  of  property  acquirea  during  the  late 
troubles  was  next  taken,  up.  Eslat.es  confiscated  and  sold  by  the 
State  were  recovered  on  the  ground  that  an  illegal  government 
could  give  no  valid  title ;  but  private  contracts  were  declared  legal,  so 

1  Although  those  peers  who  had  fought  for  Charles  I,  or  who  had  been  created 
by  him  since  1642,  were  at  first  excluded,  they  all  took  their  seats  before  June. 

2  One  glaring  case  of  injustice  was  the  trial  and  execution  of  Sir  Harry  Vane  in 
1662 ;  for  he  had  no  part  in  putting  the  late  King  to  death;  moreover  Charles  II 
had  promised  to  spare  his  life. 


362      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

that  many  Royalists  who  had  sold  their  estates  to  pay  fines  or  to  help 
the  King's  cause  got  no  redress.  The  Cavaliers  grumbled  that  there 
was  indemnity  for  the  King's  enemies  and  oblivion  for  his  friends.1 

Disbandment  of  the  New  Model  and  the  Settlement  of  Revenue.  — 
Arrears  due  the  army  and  fleet  were  paid  in  full,  and  the  troops  were 
dismissed,  except  three  regiments.  On  various  pretexts  Charles  in- 
creased this  force  until,  in  1662,  it  numbered  5000  men,  the  nucleus 
of  England's  standing  army.  Another  important  work  of  the  Con- 
vention was  to  settle  the  revenue.  An  annual  income  of  £1,200,000 
was  granted  as  sufficient  for  ordinary  expenses,  but  since  no  more 
than  three  quarters  of  this  amount  reached  the  royal  coffers  in  any 
one  year,  it  was  found  necessary,  in  1662,  to  vote  new  taxes.  Mili- 
tary tenures,  and  feudal  dues  and  services,  which  had  long  been  more 
vexatious  to  the  subject  than  profitable  to  the  Crown,  were  practically 
all  swept  away,  in  return  for  which  the  King  was  granted  an  hered- 
itary excise  of  £100,000  a  year  on  beer  and  other  alcoholic  beverages. 
Such  acts  and  ordinances  of  the  various  Parliaments  passed  since  1642, 
as  the  Convention  did  not  choose  to  confirm,  were  declared  invalid ; 
among  those  reenacted.was  the  Navigation  Act  of  1651. 

The  Convention  Makes  no  Provision  for  Religious  Toleratipn.  — 
The  settlement  of  religion  caused  the  greatest  difficulty.  Church 
affairs  were  in  a  most  disordered  and  confused  state.  Within  the 
Episcopalian  and  Presbyterian  folds  there  were  a  number  of  moder- 
ates who  desired  a  compromise,  who  would  have  welcomed  a  curtail- 
ment of  the  powers  of  the  bishops  and  some  modifications  in  the 
service.  The  Puritans,  however,  had  been  so  destructive  of  beauti- 
ful old  churches  and  their  hallowed  furnishings,  so  oppressive  and  un- 
bending, as  well,  that  the  extreme  Anglicans,  naturally  narrow  and 
intolerant  enough,  were  determined  to  allow  them  no  concessions. 
Charles,  nominally  the  head  of  the  Church  of  England,  was  entirely 
without  religious  convictions,  though  he  hated  the  Presbyterians 
and  was  inclined  toward  Roman  Catholicism.  In  the  Declaration 
he  had  promisqfl  to  cooperate  with  Parliament  in  granting  such  liberty 
of  conscience  a'would  not  disturb  the  peace  of  the  Kingdom,  a  prom- 
ise he  was  ready,  even  anxious,  to  carry  out,  because,  under  the  guise 
of  a  general  toleration  of  the  sects,  it  would  be  possible  to  reintro- 
duce  Roman  Catholicism.  Nevertheless,  as  events  showed,  he  was 
not  ready  to  push  this  policy  to  the  extent  of  risking  his  throne,  gfc- 
cept  for  an  Act  to  restore  the  ejected  Episcopal  clergy,  the  Conven- 
lion  passed  no  laws  relating  to  religion7*~~Fearing  Charles's  Roman 

1  This  had  reference  to  the  late  Act  dealing  with  the  regicides,  which  was  called 
"An  Act  of  Indemnity  and  Oblivion." 


FROM  RESTORATION  TO  THE  FALL  OF  CLARENDON      363 

Catholic  designs,  the  moderate  Presbyterians  lost  a  supreme  chance 
by  refusing  to  combine  with  the  moderate  Anglicans  in  passing  a  com- 
prehension bill  which  he  advocated,  a  bill  broad  enough  in  govern- 
ment and  ceremonies  to  include  both  parties.  In  the  forthcoming 
v  parliamentary  election  the  reactionaries  were  in  the  majority.  Domi- 
nant Anglicanism  put  down  opposing  sects  with  an  uncompromising 
hand";  but  it  was  Parliament  and  not  the  Crown  who  directed  the 
policy  of  repression. 

.The  Restoration  in  ScotlamL  —  The_JR.estoration  in  Scotland  was 
brought  about  by  a  Parliament  which  repealed  all  acts  passed  since 
i6^gpreesTtablished  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  renounced  the  Cove- 
nant, which  was  burned  by  the  common  hangman.  The  Scots  had 
chafed  at  the  army  of  occupation  and  the  dominance  of  the  Inde- 
pendents, but  they  were  soon  to  learn  that  the  little  finger  of  the  new 
Government  was  thicker  than  the  loins  of  the  old.  By±he_  new  Navi- 
gation Act,  passed  in  1660,  they  lost  the  equality  of  the  trading  privi- 
leges which  they  had  recently  enjoyed,  and,  by  a  subsequent  measure, 
many  of  their  commodities  were  excluded  from  England  or  burdened 
with_  heavy  duties.  All  this,  together  with  active  persecution  of 
the  r^Y^fl^tpfij  f,™r\  j;tirre,^  up  the  old  h<?sfi)ity  betjyeen  the  two 
countries. 

The  Restoration  in  Ireland.  —  The  Restoration  in  Ireland  was 
equally  fruitful  in  oppression  and  discontent.  The  King  was  under 
obligation  to  the  Irish  Catholics,  he  sympathized  with  their  aims, 
and  he  "  pitied  the  miserable  condition  of  the  Irish  nation."  But 
the  Cromwellian  settlers  were  in  possession  of  the  broad  lands,  and, 
backed  by  EngHsh_anti-CatHolir.  sentiment,  werp  frm  atrnng  to  be  dis- 
placedl  All  thatTCharles  could  do  was  to  restore  a  few  estates  to 
the  greater  nobles  and  to  procure  a  small  amount  of  land  for  the  lesser 
meji.  To  make  matters  worse,  heavy  restrictions  were  imposed  on 
Irish  commerce.  In  1663  their  ships  were  excluded  from  the  Colonial 
trade,  and,  three  years  later,  the  importation  of  Irish  cattle  into  Eng- 
land was  strictly  forbidden. 

The  Opening  of  the  Cavalier  Parliament  (8  May,  1661).  —  The  new 
Parliament,  which  met  8  May,  1661,  lasted  till  1679,  having  a  longer 
continuous  existence  than  any  other  in  English  history.  After  the 
first  outburst  oQoyalty  was  over,  friction  with  the  Crown  began  soon 
to  ^eyelopJ_Having  restored  the  King  without  the  aid  of  foreign 
mTeTveiition,  Parliament  was  determined  to  rule  ;  many  of  the  mem- 
bers resented  the  King's  leaning  toward  Roman  Catholicism  and 
toleration  for  the  sects  and  the  exercise  of  the  dispensing  power  which 
it  involved ;  not  a  few  were  disquieted  by  his  attempts  to  increase 


364     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  standing  army  and  by  his  alliance  with  France,  and  looked  askance 
at  the  royal  profligacy  and  the  splendor  of  the  Court,  not  so  much 
on  moral  grounds,  as  on  account  of  the  expenditures  which  they 
necessitated.  Moreover,  the  country  squires  were  discontented  by 
falling  rents,  while  the  recent  land  settlement  had  satisfied  neither  the 
Puritan  speculators  nor  the  Cavaliers  who  had  been  forced  to  sell 
out. 

The  Corporation  Act  (1661).  —  Parliament  at  first  showed  its  hot  and 
masterful  temper  by  passing  a  series  of  measures  strengthening  the 
power  of  the  restored  Monarchy.  Then,  with  the  aid  of  the  Bishops 
now  restored  to  their  seats  in  the  House  of  Lords,  it  proceeded  to 
frame  an  ecclesiastical  policy  which,  in  most  respects,  ran  directly 
counter  to  the  intentions  of  Charles,  and  which  resulted  in  transferring 
the  control  of  Church  affak&Jrom  the  King  to  Parliament  ,aml_Lhe 
Bishops.  This  was  accomplished  mainly  by  a  group  of  four  Acts 
popularly  known  as  the  "  Clarendon  Code  "  l  —  though  the  Chan- 
cellor was  by  no  means  responsible  for  all  of  them  —  which  excluded 
Dissenters  from  public  office,  from  any  share  in  the  Establishment, 
and  imposed  other  grave  disabilities  upon  them.  The  Corporation 
Act,  December,  1661,  provided  that  no  man  could  hold  office  in  a  cor- 
porate town  unless  he  took  the  sacrament  according  to  the  Church 
of  England,  renounced  the  Covenant,  and  declared  that  it  was  un- 
lawful, under  any  circumstances,  to  bear  arms  against  the.JKing. 

The  New  Act  of  Uniformity  (1662).  — When  Convocation  produced 
a  revision  of  the  Prayer  Book  even  more  distasteful  to  the  Puritans 
than  its  predecessors,  Parliament  accepted  it,  and  19  May,  1662, 
passed  an  Act  of  Uniformity  providing  that,  on  and  after  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's Day,2  the  revised  Book  should  be  read  in  all  the  churches, 
and  that  all  ministers  who  refused,  or  who  had  not  received  their 
holy  orders  by  Episcopal  ordination  were  to  be  deprived  of  their  bene- 
fices. Schoolmasters  also  were  required  to  conform  to  the  Book, 
and  both  classes  were  further  required  to  declare  the  illegality  of  tak- 
ing up  arms  against  the  King.  On  the  day  appointed,  nearly  2000 
clergymen  resigned  their  livings  rather  than  sacrifice  their  convic- 
tions. Many  of  the  most  able  men  of  the  Kingdom,  in  order  to  main- 
tain themselves  and  their  wives  and  children,  were  forced  to  toil  as 
laborers  or  to  depend  upon  charity.  The  Acj  marks  an  epoch  in 
English  religious  history.  For  nearly  a  century,  the  Nonconformists 
had  sought  to  secure  alterations  in  the  government,  doctrine,  and 

'They  were:    the  Corporation  Act,  1661 ;  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  1662;  the 
Conventicle  Act,  1664;  and  the  Five  Mile  Act,  1665. 
2  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  was  24  August. 


FROM   RESTORATION  TO  THE    FALL  OF   CLARENDON      365 

ceremony  of  the  Church  and  to  remain  within  the  fold ;   henceforth, 
the  majority  sought  to  secure  freedom  of  conscience  outside.     Sepa- 
ration rather  than  comprehension  became  their  aim.     Years  of  per- 
secution,~however,  were  to  follow  before  they  even  partially  effected 
their  purpose. 

The  Conventicle  Act,  1664,  and  the  Five  Mile  Act,  1665.  —  Hav- 
ing defeated  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  King  to  soften  the  rigor 
of  the  Act  and  to  introduce  toleration  by  means  of  the  dispensing 
power,  Parliament  proceeded  with  its  ecclesiastical  legislation.  By 
the  "  Aqt_agai.n§t  Seditious  Conventicles,"  1664,1  it  was  forbidden 
for  five  or  more  persons,  exclusive  of  members  of  a  family,  to  hold 
meetings  for  religious  worship,  where  the  Established  forms  were 
not  used.)  The  penalty  was  imprisonment  for  the  first  and  second 
offenses,  and  transportation  for  the  third.  Persons  who  returned  to 
the  country  were  liable  to  be  put  to  death.  The  Quakers  seem  to 
have  been  the  chief  sufferers.  Pepys,  who  saw  several  dragged  through 
the  streets,  noted  in  his  diary :  "  I  would  to  God  they  would  conform, 
or  be  more  wise  and  not  be  catched."  In  1665  followed  the  equally 
cruel  Five  Mile  Act.  which  provided  that  no  Nonconformist  minister 
was,  for  the  future,  to  teach  in  any  school,  or  to  come  within  five 
miles  of  any  city  or  corporate  town  unless  he  had  taken  an  oath  that 
it  was  unlawful  to  bear  arms  against  the  King,  and  had  pledged  him- 
self that  he  would  not  "  at  any  time  endeavor  the  alteration  .joLgov- 
ernmentSrChurch  and  5ta!e!?^TffiS  measure  was  peculiarly  malev- 
olent, because,  during  the  Great  Plague  which  visited  London  in 
this  year,  many  of  the  regular  clergy  fled,  leaving  the  dissenting  min- 
isters to  care  for  the  sick  and  dying.  However,  since  the  chief 
strength  of  Puritanism  was  in  the  towns,  it  was  felt  that  it  would  be 
unusually  dangerous  to  leave  them  a  free  hand  at  this  time. 

The  Significance  of  the  Clarendon  Code.  —  These  penal  laws, 
mercilessly  though  somewhat  intermittently  enforced,  sowed  bitter 
seeds  of  hatred  between  the  Dissenters  and  the  governing  authorities. 
Presbyterianism  lost  the  preeminence  it  enjoyed  during  the  early 
months  of  the  Restoration,  and  even  outside  the  Established  Church 
ceased  to  play  the  leading  role  among  the  Protestant  -sects.  Natu- 
rally democratic,  the  excluded  bodies  now  became  more  so,  partly 
out  of  increased  resentment  toward  the  aristocratic  privileged  classes, 
partly  because  those  among  them  who  were  desirous  of  political 
influence  hastened  to  conform,  leaving  only  the  extremists  in  the 
ranks.  Dissent  became  more  and  more  confined  to  the  lower 
and  middle  classes.  However,  as  time  went  on,  numbers  grew 
wealthy  through  trade  and  productive  enterprise,  and  combined  with 


366     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  more  liberal  Anglicans  to  demand  toleration  and  othe  *  pro- 
gressive measures. 

Charles'  Foreign  Policy.  The  Portuguese  Marriage,  I*nd  the 
Approach  to  France.  —  In  his  foreign  relations  as  in  his  ecclesiasti- 
cal aims  Charles  developed  a  policy  quite  at  variance  with  Parlia- 
ment and  with  Clarendon.  Ready  to  attach  himself  to  the  highest 
bidder,  he  turned  first  to  the  thrifty  Dutch,  who  seemed  to  offer  the 
best  prospects  for  a  loan;  but  the  passage  of  the  Navigation  Act 
destroyed  any  chance  of  help  from  that  quarter.  Next,  he  looked 
about  for  a  bride,  and  finally  negotiated  a  treaty  with  the  King  of 
Portugal  for  a  marriage  with  his  sister  Catharine  of  Braganza.  By 
this  alliance  and  the  accompanying  dowry,  England  obtained  Tangier,1 
Bombay,  2,000,000  crusados  in  money,  together  with  commercial 
privileges  and  freedom  of  conscience  for  English  merchants.  The 
bride's  failure  to  bear  the  King  a  male  heir  brought  about  a  bitter 
struggle  toward  the  close  of  his  reign,  yet,  in  spite  of  neglecting  her 
shamefully,  he  loyally  resisted  the  strong  pressure  which  was  brought 
upon  him  to  divorce  her. 

Very  early  in  his  reign  Charles  adopted  the  policy  of  a  close  alliance 
with  France,  which  he  maintained,  except  for  brief  intervals,  till  his 
death.  While  his  chief  motive  was  to  secure  French  subsidies,  other 
reasons  were  not  without  weight :  particularly  he  was  desirous  of 
extending  English  trade,  and  counted  on  French  aid  in  breaking  the 
colonial  monopoly  which  Spain  still  retained  and  in  humbling  the 
Dutch,  the  greatest  sea  power  of  the  time.  This  policy  of  uniting 
with  England's  ancient  enemy,  to  be  sure,  had  originated  with  Crom- 
well ;  but  he  would  never  have  tolerated  Louis's  Catholic  aggres- 
sions, to  which  for  some  years  Charles  lent  his  favor ;  moreover,  he 
would  have  dominated  the  alliance  instead  of  playing  the  part  of  a 
subordinate  pensionary. 

The  Second  Dutch  War  (1665-1667). — The  commercial  greatness 
of  England  which  Charles  sought  to  foster  was  bound  to  arouse  the 
hostility  of  the  Dutch.  Furthermore,  there  still  existed  many  out- 
standing points  of  friction.  For  example,  the  English  Court  hated 
the  Republican  faction  which  had  obtained  control  in  the  United 
Provinces,  while  the  trading  companies  of  the  .two  countries  were 
constantly  fighting ;  the  Dutch  refused  compensation  for  certain 
English  ships  which  they  had  seized,  nor  would  they  restore  one  of 
the  East  India  Spice  Islands  awarded  to  England  in  1654.  .Among 
the  acts  which  precipitated  the  crisis,  was  Colonel  Nicoll's  seizure, 
in  May,  1664,  of  New  Netherland,  which  Charles  had  granted  to  his 

1  It  was  abandoned  to  the  Moors  in  1684. 


FROM  RESTORATION  TO  THE   FALL  OF  CLARENDON      367 

brother,  the  Duke  of  York,  over  a  year  previously.  The  Dutch  replied 
with  c "e  reprisal  after  another,  until  war  was  finally  declared,  4,March, 
1665.  Tthe  professions  of  the  King  may  be  believed,  he  was  pushed 
into  hostilities  by  public  opinion  and  the  eagerness  of  his  brother. 

The  Sad  State  of  the  English  Navy.  —  It  is  possible  that  Charles, 
while  desiring  to  fight  at  a  fitting  opportunity,  may  have  desired 
delay  owing  to  the  ill-prepared  state  of  the  navy,  which  at  any  rate 
was  soon  manifest.  Even  if  the  system  of  administration  was  not  as 
bad  as  has  sometimes  been  represented,  nevertheless  many  of  the 
officials  were  idle  and  corrupt,  and,  owing  to  the  poor  food  and  un- 
certain pay,  sailors  were  so  reluctant  to  enlist  that  it  was  necessary  to 
resort  freely  to  impressment,  As  a  result,  the  crews  were  most  unruly 
and  so  discontented  that  many  who  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  Dutch 
entered  the  service  of  their  captors.  Much  was  subsequently  done 
by  Charles  and  James  to  improve  the  state  of  the  navy;  for  they 
were  both  keenly  interested,  and  had  an  efficient  and  devoted  servant 
in  Samuel  Pepys ;  but  it  did  not  come  in  time  for  the  second  Dutch 
war. 

The  Opening  Events  of  the  War  (1665). — The  primary  object  of 
each  combatant  was  to  protect  its  own  shipping  and  to  inflict  all 
possible  damage  on  the  shipping  of  the  enemy,  for  neither  side  had  a 
sufficient  army  to  effect  anything  by  land.  In  the  first  serious  encounter 
which  occurred,  3  June,  1665,  off  Lowestoft,1  the  Duke  of  York  gained 
a  decisive  victory  for  the  English,  though  the  Dutch,  after  being 
put  to  flight,  managed  to  regain  their  own  shores  in  safety.  While 
the  English  had  proved  their  superiority  in  fighting,  the  events  of  the 
remainder  of  the  year  counterbalanced  their  signal  success.  Short- 
age of  men  and  supplies  and  the  last  and  one  of  the  worst  visitations 
of  the_Plague,  wliich  raged  in  London  during  the  summer,  all  helped 
to  account  for  this.  Charles,  in  the  meantime,  had  allied  himself 
with  the  warlike  Bishop  of  Miinster,  who  invaded  the  Dutch  frontier 
in  September,  a  gain  that  was  more  than  offset  by  the  entrance  of 
Louis-Xiyjnto  thejwaroj^the  side  of  the  Dutch,  in  January,  1666. 

The  Fighting  in  1666.  —  Louis's  intervention"  and  the  possibility 
of  a  French  attack  frightened  the  English  into  dividing  their  fleet, 
with  the  result  that  Monck  -  was  roughly  handled  by  a  superior  force 
under  De  Ruyter  in  the  Four  Days'  Battle,  1-4  June,  1666,  fought  be- 
tween North  Foreland  and  Dunkirk.  Monck  and  Prince  Rupert, 
in  their  turn  defeated  De  Ruyter  off  North  Foreland,  25-27  July, 
after  which  chey  chased  the  Dutch  home,  ravaged  their  coast,  de- 

1  Sometimes  called  the  Battle  of  Solebay. 

8  Created  Duke  of  Albemarle  at  the  Restoration. 


368     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

stroyed  towns,  and  capture  much  shipping.  Lack  of  provisions,  which 
kept  the  English  from  remaining  continuously  at  sea,  and  storms, 
prevented  further  naval  engagements.  Moreover,  the  Bishop  of 
Miinster  having  made  peace  in  April,  the  land  operations  ceased  as 
well.  By  autumn,  both  sides  were  ready  for  peace :  the  Dirtch_be- 
cause  they  wanted  a  free  hand  to  resist  the  encroachments  of  Louis 
XIV,  who  had  only  aided  them  in  order  to  keep  the  combatants 
evenly  balanced  while  he  sought  to  secure  Spanish  lands  on  the  Nether- 
land  border  which  he  claimed  in  right  of  his  wife ;  the  English  be- 
cause they  could  not  longer  stand  the  expense,  particularly  since  the 
Plague  in  London  had  been  followed  by  a  disastrous  fire. 

The  Peace  of  Breda  (27  July,  1667).  —  With  peace  in  sight,  Charles 
was  unwilling  to  spend  money  on  strengthening  and  refitting  the  fleet, 
and  so  threw  away  such  advantages  as  had  been  gained.  Profiting  by 
this  inaction,  De  Ruyter  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  passed  up 
the  Medway  and  took,  burned,  and  scuttled  sixteen  vessels,  inflicting  a 
loss  that  was  great  and  a  shame  that  was  immeasurable.  Fortunately 
the  Dutch  did  not  feel  strong  enough  to  remain,  so  they  withdrew  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  where  they  occupied  themselves  for  a  time 
intercepting  commerce.  Before*  they  could  do  any  more  damage  the 
local  forces  were  called  out,  and  the  coast  and  ports  put  in  a  state  of 
defense.  Peace  was  concluded  at  Breda,  21  July,  1667.  Fearing  the 
designs  of  Louis  XI V,  the  Dutch  agreed  to  comparatively  favorable 
terms.  In  their  chief  concession  —  to  leave  New  Netherland  in  the 
hands  of  the  English  —  they  yielded  more  than  they  realized,  for  this 
territory  included  the  present  New  York,  New  Jerse^and  Delaware. 

The  Plague,  the  Fire  (1665-1666).  —  England  emerged  lrom"'the 
struggle  in  an  extremely  crippled  condition.  The  Plague,  in  the 
summer  and  autumn  of  1665,  carried  off  70,000  from  London  alone, 
and,  during  the  following  spring,  spread  through  the  southern  and 
eastern  counties.  It  was  the  first  visitation  for  over  thirty  years  and 
proved  to  be  the  last.  The  great  London  fire  which  followed,  raged 
for  five  days,  2-7  September,  1666,  during  which  interval  it  is  esti- 
mated that  at  least  two  thirds  of  the  population  were  unroofed. 
In  rebuilding  the  City,  the  streets  were  made  broader  and  straighter, 
and  the  houses  with  their  overhanging  upper  stories,  which  cut  off 
the  air  and  sunshine,  disappeared.  A  newer  London  arose,  less  pic- 
turesque, but  more  healthful  and  spacious  than  the  old. 

The  Growing  Discontent,  and  the  Attack  on  Clarendon  (1667).  — 

The  three  disasters  —  the  Plague,  the  Fire,  and  Dutch  in  the  Medway 

—  were  regarded  as  signs  of  Divine  wrath  at  the  conuption  and 

inefficiency  of  the  Government.    Among  the  credulous  lower  and 


FROM   RESTORATION  TO  THE   FALL  OF  CLARENDON      369 

middle  classes,  the  Fire  was  attributed  to  the  machinations  of  the 
"Papists"  and  the  French,  who  were  thought  to  have  caused  it  by 
throwing  "  fire-balls  "  into  the  City  ;  it  was  expected  that  a  general 
massacre  would  follow,  and  Catholics  and  Frenchmen  were  mobbed 
in  the  streets.  In  general  the  situation  was  gloomy  enough,  what 
with  a  lazy  dissipated  King,  a  dearth  of  money,  and  "no  reputation 
at  home  and  abroad."  The  first  victim  of  the  vague  but  intense 
and  increasing  discontent  was  Clarendon.  Charles,  anxious  to  be 
rid  of  him,  was  glad  to  make  him  the  scapegoat.  Men  of  all  classes 
looked  With  envy  to  the  lofty  height  to  which  he  had  risen,  and  longed 
to  see  him  overthrown,  while  many,  indeed,  nourished  actual  griev- 
ances against  him.  He  was  blamed,  with  scant  justice,  for  the  sale  of 
Dunkirk  to  France  in  1662,  and  for  the  disasters  of  the  late  war  which 
he  had_  opposed.  The  country  gentry  hated  him  for  opposing  the 
Irish  Cattle  Act,  and  the  Dissenters  were  infuriated  against  him  as 
the  reputed  author~uf~tlfe  cruel  "  Code  "  directed  against  them. 
His  ^  i  rel  tii1  1?fBSf^re5S*~a  r  ^nctortt  rprr^trfr.  Charles  and  the  more 


dissolute  and  frivolous  courtiers,  while  his  old-fashioned  and  pompous 
bearing  offered  them  endless  opportunity  for  raillery.  His  chief  diffi- 
culty, however,  was  his  attempt  to  hold  an  untenable  ground  between 
the  Crown  and  Parliament.  While  Charles  was  anxious  to  be  quit 
of  him  on  less  worthy  grounds,  it  is  only  fair  to  say  that  he  had  come  to 
realize  it  was  futile  to  attempt  to  retain  a  Minister  to  whom  Parlia- 
ment was  so  unalterably  opposed. 

His  Impeachment  and  Flight.  —  In  August,  1667,  the  faithful  old 
servant  was  dismissed  from  his  office  of  Chancellor;  in  November 
the  Commons  presented  articles  of  impeachment  against  the  fallen 
Minister,  charging  him  among  other  things,  with  corruption,  with 
intent  to  introduce  airbTtrary  "government  ,  and  with  treachery  dur- 
ing ^he  late  war.  While  these  extreme  charges  were  unjust,  there 
were  many  serious  counts  against  the  Chancellor,  besides  the  fact 
that  he  was  out  of  harmony  with  the  attempt  of  Parliament  to  super- 
vise the  administration.  In  the  summer  of  1667  he  had  advised  the 
King  to  delay  calling  Parliament,  and  in  the  meantime,  to  raise  sup- 
plies on  his  own  authority;  he  had  arbitrarily  imprisoned  the  op- 
ponents of  the  Government  ;  andlie"has  been  accused  of  Erst  teaching 
Charles  to  seek  money  from  France.  On  the  King's  advice  he  fled 
to  the  Continent.  He  died  at  Rouen  in  1674. 

Parliamentary  Gains  in  the  Control  of  Finances.  —  The  financial 
situation  continued  to  be  very  disturbing.  The  moneys  granted 
proved  insufficient  to  meet  expenses.  Cries  were  raised  of  corruption 
in  high  places,  and  the  King  was  accused  of  diverting  huge  sums  for 

2B 


370     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

his  private  pleasures.  While  he  was  extravagant  enough,  the  root  of 
the  trouble  lay  deeper :  supplies  were  voted  so  tardily  and  collected 
so  grudgingly  that  the  Government  was  obliged  to  anticipate  by 
borrowing ;  and  the  prevailing  high  rate  of  interest  cut  into  revenues 
that  at  best  were  hardly  adequate  even  for  legitimate  expenses. 
Niggardly  as  the  Commons  were,  they  were  wise  in  keeping  a  tight 
hold  on  the  purse-strings,  and  made  notable  gains  during  the  Clar- 
endonian  regime.  In  a  grant,  made  in  1665,  a  clause  was  inserted  that 
thejnoneys  voted  should  be  used  only  for  the  purposes  of  the  war. 
Suggested  by  a  wily  royal  adviser  to  prevent  the  goldsmiths  from  claim- 
ing any  portion  'for  debts  due  to  them,  this  inarms  another  important 
step  toward  the  practice  of  appropriation  of  supplies.  Two  years 
later,  in  the  spring  of  1667,  after  a  sharp  and  prolonged  struggle, 
the  King  made  the  important  concession  of  appointing"  a  committee 
of  Parliament  to  audit  accounts.  One  issue  raised  in  this  period  was 
settled,  3  July,  1678,  when  the  Commons  carried  a  resolution  that  all 
bills  of  supply  should  originate  in  their  House,  and  that  such  bills 
"  o  ight  not  to  be  changed  or  altered  by  the  House  of  Lords."  From 
th  ;  date  the  Lords  have  never  made  a  serious  attempt  to  originate 
or  amend  a  money  bill.  In  spite,  however,  of  these  evidences  of  the 
growing  strength  of  the  Commons,  Charles,  directly  his  old  mentor 
was  disposed  of,  proceeded  to  collect  about  him  a  body  of  Ministers 
of  his  own  choice  and  to  develop  a  policy  quite  at  variance 
with  Parliament's,  a  policy  which  he  struggled  for  some  years  to 
maintain. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Besides  Trevelyan,  Ranke,  Lingard,  and  Cambridge  Modern 
History  already  cited,  Richard  Lodge,  The  Political  History  of  England, 
1660-1702  (1910).  Macaulay,  History  of  England  (illus.  ed.  C.  B.  ^''rth, 
6  vols.,  1914)  gives  a  brief  survey  of  the  reign. 

Constitutional.  In  addition  to  Taylor,  Taswell-Langmead  and  Hallam, 
A.  Amos,  The  English  Constitution  in  the  Reign  of  Charles  II  (1857)  and 
W.  C.  Abbott,  "Long  Parliament  of  Charles  II,"  English  Historical  Re-view 
(January-April,  1906). 

Contemporary.  Samuel  Pepys's  Diary  (most  complete  ed.  H .  B .  Wheatley , 
9  vols.,  1893-1899).  Evelyn,  Diary.  G.  Burnet,  The  History  of  My  Own 
Time  (ed.  O.  Airy,  the  reign  of  Charles  II,  2  vols.,  1897-1900)  in  spite  of 
some  partisanship  and  inaccuracies,  an  indispensable  authority. 

Biography.  O.  Airy,  Charles  II  (1901),  an  admirable  biography  and  a 
good  survey  of  the  reign.  Violet  Barbour,  Henry  Bennet,  Earl  of  Arlington 
(1914).  A.  Browning,  Thomas  Osborne,  Earl  of  Danby  and  Duke  of  Leeds 
(1913).  Lady  Burghclere,  George  Villiers,  Second  Duke  of  Buckingham 


FROM  RESTORATION  TO  THE  FALL  OF  CLARENDON      371 

(1903).  W.  D.  Christie,  Life  of  the  First  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  (2  vols.,  1871), 
a  scholarly  vindication.  H.  D.  Traill,  Shaftesbury  (1888),  a  brief  sketch. 
T.  H.  Lister,  Life  of  Edward,  First  Earl  of  Clarendon  (3  vols.,  1838) ;  has 
not  been  superseded  by  the  recent  Life  by  Sir  Henry  Craik  (2  vols.,  1911). 
A.  C.  Ewald,  Life  and  Times  of  Algernon  Sidney  (2  vols.,  1873).  Helen  C 
Foxcroft,  Life  and  Letters  of  George  Savile,  First  Marquis  of  Halifax  (2  vols., 
1898).  Foxcroft  and  Clarke,  Life  of  Gilbert  Burnet  (1907).  A.  Fea,  King 
Monmouth  (1902).  H.  B.  Irving,  Life  of  Lord  Jeffreys  (1898),  an  apology. 
Roger  North,  The  Lives  of  the  Norths  (ed.  A.  Jessopp,  3  vols.,  1890),  a 
classic. 

Special.  G.  B.  Hertz,  English  Public  Opinion  after  the  Restoration  (1902). 
C.  B.  R.  Kent,  The  Early  History  of  the  Tories  (1908).  Seeley,  British 
Policy.  A.  T.  Mahan,  The  Influence  of  Sea  Power  on  History,  1660-1783 
(i5th  ed.,  1898),  an  epoch-making  work.  A.  W.  Tedder,  The  Navy  of  the 
Restoration  (1916),  an  excellent  study. 

Church.     Hutton ;  Wakeman  ;  and  Stoughton. 

Scotland  and  Ireland.  Works  already  cited.  For  further  reading  on 
Scotland  and  Ireland  see  Lodge,  487-471.  Cambridge  Modern  History,  V, 
825-837- 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  221-226.  C.  G. 
Robertson,  Select  Statutes,  Cases  and  Documents  (1904),  pt.  I,  nos.  I-^P; 
pt.  II,  no.  I. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 

FROM  THE  FALL  OF  CLARENDON  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  II 

(1667-1685) 

Charles  Seeks  to  Make  Himself  Absolute  (1667).  —  Charles  took 
advantage  of  the  fall  of  Clarendon  to  carry  out  a  design  which  he  had 
been  cherishing  for  years  —  to  establish  himself  as  an  absolute  Mon- 
arch. T,o  that  end,  he  applied  himself  with  renewed  energy  to  the 
four  means  by  which  he  sought  to  accomplish  his  purpose  :  to  build- 
ing up  the  standing  army ;  attaching  the  Dissenters  by  offering_jthe 
toleration  which  Parliament  refused  to  grant ;  restoring  Roman 
Catholicism ;  and  securing  a  closer  alliance  with  the  French  King, 
to  whom  he  looked  for  supplies,  and,  in  case  of  need,  for  troops.  The 
obstacles,  however,  proved  so  formidable  that  he  had  to  follow  a 
very  crooked  course,  and,  before  many  years  had  passed,  to  alter  his 
plans  profoundly.  In  sensing  the  situation  at  the  proper  moment 
and  in  the  means  which  he  adopted  to  meet  it,  the  King,  who  appeared 
to  most  of  his  subjects  as  a  good-natured  and  witty  trifler,  proved 
himself  to  be  one  of  the  most  cunning  politicians  of  the  century. 

The  "  Cabal"  (1667-1673).  —  In  the  meantime,  until  the  turning 
point  of  his  policy,  in  1673,  he  governed  with  a  body  of  intimate  coun- 
cilors known  as  the  "  Cabal."  It  formed  an  inner  circle  of  the  Privy 
Council,  and  its  members,  who  were  consulted  by  the  King  singly  or 
collectively,  or  in  groups  of  two  or  three,  were  responsible  to  him 
and  not  to  Parliament.  While  such  Cabals,  even  under  that  name, 
were  not  unknown  in  English  history  long  before  the  body  in  question 
came  into  existence,  some  have  derived  the  word  from  the  initial 
letters  of  the  names  of  its  leading  members  —  Clifford,  Ashley,  Buck- 
ingham, Arlington  and  Lauderdale.1  Ablest  of  them  all  was  Anthony 
Ashley  Cooper,  who  served  as  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  from  1661 
to  1672,  when  he  was  created  Lord  Chancellor  and  Earl  of  Shaftes- 

1  In  reality  it  is  derived  from  a  Hebrew  word  cabala,  which  meant  a  "secret," 
hence  it  came  to  be  applied  to  a  party  or  faction  engaged  in  a  secret  design,  and 
later,  to  a  group  of  secret  councilors.  Charles's  body,  however,  is  the  most  famous 
of  them  all. 

372 


FROM   FALL  OF  CLARENDON  TO  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  II     373 

bury.  He  was  a  born  agitator  and  demagogue,  a  forerunner  of  the 
modern  party  leader ;  yet,  with  all  his  ambition  and  his  turnings  against 
meji  jmcTparties.  he  was  ever  consistent  in  the  pursuit  of  his  two  ideals 
—  ciyil  liberty  and  toleration  for  all  Protestants.  He  was  himsell  a 
f reetn'mker^  The  Duke  or±Jucf:mgnani"was  a  man  of  engaging  man- 
ners and  not  without  accomplishments,  but  was  vain,  unsteady,  and 
ever  striving  for  powers  in  the  State  which  he  was  incapable  of  using. 
Though  he  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Dissenters  for  a  time,  he  was  not 
only  devoid  of  religious  opinions  but  a  libertine  to  boot,  perhaps  the 
worst  of  all  the  dissolute  set  who  surrounded  the  King.  Lauderdale 
was  a  former  Covenanter  who  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  Scotch  affairs 
with  the  design  of  making  the  Crown  supreme  in  that  country.  While 
Charles  used  all  these  men  in  the  development  of  far  reaching  plans 
which,  if  they  had  been  carried  to  completion,  would  have  destroyed 
Protestantism  and  popular  liberty  in  England,  the  "  Cabal,"  as  such, 
never  enjoyed  his  full  confidence,  to  say  nothing  of  dominating  him 
as  Clarendon  had  done. 

The  Secret  Treaty  of  Dover  (1670).  —  The  English  were  embittered 
at  the  French  King  for  taking  the  Dutch  side  in  the  late  war,  and 
apprehensive  of  his  growing  power  as  well.  Nevertheless,  Charles 
soon  came  to  terms  with  Louis  XIV ;  for,  to  his  mind,  the  French  alli- 
ance was  closely  bound  up  with  the  introduction  of  Roman  Catholi- 
cism and  the  revival  of  the  old  monarchial  power.  In  pursuance  of 
this  design,  the  famous  Treaty  of  Dover  was  concluded  with  France, 
22  May,  1670.  Only  two  of  the  Cabal  were  present,  and  the  terms 
long  remained  a  secret.  They  were,  in  substance  ^"that  Charles,  in 
return  for  an  annual  grant  during  the  period  of  hostilities,  agreed  to 
join  Louis  in  making  war  on  the  Dutch,  and  to  assist  him  in  securing 
the  inheritance  which  he  claimed  —  through  his  wife,  a  daughter  of 
Philip  IV  of  Spain  —  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  Furthermore, 
and  this  was  the  secret  part, (the  English  King,  in  consideration  of  a 
sum  of  money,  was,  at  a  fitting  time,  to  declare  himself  a  Roman  Cath- 
olic, and  in  case  Charles's  subjects  resisted,  Louis  was  to  send  troops 
to  aid  him}  Though  Charles  was  inclined  to  declare  his  conversion 
forthwith,  the  French  ambassador  persuaded  him  that  such  a  step 
would  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  as  champions  of  Protestant- 
ism, whereas,  if  the  English  were  kept  in  ignorance  of  their  Sovereign's 
change  of  faith  they  would  continue  to  regard  them  merely  as  trade 
rivals.  So,  of  the  two  objects  contemplated  in  the  Treaty,  that  of  the 
destruction  of  the  Dutch  was  thrust  into  the  foreground.  Since  the 
negotiations  leading  up  to  the  secret  Treaty  were  known  to  all  the 
Ministers,  Charles  commissioned  Buckingham  to  negotiate  a  sham 


374     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

treaty,  concluded  in  February,  1671,  which  was  practically  the  same 
as  that  of  the  previous  spring  except  for  the  provision  concerning 
religion.  Meantime,  Charles  by  nursing  Parliament  in  the  delusion 
that  a  Triple  Alliance  —  concluded  with  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  in 
1667  —  still  held,  secured  large  sums  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  it 
effective.  Had  he  stood  loyally  by  the  Dutch,  the  designs_of  Louis 
XIV  might  h'kve^rjeeiTchecked  and  later  Mostly  and  devastating  wars 
might  have  been  avoided. 

The  Declaration  of  Indulgence  (1672-1673).. — The  religious  situ- 
ation was  such  as  to  cause  "  all  Protestant  hearts  to  tremble.  >r~  On  15 
March,  1672,  the  King  issued  a  Declaration  of  Indulgence,  suspending 
"  all  manner  of  penal  laws  in  matters  ecclesiastical  against  whatsoever 
sort  of  Nonconformists  or  recusants."  Although  the  Declaration  only 
granted  to  Catholics  liberty  of  private  worship,  while  all  Protestant 
sects  were  to  be  allowed  to  worship  in  public,  men  suspected  it  was 
issued  mainly  in  the  Catholic  interest.  Nor  did  it  allay  the  suspicions, 
particularly  of  the  Presbyterians,  when  the  jails  were  opened  and  hun- 
dreds of  Quakers  and  other  Dissenters  were  released,  although  a  large 
body  of  the  Nonconformists  sent  the  King  a  deputation  to  express 
their  gratitude.  When  Parliament  met,  in  February,  1673,  the  opposi- 
tion was  so  intense,  that  Charles,  in  return  for  a  grant  of  money  which 
he  sorely  needed,  announced,  8  March,  that  he  would  cancel  the 
Declaration. 

The  Test  Act  and  the  Break-up  of  the  Cabal  (1673).  — To  clinch 
their  victory,  Parliament  passed  the  famous  Test  Act  providing  that 
all  holders  of  civiland  military  office  must  receive  the  sacrament  ac- 
cording to  the  Church  of  England  and  take  an  oath  declaring  their 
disbelief  in  transubstantiation.  That  testTxciuded  Romah  Catholics 
and  conscientious  Dissenters  for  over  a  century  and  a  half.1  The  ijn^- 
mediate  result  of  the  Test  Act  was  the  break-up  of  the  Cabal  Ministry, 
though  Arlington,  and  Burkin^han]  managed  to  hold  on  till  1674,  and 
Lauderdale  till  1680.  Shaftesbury,  the  lifelong  friend  of  religious 
liberty,  who  had  been  one  of  the  instigators  of  the  Declaration,  but 
who,  on  gaining  an  inkling  of  the  real  purport  of  the  Treaty  of  Dover 
and  the  King's  Catholic  designs,  had  reversed  his  policy  and  had  lent 
his  support  to  the  Test  Act,  was  dismissed  from  the  office  of  Lord 
Chancellor,  and  became  the  most  active  leader  and  organizer  of  the 
opposition  party  forming  against  the  Court.  The  anti-Catholic  party 
had  renewed  cause  for  apprehension  when  the  King's  brother  James, 
Duke  of  York,  whose  first  wife,  Anne  Hyde,  had  died  the  previous 
year,  married,  in  the  autumn  of  1673,  Mary  of  Modena,  who  had  been 
1  Some  Nonconformists  did  not  scruple  to  qualify  by  taking  the  sacrament. 


FROM   FALL  OF   CLARENDON  TO  DEATH  OF   CHARLES  II     375 

destined  for  a  nun.  The  nuptials  were  brought  about  in  the  teeth 
of  a  Parliamentary  address,  praying  that  the  Duke  should  not  wed 
any  person  but  of  the  Protestant  religion. 

The  Third  Dutch  War  (1672-1674).  —  Parliament  shared  also  in 
the  growing  opposition  to  the  Dutch  War  which  had  resulted  from 
the  Treaty  of  Dover,  and  which  was  now  drawing  to  a  close.  At  the 
outset  the  war  had  been  popular,  for  the  English,  as  yet  unaware  of 
Charles's  Catholic  designs,  welcomed  the  chance  of  French  aid  to  crush 
their  commercial  rivals  and  avenge  the  invasion  of  the  Medway. 
While  the  two  countries  were  still  at  peace  and  while  De  Witt,  the 
Grand  Pensionary,  was  making  every  effort  to  avert  a  conflict,  Charles 
ordered  an  attack  on  a  Dutch  fleet  from  Smyrna  as  it  passed  up  the 
Channel.  This  inexcusable  act  of  bad  faith,  which  deservedly  failed, 
led  to  a  declaration  of  war  four  days  later,  17  March,  1672.  The 
situation  seemed  very  serious  for  the  Dutch.  In  the  previous  war 
the  English  victories  at  sea  had  been  barren  of  results,  because  of  their 
inability  to  follow  them  up  by  land  attacks.  Now  with  the  armies 
of  Louis  operating  on  the  frontier,  they  had  every  prospect  of  crushing 
their  opponents.  Neither  side,  however,  was  well  prepared,  and  the 
first  battle  off  Southwold  Bay,1  28  May,  1672,  was  indecisive.  An 
attempt  made  by  the  allies,  later  in  the  season,  to  land  on  the  Dutch 
coast  was  frustrated  by  the  Dutch  Admiral,  with  the  help  of  his 
superior  knowledge  of  the  foggy,  sandy  shores. 

The  Close  of  the  War.  —  The  next  year,  Prince  Rupert  succeeded 
the  Duke  of  York,  who  had  to  give  up  his  command  in  consequence 
of  the  Test  Act.  Several  engagements  proved  as  indecisive  as  that 
off  Solebay.  The  feeling  between  the  French  and  English  in  the  allied 
fleets  became  intense.  Increasing  numbers  of  Englishmen,  who  had 
already  begun  to  fear  the  designs  of  Louis  XIV  more  than  the  com- 
mercial rivalry  of  the  Dutch,  became  convinced  that  their  sailors  were 
being  used  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  French,  and  it  was  the  common 
opinion  in  London  that  "  unless  this  alliance  with  France  be  broken 
the  nation  will  be  ruined."  Since  the  Dutch  were  torn  by  party 
strife,  both  sides  were  ready  to  come  to  terms.  So  a  treaty  was  signed 
at  London,  9  February,  1674, 2  by  which  the  Dutch  again  acknowledged 
the  honor  of  the  flag  and  restored  New  York  which  they  had  captured 
in  the  previous  July. 

The  Turning  Point  in  the  Policy  of  Charles.  Danby  made  Lord 
Treasurer.  —  WitLjhe  passage  of  the  Test  Act  ftTffl  tfrg  dnse.  of  the 
Thitd,  Dutch  War,  Charles  quietly  dropped  his  design  of  .making  Eng- 
land Catholic.  Sir  Thomas  Osborne  (1631-1712)  succeeded  Clifford 

1  Or  Solebay.  2  Known  as  the  Peace  of  Westminster. 


376     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

as  Lord  Treasurer,  in  1673,  and  was  created  Earl  of  Danby  the  follow- 
ing year.  A  devoted  supporter  of  the  royaLprerogative,  he  was  op- 
posed to  Dissenters,  to  Catholicism  and  French  ascendancy,  and  showed 
great  financial  ability,  though  he  was  unscrupulous  in  filling  his  own 
pockets  and  in  attaching  supporters  by  bribery  and  patronage.  While 
he  was  not  the  first  to  employ  financial  corruption  in  Parliament,  he 
organized  the  system  and  extended  it  to  the  rank  and  file.  Working 
with  Danby,  Charles  readily  went  to  the  lengths  of  deserting  the 
Catholics  for  the  High  Anglicans,  and  of  consenting  to  the  persecution 
of  the  Nonconformists ;  nevertheless,  except  for  brief  intervals,  he 
continued  in  the  pay  of  France  till  his  death,  though,  after  the  peace 
with  the  Dutch,  he  never  gave  Louis  any  active  support,  receiving  his 
subsidies  in  return  for  neutrality. 

The  Beginning  of  the  Modern  Party  System.  —  It  was  during  the 
fight  against  Danby  and  the  Court  policy,  in  the  session  of  1675,  that 
the  Country  Party,  which  had  been  taking  shape  for  some  years,  was 
definitely  organized  under  Shaftesbury  in  the  Lords  and  by  William 
Sacheverell  in  the  Commons.  Built  on  the  principles  of  parliamentary 
supremacy  and  toleration,  it  soon  came  to  be  known  as  the  Whig  Party, 
a  name  which  it  bore  until  well  into  the  nineteenth  century.  It  sur- 
vives  to-day  in  the  present  Liberal  Party.  While  Danby  was  the  first "~ 
to  organize  a  Government  machine,  his  opponents  put  on  a  permanent 
footing  one  of  the  two  great  modern  political  parties.  The  center  of 
activity  of  the  Country  Party  was  the  Green  Ribbon  Club,  founded 
in_i675,  and,  during  the  next  few  years  a  very  busy  organization  it 
was,  spurred  by  the  feverish  energy  of  its  president,  Shaftesbury. 
Anti-government  men  of  all  sorts  gathered  at  its  meetings,  there 
petitions  were  drawn  up,  and  thence  speakers,  agents  and  pamphlets 
were  sent  to  spread  their  views  throughout  the  city  and  country. 

The  Succession.  The  Marriage  of  William  of  Orange  and  Prin- 
cess  Mary,  1077^ — The  quesiion  of  the  succession  was  gradually  be- 
coming acute.  In  1676,  James,  Duke  of  York,  brother  and  heir  of  the 
King,  became  a  professed  Roman  Catholic,  whereupon  there  began  a  fa- 
mous struggle,  which  came  to  a  head  two  or  three  years  later,  to  exclude 
him  from  the  throne.  The  Protestant  interest  scored  a  victory  when 
the  King,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  in  the  pay  of  France,  agreed, 
on  zealous  pressure  from  Danby,  that  Mary,1  the  eldest  daughter, 
of  James  and  his  first  wife  Anne  Hyde,  should  marry  William  of  Orange. 
The  marriage,  which  had  already  been  discussed  in  1674,  was  celebrated 
4  November,  1677.  Charles's  motives  were :  to  force  more  money  from 

1  She  had  been  brought  up  a  Protestant,  though  her  mother  died  in  the  Church 
of  Rome. 


FROM  FALL  OF   CLARENDON  TO  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  II     377 

LouiaJay  coquetting  with  his  enemy,  as  he  had  once  before  at  the  time 
of  ihejrriple  Alliance ;  to  strengthen  himself  with  his  Anglican  ^up- 
porlers ;  and  to  obtain  f romTarliament  supplies  of  money  and^men 
bv  a  threatened  demonstration  against  the  Power  which  they  hated. 

A  Tortuous  Foreign  Policy:  —  The  course  of  jSnglish  foreign  policy 
andjlie  ^relations  between  Charles  and  his  Parliament  were  most  tor- 
tuous and  complicated.  At  times  the  King,  in  order  to  strengthen 
his  army  and  16  secure  supplies  from  the  Commons,  was  threatening 
war  with  France ;  yet,  all  the  while,  he  was  treating  with  his  old  pay- 
master,  now  breathing  defiance,  now  promising  to  dissolve  his  Par- 
liament, always  with  the  view  of  making  the  best  financial  terms  pos- 
sible. While  Parliament  voted  him  considerable  sums  to  help  James' 
Dutch  son-in-law  against  the  encroachments  of  Lcuis  XIV,  there  was 
generally  a  strong  opposition  against  him.  Many,  and  not  without 
reason,  distrusted  Charles's  sincerity,  fearing  the  use  to  which  he  might 
put  the  men  and  money  which  he  sought,  others  wanted  to  get  rid  of 
Danby,  and,  sad  to  say,  not  a  few  had  been  corrupted  by  French  gold." 
The  aim  of  Louis  XIV  in  subsidizing  the  Opposition  l  was  to  strengthen 
the  party  opposed  to  Danby,  and,  while  the  session  lasted,  to  keep 
Charles  so  embroiled  that  he  could  not  carry  out  his  threat  of  inter- 
vening in  behalf  of  the  Dutch.  When,  in  spite  of  his  bribes  and  in- 
trigues, the  English  King  finally  prepared  to  send  a  force  to  assist 
William  of  Orange,  Louis  was  obliged  to  sign  a  peace  with  the  Dutch 
at  Nymwegen,  10  August,  1678.  While  Charles  gained  nothing  by 
the  actual  terms  of  the  peace,  the  events  which  led  up  to  it  had  greatly 
strengthened  his  position.  He  had  increasecTKis  standing  army  and 
he  had  drawn  large  sums  of  money  both  tfoffl  Parliament  and  Louis, 
by  playing  one  against  the  other. 

Titus  Gates  and  the  "  Popish  Plot."  —  Such  was  the  situation  when 
startling  disclosures  of  Titus  Oates,  an  unscrupulous  informer  and 
liar,  threw  England  into  a  violent  panic.  The  anti-Catholic  frenzy 
aroused  by  the  so-called  "  Popish  Plot "  gave  the  Country  Party  a 
momentary  ascendancy  which  they  failed  to  maintain  because  of  their 
unbridled  violence.  Titus  Oates  was  the  son  of  a  Baptist  formerly  a 
chaplain  of  one  of  Cromwell's  regiments.  Deserting  his  father's 
faith  he  had  first  taken  orders  in  the  Church  of  England,  and  then,  in 
1677,  joined  the  Church  of  Rome.  His  motives  were  base:  either 
to  obtain  profitable  employment  as  an  agent  in  Catholic  intrigues,  or 
to  sell  their  secrets  to  the  English  Protestant  party.  Already,  in  the 
course  of  a  checkered  career,  he  had  been  found  guilty  of  false  witness 

1  It  was  estimated  at  one  time  that  more  than  two  thirds  of  the  members  were 
in  the  pay  either  of  Charles  or  Louis. 


378     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and  of  offenses  even  more  loathsome.  During  brief  residences  at 
two  Jesuit  colleges  abroad,  from  each  of  which  he  was  successively 
expelled,  he  learned,  through  scraps  of  conversation,  that  Charles  II 
was  thought  to  stand  in  the  way  of  the  Romanist  conversion  of  £ng- 
land  for  which  he  had  once  striven  so  zealously ;  that  Catholic  hopes 
were  now  centered  on  his  royal  brother;  that  Coleman,  secretary 
first  of  the  Duke  and  later  of  the  Duchess  of  York,  was  busy~corre- 
sponding  with  the  French  Jesuit,  Pere  la  Chaise,  and  that  a  Jesuit  con- 
gregation had  been  held  in  London  in  April.  Thus  scajaljlyjgcimpp^ 
he  went  to  London,  where  he  worked  up  his  story  from  such  raw  ma- 
terials as  he  had  gathered.  It  was,  in  substance,  that  Jhere  was  a 
hellish  plot  to  fire  the  Citv.  to  rouse  rebellion,  in  Ireland,  to  invade 
England  with  a  French  and  Irish  army,  to  massacrerthe^ro i testants , 
a.nfTt.0  murder  the  King! 

The  Murder  of  Sir  Edmund  Bury  Godfrey  (1678).  — These  disclos- 
ures were  read  before  Charles  and  the  Council,  and  a  copy  of  the  charges 
was  put  in  the  hands  of  Sir  Edmund  Bury  Godfrey,  a  justice  of  the 
peace,  who,  though  a  Protestant,  was  intimately  acquainted  with 
Coleman  and  other  prominent  Roman  Catholics.  In  spite  of  the  fact 
that  Gates  was  twice  caught  in  falsehood  and  contradiction  during 
his  examination  before  the  Council,  an  investigation  was  set  on  foot 
which  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  Coleman's  correspondence  with 
Pere  la  Chaise.  This  was  the  only  evidence  that  could  be  found  to 
support  the  story  of  Gates.  In  view,  however;  of  the  intrigues  with 
France,  partly  known  and  partly  suspected,  the  people  were  ready  to 
believe  anything;  in  consequence,  when,  17  October,  1678,  the  dead 
body  of  Sir  Edmund  Bury  Godfrey  was  found  in  a  ditch,  north  of 
London,  their  fears  mounted  to  a  panic.  The  mystery  of  Godfrey's 
death  has  never  been  solved. 

Causes  Promoting  Belief  in  the  Plot.  —  A  review  of  the  years  im- 
mediately preceding  will  show  that  Gates,  though  he  told  a  lying  story, 
had  some  ground  to  work  upon;  in  other  words,  that  there  was  to 
some  extent  a  real  as  well  as  a  sham  plot.  Charles,  by  the  Treaty  of 
Dover,  had  entered  into  a  definite  engagement  for  the  Catholicizing 
of  England.  When  the  turn  of  events  caused  him  to  abandon  these 
designs,  and  particularly  after  he  had  given  his  sanction  to  the  marriage 
of  William  of  Orange  and  had  allied  himself  to  the  Dutch,  Catholics 
at  home  and  abroad,  far  from  giving  up  hope,  began  to  look  to  his 
brother  to  accomplish  the  work  which  he  had  deserted.  While  they 
worked  earnestly  at  their  plan  of  converting  the  country  and  to  secure 
the  succession  of  James,  there  is  no  proof  that  they  ever  plotted  to 
murder  the  reigning  King.  Though  party  leaders  on  both  sides  sought 


FROM  FALL  OF   CLARENDON  TO  DEATH  OF   CHARLES   II      379 

to  make  use  of  the  "  Plot  "  for  their  own  ends,  Shaftesbury  was  the 
most  active  of  all  in  fomenting  the  excitement.  Gates  gave  him  the 
weapons  he  sought,  to  fight  the  succession  of  James  and  the  Catholic 
line.  His  zeal  was  amazing  in  procuring  informers  and  in  hounding 
them  by  threats  or  bribery  or  whatever  means  proved  most  effective. 
Sad  to  say,  all  too  many,  high  in  public  affairs,  were  deluded  or  un- 
scrupulous enough  to  fan  the  flames  of  popular  frenzy. 

Charles's  Share  in  the  Responsibility.  —  Charles  must  bear  a  heavy 
share  in  the  responsibility  for  the  whole  matter.  By  his  manifest 
favor  to  Catholics  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  and  by  his  intrigues 
with  France,  he  had  placed  himself  in  a  position  such  that  he  could  not 
make  light  of  the  whole  affair  without  laying  himself  open  to  suspicion. 
So,  though  he  did  not  believe  a  word  of  the  Plot  and  even  declared  to 
his  intimates  that  he  regarded  the  chief  informers  as  liars  and  rogues, 
he  remained  passive,  letting  events  take  their  course.  He  suffered 
innocent  men  to  go  to  their  death  on  the  testimony  of  rascals,  and  even 
permitted  Gates,  the  arch-villain  of  them  all,  to  lodge  in  splendor  at 
Whitehall  and  to  receive  a  large  weekly  pension  from  the  privy  purse. 
Finally,  when  he  came  to  realize  that  Shaftesbury  and  his  party  were 
aiming,  with  the  aid  of  Gates  and  his  kind,  to  force  him  to  divorce  hj*. 
Queen  and  to  exclude  his  brother  from  the  throne,  he  roused  himself, 
dashed  their  plans.and  fought  them  with  amazing  ability  and  determi- 
nation during  the  rest  of  his  reign.  Yet,  before  that  happened,  he  had 
allowed  his  subjects,  whom  his  father  had  once  described  as  a  "  sober 
people,"  to  pass  through  a  stage  of  madness  which  was  an  abiding 
disgrace  to  him  and  to  them. 

Parliament  Imposes  New  Tests  upon  Roman  Catholics  (1678).  — 
Parliament  met  21  October,  1678,  and  continued  in  session  till  30 
December.  Its  first  step  was  to  hurry  through  a  resolution  that  "  there 
has  been  and  still  is,  a  damnable  and  hellish  plot  contrived  and  carried 
on  by  Popish  recusants,  for  the  assassinating  and  murdering  of  the 
King,  and  for  subverting  the  Government,  and  rooting  out  and  destroy- 
ing the  Protestant  religion."  None  dared  dissent,  for  fear  of  being 
thought  implicated.  Fear  rose  to  panic.  Elaborate  precautions  were 
taken  against  fire,  men  went  about  armed,  and  the  Protestant  "  flail  " 
was  invented,  a  handy  little  club  for  striking  suddenly  a  threatened 
assailant.  The  City  and  the  royal  palace  were  guarded  with  troops 
and  cannon.  The  prisons  were  filled  with  suspects,  and,  while  their 
trials  were  proceeding,  measures  were  framed  to  exclude  Catholics 
from  the  Government.  Ajnew  test,  passed  28  October,  obliged  mem- 
bers of  both  Houses  to  take  the  oaths  of  Supremacy  and  Allegiance 
and  subscribe  to  a  declaration  that  worship  according  to  the  Church 


380     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

of  Rome  was  idolatrous.  One  commendable  achievement  of  this 
session  was  in  forcing  Charles  to  disband  the  standing  army  which  the 
Commons  protested  was  raised  "  for  an  imaginary  war." 

The  Victims  of  the  Plot.  —  For  months  the  trials  of  those  accused 
of  participation  in  the  Plot  went  on.  Coleman  was  the  first  to  die, 
and  upwards  of  twenty  more  met  the  same  fate ;  most  of  them  guilt- 
less of  any  crime  except  that  of  being  Roman  Catholics  and  attempt- 
ing to  propagate  their  faith.  The  judges  were  brutal  and  biased,  the 
witnesses  told  what  they  knew  to  be  lies,  but,  it  must  be  said,  the  pro- 
cedure was  no  more  unfair  than  it  had  been  for  a  century  and  more. 
In  constant  fear  of  danger  from  without,  of  treason  and  rebellion  from 
within,  with  no  adequate  police  or  military  force,  the  Government 
saw  no  safety  except  in  swift  ruthless  convictions.  Thus  the  law  courts 
were  concerned  not  so  much  in  saving  the  innocent  as  in  making  ex- 
amples of  those  who  seemed  guilty.  While  the  Popish  terror  was  at 
its  height,  the  courts  as  well  as  the  places  of  execution  were  threatened 
by  howling  mobs,  so  that  the  judges  could  acquit  no  one  without  the 
greatest  risk  to  their  own  safety.  The  turn  of  the  tide  came  in  July, 
1679,  when  the  Chief  Justice,  acting  on  a  hint  from  the  Crown,  with- 
stood popular  clamor  and  declared  the  acquittal  of  the  Queen's  physi- 
cian, whose  case  was  bound  up  with  that  of  his  royal  mistress.  More 
trials  there  were ;  but  they  grew  fewer  and  fewer,  though  two  victims 
of  high  rank  remained  yet  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  popular  fury.  In 
December,  1680,  Lord  Stafford,  an  aged  peer  of  the  notable  family 
of  Howard,  was  sent  to  the  block,  and,  in  the  ensuing  summer,  he  was 
followed  by  the  Roman  Catholic  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  the  last  of 
the  accused  to  suffer. 

The  Fall  of  Danby  (1678-1679). — Meantime,  Danby  had  fallen 
and  the  Cavalier  Parliament  was  no  more.  The  Lord  Treasurer  was 
overthrown  by  the  combined  hostility  of  the  Shaftesbury  party  and 
the  French  King.  The  agent  was  a  disappointed  office-seeker,  who, 
moved  by  revenge  and  a  bribe  from  Louis  XIV,  disclosed  instructions 
which  he  had  received  from  Danby  to  offer  the  dissolution  of  Parlia- 
ment in  return  for  a  French  loan.  Parliament  started  to  impeach  the 
Lord  Treasurer  forthwith.  It  was  urged  in  vain  that,  disapproving 
of  the  proposal,  he  acted  solely  in  accordance  with  the  royal  orders. 
Next,  Charles  tried  to  save  him  by  proroguing  and  then  dissolving  Par- 
liament. The  new  Parliament,  which  met  6  March,  1679,  resumed 
the  attack.  Ultimately  the  impeachment  was  withdrawn,  he  was 
convicted  under  a  bill  of  attainder  and  committed  to  the  Tower, 
where  he  remained  for  nearly  five  years.  Danby^s  case  is  of  great 
politicaljmd  constitutional  significance;  it  marks  another  step  in 


FROM  FALL  OF   CLARENDON  TO  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  II     381 


the     prOCeSS      Of      ra11inor__  jyTim'gtprc    trt    afwmri*      oprl  uffifflihlfcripH     the 

principle  that  a  royal  pardon  was  no  bar  to  an  impeachment. 

The  "Habeas  Corpus  Act"  (1679).  —  This  Parliament  which  dis- 
posed of  Danby  secured  notable  gains  to  the  subject  in  connection  with 
the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus.  Notwithstanding  the  Petition  of  Right, 
repeated  instances  of  arbitrary  imprisonment  occurred  after  the  Res- 
toration. One  bill  after  another  was  introduced,  but  it  was  not  till 
1679  that  an  Act  was  passed,  mainly  through  the  efforts  of  Shaftes- 
bury,  to  make  the  execution  of  the  writ  more  effectual.  Hitherto, 
the  jailer  had  not  been  bound  to  make  an  immediate  return,  and  he 
might  avoid  giving  up  a  prisoner  by  shifting  him  from  prison  to  prison. 
Moreover,  it  was  not  clear  whether  any  but  the  Court  of  King's  Bench 
could  issue  the  writ,  or  whether  a  single  judge  could  do  so  during  the 
long  vacation.  {The^Act  of  1679  provided  that  any  prisoner  held  for 
a  criminal  charge  must,  on  the  issuance  of  the  writ,  be  brought  before 
the  judge  within  a  specified  time  to  decide  whether  he  should  be  dis- 
charged, released  jjn^bail,  or  held  for  trial.}  Henceforth,  the  writ  might 
be  obtained  from  any  court,  while,  during  the  long  vacation,  a  single 
judge  might  issue  it.  Furthermore,  except  in  special  cases,  persons 
could  not  be  imprisoned  beyond  the  seas,  and  the  writ  was  to  run  in 
the  counties  palatine  and  other  privileged  jurisdictions.  Evasions 
were  punished  by  heavy  fines.  Even  yet  the  remedies  were  still  in- 
adequate. A  judge  might  require  bail  too  excessive  for  the  prisoner 
to  obtain,  jailers  might  make  a  false  return,  and  the  provisions  applied 
to  criminal  cases  only.  The  first  abuse  was  remedied  by  the  Bill  of 
Rights,  the  two  latter  by  an  act  of  1816. 

The  First  Exclusion  Bill  (1679).  The  Whigs  and  Tories.  —  Charles 
ratified  the  Act  in  order  to  placate  the  Opposition,  who  were  bent  on 
excluding  the  Duke  of  York  from-  the  succession.  A  bill  for  that  pur- 
pose passed  the  Commons,  and  he  only  prevented  it  from  going  to  the 
Lords  by  proroguing  Parliament,  27  May,  1679.  That  body  did  not 
meet  again  till  the  autumn  of  1680.  During  the  interval  the  struggle 
raged  furiously.  In  general,  Charles  played  a  waiting  game,  hoping 
by  repeated  prorogations  to  keep  Parliament  in  check  or  lo  drive  the 
Opposition  to  violence.  Petitions  poured  in  from  all  parts  of  the  coun- 

^^•••HBHBBBfllHHHHI^^I^M 

try,  begging  him  to  call  Parliament.  These  were  answered  by  coun- 
ter-petitions from  his  supporters,  declaring  their  abhorrence  of  such 
petitions:  Thejiames  "petitioners"  and  "  abhorrers  "  came  to  be 
applied  to  the  two  great  parties,  who,  however,  soon  received  their 
more  enduring  names  of  "  Whigs  and  Tories."  1 

1  '"Whig"  is  thought  to  be  a  shortened  form  of  "Whiggamore,"  a  name  applied 
to  the  Scotch  covenanting  party,  from  "Whiggam,"  the  cry  by  which  they  en- 


382     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  Second  Exclusion  Bill  (1680).  The  Oxford  Parliament  (1681) .  — 
Truly  these  months  were  a  "  crazy  time  everywhere."  The  Duke  of 
Monmouth,  one  of  Charles's  natural  sons,  a  weak,  erring  young  man 
as  charming  in  manners  as  his  reputed  father,  had  gained  some  popu- 
larity by  suppressing  a  Presbyterian  rising  in  Scotland,  and  Shaftes- 
bury,  disappointed  of  forcing  Charles  into  a  divorce  and  a  Protestant 
marriage,  aimed  to  prove  that  Monmouth  was  the  legitimate  fruit  of 
a  secret  marriage,  and  thus  to  set  him  in  place  of  the  Duke  of  York 
as  heir  to  the  throne.  When  Parliament  met,  in  October,  a  second 
Exclusion  Bill  was  introduced.  Passing  the  Commons,  it  was  defeated, 
chiefly  by  the  eloquence  of  Lord  Halifax,  who  favored  Charles's  plan 
of  a  Catholic  succession  with  limitations,  whereupon,  the  Houses  were 
prorogued,  and  finally  dissolved,  in  January,  1681.  The  King's  last 
Parliament  met  21  March,  1681,  at  Oxford;  for  he  dared  not  allow  it 
to  assemble  in  London.  The  Whigs,  greatly  in  the  majority  and  backed 
by  bands  of  armed  followers,  were  determined  to  force  through  their 
exclusion  measure,  and  to  set  up  a  Protestant  Association  to  govern 
the  country  under  Monmouth.  Charles,  in  order  to  secure  his  sup- 
porters against  attack,  had  the  road  to  Oxford  lined  with  armed  men 
and  made  other  preparations  for  defense.  Moreover,  he  secured  an- 
other large  grant  from  Louis,  and,  when  the  Opposition  again  re- 
fused to  accept  a  bill  of  limitations,  he  put  an  end  to  the  session  after 
eight  days,  the  members  dispersing  with  "  dreadful  faces  and  loud 
sighs."  Charles's  waiting  policy  had  been  crowned  with  success,  the 
Whigs  had  over-reached  themselves  by  their  own  violence,  and  never 
again,  while  he  lived,  \verethey  to  recover  their  lost  ascendancy. ,  Their 
leaders  kept  up  the  struggle,  but  their  following  was  a  body  of  desperate 
agitators,  not  a  popular  political  party. 

Flight  and  Death  of  Shaftesbury.  The  Royal  Attack  on  the  Munici- 
pal Corporations.  —  Loyal  addresses  came  pouring  in  from  all  sides, 
couched  in  the  most  abject  and  fulsome  language.  The  Tory  doctrines 
of  non-resistance  and  absolute  devotion  to  absolutism  now  became  all 
the  more  fashionable  by  way  of  reaction  against  the  Whig  notions 
which  had  dominated  the  last  three  Parliaments.  Charles  was  now 
ready  to  assume  the  aggressive.  The  first  blow  was  aimed  against 
Shaftesbury,  who  was  charged  with  plotting  against  the  King  and  with 
attempting  to  set  up  a  republic.  Although  the  grand  jury  refused  to 
bring  in  a  true  bill  against  him,  the  fiery  popular  leader,  after  a  year  oi 
furious  agitation  and  busy  intrigues,  fled  to  Holland  in  December,  1682, 

couraged  their  horses,  though  some  derive  it  from  a  word  meaning  "sour  whey." 
"Tory"  originally  meant  an  Irish  outlaw.  It  was  first  applied  by  Gates  to  those 
who  disbelieved  in  the  Plot,  and  passed  from  them  to  the  opponents  of  the  Exclusion. 


FROM   FALL  OF   CLARENDON  TO   DEATH  OF   CHARLES   II     383 

where  he  died  the  following  January.  The  Middlesex  jury  who  had 
thus  defied  the  royal  will  was  appointed  by  the  London  sheriffs  who, 
in  their  turn,  were  chosen  by  the  City,  where  the  Whig  element  remained 
strong.  Accordingly,  Charles,  in  order  to  revenge  himself  and  at  the 
same  time  to  gain  control  of  the  government  of  London,  had  a  writ  of  quo 
warranto  brought  in  the  King's  Bench  calling  on  the  City  to  show  why — 
by  what  warrant  —  it  should  not  forfeit  its  charter,  on  the  pretext  that 
it  had  abused  its  privileges.  In  June,  1683,  the  judges  rendered  a  de- 
cision that  the  charter  should  be  forfeited.  Nevertheless,  it  was  pro- 
posed that  the  charter  might  be  retained  on  certain  conditions,  the 
most  important  being  that  the  election  of  the  chief  officials  should  be 
submitted  for  royal  approval.  When  the  City  refused  to  submit  to 
this-arrangement,  Charles  proceeded  to  appoint  men  of  his  own  choice. 
He  next  extended  the  attack  against  other  municipalities.  Mis  ob- 
ject was  not  only  to  increase  his  supporters  in  influential  centers,  but, 
since  many  corporations  chose  the  parliamentary  members  from  their 
borough,  to  strengthen  his  party  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  the  event 
of  another  session.  Some  resisted,  some  surrendered  voluntarily  when 
suit  was  brought  against  them ;  altogether,  nearly  seventy  charters 
were  forfeited  or  remodeled.  Meantime,  the  Duke  of  York  had  re- 
sumed office  in  violation  of  the  Test  Act,  and  the  persecution  of  Dis- 
senters had  been  resumed. 

^fEeTriumph  and  Death  of  Charles  (1685).  —  Charles  was  now  tri- 
umphant. The  country  was  prosperous  and  trade  was  flourishing; 
the  furious  partisanship  of  the  Whigs,  the  dread  of  another  revolution, 
and  the  King's  adroitness  in  giving  up  his  Catholic  designs  and  in 
playing  his  adversaries  until  they  had  risen  to  the  bait  had  left 
him  supreme.  Yet  he  had  won  at  a  tremendous  sacrifice.  For  the 
sake  of  French  gold  he  had  acquiesced  tamely  in  Louis  XIV's  plans  of 
ascendancy,  which  caused  untold  misery  to  generations  to  come. 
Happily  he  did  not  live  to  enjoy  long  the  repose  which  he  had  so  basely 
gained.  He  was  stricken  with  apoplexy,  2  February,  1685,  and  only 
survived  four  days.  Witty  to  the  last,  he  apologized  to  those  about 
him  for  being  "  such  an  unconscionable  time  in  dying."  In  his  last 
hours  he  was  received  into  the  Church  of  Rome. 


FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Lodge;  Trevelyan;  Cambridge  Modern  History;  Ranke; 
Lingard ;  and  Macaulay. 

Constitutional.  Sir  J.  F.  Stephen,  History  of  the  Criminal  Law  (3  vols., 
1883),  I,  325  ff.  for  judicial  procedure  in  the  seventeenth  century. 


384     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Biography.  Lord  John  Russell,  Life  of  William  Lord  Russell  (4th  ed., 
1853).  Anonymous,  Adventures  of  James  II  (1904),  very  sympathetic  as 
regards  James. 

Special.  John  Pollock,  The  Popish  Plot  (1903),  the  authority  on  the 
subject ;  pt.  IV  deals  with  the  procedure  in  the  treason  trials. 

Contemporary.  J.  S.  Clarke,  The  Life  of  King  James  the  Second,  "col- 
lected out  of  memoirs  writ  of  his  own  hand"  (1816). 

For  further  works  relating  to  this  chapter  see  Chapter  XXXII,  above. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  228-232.  Robert- 
son, Select  Statutes  and  Cases,  pt.  I,  nos.  X,  XI,  pt.  II,  nos.  II- VII. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 
JAMES  II  AND  THE  "  GLORIOUS  REVOLUTION "  (1685-1688) 

Strength  of  the  Monarchy  at  the  Accession  of  James,  in  1685.  — 
Charles,  though  lazy,  dissipated,  and  unprincipled,  was  tactful  and 
wary,  and  left  his  brother  in  a  position  of  unusual  strength.  The  Whig 
opposition  was  crushed  and  discouraged ;  the  municipal  corporations 
were  under  royal  control ;  France  stood  in  need  of  the  friendship  of 
the  English  King,  while  the  Dutch,  the  Protestant  princes  of  Ger- 
many, and  Spain,  the  Empire,  and  the  Papacy,  all  of  whom  dreaded 
French  ascendancy,  courted  his  alliance.  ^Moreover,  James,  during 
the  first  few  months  of  his  reign,  steadily  strengthened  his  position: 
he  obtained  an  ample  grant  from  Parliament  and,  in  order  to  face  a 
rebellion  which  was  easily  suppressed,  he  secured  a  large  standing 
arjny-  Had  he  been  content  with  the  religious  situation  as  Charles 
had  left  it,  he  might  have  ruled  long  and  successfully,  but  his  rash  am- 
bition to  reestablish  the  Church  of  Rome  alienated  even  the  most 
devoted  of  his  supporters,  the  Tory  High  Churchmen,  drove  them  into 
the  ranks  of  the  opposition,  and  led  to  his  overthrow. 

Personal  Traits  of  the  New  King.  —  James  was  nearly  fifty-two 
years  old.1  During  twelve  years  of  exile  he  had  seen  service  both  in 
the  French  and  the  Spanish  armies.  Then,  and  afterwards  as  a  naval 
commander  in  the  Dutch  wars,  he  had  shown  himself  to  be  brave  and 
not  without  ability.  Also,  as  Lord  High  Admiral,  he  had,  in  the 
teeth  of  great  obstacles,  proved  an  enlightened  administrator,  fond  of 
details,  and,  for  a  man  who  lived  at  Court  in  those  days,  compara- 
tively free  from  vices  of  drunkenness  and  gambling.  But  here  his 
virtues  ended.  He  was  dull  and  obstinate,  ready  to  sacrifice  every- 
thing for  the  advancement  of  his  Church.  Much  of  the  cruelty 
charged  to  him  may  have  been  due  to  the  agents  whom  he  trusted, 
but  a  chief  duty  of  rulers  should  be  to  choose  worthy  servants  and  up- 
right counselors  ;  James's  failure  to  do  this  was  a  main  cause  for  his 
downfall. 

1  He  was  born,  14  October,  1633. 

2C  3SS 


386     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  First  Measures  of  the  Reign.  —  From  his  very  accession,  6 
February,  1685,  he  celebrated  mass  with  open  doors,  though  he  dis- 
armed the  apprehension  of  the  bulk  of  his  subjects  by  declaring  to 
the  Council  that  he  would  make  it  his  endeavor  "  to  preserve  the  Gov- 
ernment in  Church  and  State  as  it  is  by  law  established."  Many 
Catholics  and  Quakers  1  were  released  from  prison ;  but  the  penal 
laws  were  rigidly  enforced  against  the  bulk  of  the  Dissenters.  Gates, 
already  under  sentence  of  perjury,  received  a  flogging  from  which  it 
is  a  marvel  that  he  survived.  In  addition,  he  was  sentenced  to 
prison  for  life  and  to  be  pilloried  five  times  a  year. 

Parliament  Meets  and  Grants  James  a  Fixed  Revenue.  —  Parlia- 
ment, which  met  19  May,  1685,  readily  granted  to  James  for  life, 
the  revenues  of  the  late  King,  together  with  certain  additional  duties, 
which,  added  together,  gave  him  about  £1,900,000  a  year,  a  sum  which, 
considering  that  he  was  a  thrifty  Monarch,  abundantly  sufficed  for 
his  ordinary  needs.  Less  pliable  in  religious  matters,  Parliament  met 
the  King's  proposal  to  remove  the  tests  excluding  Catholics  from  office 
by  insisting  that  the  anti-Catholic  laws  be  strictly  enforced.  Such 
was  the  situation  when  news  came  that  Monmouth  had  landed  on  the 
south  coast.  Pausing  only  to  pass  an  Act  of  Attainder  against  him 
and  to  set  a  price  on  his  head,  the  Houses  adjourned,  July  2. 

The  Exiles.  Argyle  lands  in  Scotland.  Failure  and  Execution.  — 
Following  the  final  triumph  of  Charles,  crowds  of  bitter-tempered 
exiles  had  fled  to  the  Low  Countries.  Their  hopes  centered  in  Mon- 
mouth, who,  until  his  father's  death,  had  been  content  to  shine  as  a 
social  leader  at  the  Hague.  Next  to  him  in  importance  was  the  Earl 
of  Argyle,  head  of  the  great  clan  Campbell  and  son  of  the  famous 
covenanting  leader  who  had  been  executed  after  the  Restoration. 
Egged  on  by  the  busy  plotters,  Monmouth  and  Argyle  were  induced  to 
attempt  simultaneous  invasions  of  England  and  Scotland.  Argyle, 
who  started  in  May,  finally  reached  the  land  of  his  own  people  on  the 
west  coast ;  but,  owing  to  dissensions,  desertions,  inadequate  supplies, 
and  lack  of  enthusiasm  for  the  cause,  he  failed  miserably.  His  forces 
were  scattered,  he  himself  was  captured  and  taken  to  Edinburgh  where, 
30  June,  1685,  he  was  beheaded,  meeting  his  fate  with  lofty  resigna- 
tion. 

Monmouth's  Rising  and  Its  Failure  (1685). — Meantime,  n  June, 
Monmouth  landed  at  Lyme  Regis.  There,  at  the  market  cross,  a 
Declaration  was  read  which  charged  James  with  all  manner  of  horrid 
and  unlikely  crimes  —  such  as  burning  London,  strangling  Godfrey, 

1  They  were  persons  grata  with  the  Soverei  jn  because  passive  resistance  was 
one  of  the  tenets  of  their  religion. 


JAMES  II  AND  THE   "GLORIOUS  REVOLUTION"  387 

and  poisoning  his  late  brother  —  and  stated  that  the  young  Duke  had 
come  to  deliver  the  land  from  popery  and  tyranny  and  to  submit 
his  claims  to  a  free  and  lawful  Parliament,  The  peasants  in  the  coun- 
try round  about  pressed  eagerly  to  join  him ;  but  the  gentry  held  aloof. 
At  Taunton,  Monmouth,  contrary  to  his  promise,  proclaimed  himself 
King.  He  soon  had  to  reckon  with  a  royal  army,  composed  partly 
of  regular  troops  and  partly  of  local  militia,  which  encamped,  5  July, 
at  Sedgemoor  in  the  Somerset  marshes.  Here  they  easily  repulsed  a 
night  attack  and  scattered  the  Duke's  raw  levies,  fighting  valiantly, 
but  poorly  mounted  on  cart-horses,  and  many  of  them  armed  only 
with  scythes  tied  on  poles.  The  battle  of  Sedgemoor  was  the  last  im- 
portant battle  fought  on  English  soil.  Monmouth,  who  fled  when 
he  found  the  battle  was  going  against  him,  was  discovered  two  days 
later,  hiding  in  a  ditch,  disguised  as  a  shepherd.  Although  he  pled 
abjectly  for  his  life,  it  proved  of  no  avail.  He  was  beheaded  15 
July,  1685.  Monmouth's  popularity  among  the  peasants  of  Somer- 
set and  Dorset  amounted  to  veneration.  Refusing  to  believe  that 
he  was  dead,  they  cherished  for  years  the  hope  that  he  would  re- 
appear to  lead  them. 

"  Kirke's  Lambs  "  and  Jeffreys'  "  Bloody  Assize."  — The  venge- 
ance of  James  was  swift  and  terrible.  First,  Colonel  Kirke  with  his 
regiment  of  "Lambs " x  butchered  scores  without  trial,  enriching 
himself,  however,  by  sparing  those  from  whom  he  could  extort  money.2 
In  the  infamous  "  Bloody  Assize,"  held  by  Judge  Jeffreys  in 
the  autumn,  more  than  300  were  hanged,  drawn  and  quartered,  and 
800  more  were  transported.  For  generations  there  were  spots  in  the 
countryside  that  the  natives  would  not  pass  after  nightfall,  from  the 
gruesome  memories  preserved  of  bodies  swinging  in  chains  and  of 
heads  and  quarters  fixed  on  poles.  During  the  trials,  Jeffreys,  who 
afterwards  boasted  that  he  had  hanged  more  traitors  than  any  of  his 
predecessors  since  the  Conquest,  roared,  swore  and  joked  at  the 
trembling  victims  in  a  way  that  made  his  name  a  terror  for  years  to 
come.  All  that  can  be  said  for  him  is  that  he  was  only  a  degree  worse 
than  the  typical  judge  of  the  century,  and  that,  owing  to  a  painful 
malady,  he  drank  so  heavily  that  he  was  scarcely  ever  sober.  Some 
have  tried  to  excuse  James  from  responsibility  for  the  acts  of  his  brutal 
judges,  but  to  those  who  appealed  for  mercy  he  showed  himself  harder 
than  the  marble  chimneypiece  in  his  audience  chamber,  and  he  not 
only  rewarded  Jeffreys  with  the  Lord  Chancellorship  on  his  return 

1  So  called  from  a  device  on  their  banner  representing  the  Lamb  of  God. 

2  Of  late  the  view  has  been  gaining  ground  that  the  charges  against  Kirke  may 
have  been  exaggerated. 


388     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND    AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

from  the  West,  but  honored  him  with  his  fullest  confidence  through - 
.  out  the  reign. 

The  Turning  Point  in  the  Reign.  Foreign  Relations.  —  In  spite 
of  the  hatred  smoldering  in  the  west,  the  power  of  James  seemed  un- 
assailable. He  had  crushed  and  overawed  those  who  dared  to  rise 
against  him.  The  Church  and  the  bulk  of  his  subjects  were  still 
loyal,  he  had  an  adequate  regular  revenue,  and  a  strong  standing 
army.  Nevertheless,  the  autumn  of  1685  marked  a  decisive  turn  in 
the  tide  of  his  affairs.  The  situation  abroad  and  the  execution  of  Mon- 
mouth,  followed  by  a  long  succession  of  follies,  led  to  his  downfall 
within  the  space  of  three  years.  His  connection  with  Louis  XIV  was 
most  unfortunate ;  for  while  he  gave  the  French  King  no  active 
assistance,  he  received  subsidies  from  him  and  was  popularly  sup- 
posed, at  home  and  abroad,  to  be  a  partner  in  the  French  King's  de- 
signs of  establishing  an  ascendancy  on  the  Continent,  bound  to  be 
stoutly  resisted  by  Catholic  as  well  as  Protestant  rulers.  Not  only 
was  James  hampered  by  an  unpopular  ally,  but  also,  by  putting  Mon- 
mouth  out  of  the  way,  he  removed  a  great  cause  of  dissension  between 
his  opponents,  some  of  whom  supported  the  late  Duke  as  the  suc- 
cessor to  the  English  throne.  Now  all  parties  united  for  William 
of  Orange.  So,  when  James  began  to  make  it  clear  that  he  was  bent 
on  reintroducing  Catholicism  into  England,  the  ground  was  prepared 
for  an  irresistible  conbination  —  European  and  English  —  against 
him.  Such  being  the  situation,  it  was  most  unfortunate  for  the  pros- 
pects of  James  that  Louis,  in  October,  1685,  revoked  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  which,  in  theory  at  least,  had  protected  his  Huguenot  sub- 
jects for  over  a  century.  Many  of  them  took  refuge  in  England,  and 
the  tales  they  told  revived  the  terror  which  had  somewhat  subsided 
after  the  discrediting  of  Oates  and  his  gang.  What  Louis  had  done 
in  France  James  might  do  in  England. 

James  Breaks  with  his  Parliament  (November,  1685).  —  It  was  at 
this  unfortunate  juncture  that  James  began  to  show  his  hand.  He 
had  three  measures  which  he  was  determined  to  put  through :  to 
maintain  intact  the  standing  army,  which  had  been  increased  from 
6000  to  20,000  in  consequence  of  Monmouth's  rising;  to  obtain  the 
repeal  of  the  Test  Act,  for  the  purpose  of  retaining  a  number  of  Catho- 
lics who  already  held  office  in  the  army  and  to  make  it  possible  to  put 
others  in  military  and  civil  positions ;  and,  finally,  tojepeal  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act,  which  prevented  him  from  dealing  summarily  with  those 
who  were  disposed  to  resist  his  authority.  Parliament,  which  met  9 
November,  vigorously  opposed  these  projects.  This  so  angered  the 
King  that  he  prorogued  the  Houses  before  they  had  passed  a  money 


JAMES   II  AND  THE   "GLORIOUS   REVOLUTION"  389 

bill  to  pay  for  the  expenses  incurred  in  suppressing  the  recent  insur- 
rection. He  also  dismissed  from  office  many  who  had  voted  against 
his  measures.  Parliament  never  met  again  during  the  reign. 

James's  New  Counselors.  — The  chief  power  soon  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Lord  Sunderland.  While,  perhaps,  not  so  black  as  he  is  usually 
painted,  he  was  inordinately  ambitious,  never  hesitating  to  change 
his  politics  or  his  religion  whenever  he  thought  he  saw  a  chance  to 
advance  his  interests.  Though  he  did  not  profess  himself  a  Roman 
Catholic  till  the  summer  of  1688,  he  attached  himself,  not  long  after 
James  broke  with  Parliament,  to  a  small  group  of  extremists  whose 
policy  was  decidedly  French  and  Jesuit.  Among  them  were  Father 
Petre  and  Richard  Talbot,  the  latter  commonly  known  as  "  lying 
Dick  Talbot,"  a  crafty  intriguer  who  masqueraded  as  a  jovial  roisterer. 
The  ill-advised  designs  of  those  men  and  a  few  more  who  joined  with 
them,  were  a  source  of  grave  apprehension  to  the  moderate  Roman 
Catholics,  especially  to  the  nuncio  and  the  vicar  apostolic  whom  the 
Pope  had  sent  over  to  restrain  the  zeal  of  James,  and  to  counter- 
act the  intrigues  of  France. 

The  Case  of  Sir  Edward  Hales  (June,  1686).  —  James  awakened 
concern  by  one  rash  act  after  another.  Since  Parliament  had  refused 
to  sanction  the  repeal  of  the  Test  Act,  he  determined  to  render  it 
void  by  filling  offices  in  spite  of  its  restrictions.  However,  in  order 
to  give  his  procedure  a  show  of  legality  in  the  eyes  of  subjects,  he  de- 
cided to  extort  from  the  judges  a  decision  in  his  favor.  Four  who  re- 
fused to  do  his  bidding  were  replaced  by  others  more  pliant.  To  bring 
the  case  before  the  courts,  the  coachman  of  Sir  Edward  Hales  was 
employed  to  start  suit  against  his  master  for  holding  a  commission 
in  the  army,  contrary  to  the  Test  Act.  Eleven  of  the  twelve  judges 
decided  that,  notwithstanding  the  provisions  of  the  Act,  he  was  en- 
titled by  a  royal  authorization  to  hold  office.  Thus  fortified,  James, 
in  July,  admitted  four  Roman  Catholics  to  the  Privy  Council.  More 
startling  still,  he  proceeded  to  invade  the  two  strongholds  of  Angli- 
canism, the  Church  and  the  Universities.  He  issued  dispensations 
enabling  Roman  Catholics  to  hold  ecclesiastical  benefices,  he  ap- 
pointed to  the  Bishopric  of  Oxford  one  who  was  a  Roman  Catholic 
at  heart,  and  made  a  professed  Romanist  Dean  of  Christ  Church ; 
moreover,  Jesuit  chaplains  were  introduced  at  University  College, 
where  they  set  up  a  press  for  printing  controversial  pamphlets. 

The  Court  of  Ecclesiastical  Commission  (July,  1686).  —  It  was 
necessary,  if  the  King  was  to  control  the  Church,  to  have  a  means 
of  punishing  those  who  refused  to  obey  him.  To  that  end,  he  revived 
what  was  in  substance  the  Court  of  High  Commission,  which  had  been 


3QO     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

abolished  by  the  Long  Parliament  and  which  had  not  been  restored 
at  the  Restoration.  James  called  his  body  the  Ecclesiastical  Commis- 
sion, and  insisted  that  it  differed  from  the  tribunal  suppressed  by 
Parliament,  in  that  its  jurisdiction  was  confined  to  the  clergy.  The 
first  work  of  the  Commission  was  to  deprive  Henry  Compton,  Bishop 
of  London,  of  the  administration  of  his  See,  because  he  had  refused 
to  suspend  the  Dean  of  Norwich,  who  had  preached  against  a  royal 
proclamation  aimed  to  silence  controversial  sermons  denouncing 
"  Popery." 

Popular  Excitement  and  Opposition.  —  By  virtue  of  a  wholesale 
issue  of  dispensations,  Roman  Catholic  chapels  were  set  up  all  over 
the  country,  and  a  church  and  school  for  Jesuits  was  installed  at  the 
Savoy  Palace.  In  November,  1686,  the  new  Royal  Chapel  was 
opened  at  Whitehall  "  with  a  world  of  mysterious  ceremony."  Monks 
and  friars  in  their  religious  garb  appeared  again  in  the  streets  of 
London,  and  so  alarmed  and  enraged  the  people  that  riots  were  of  fre- 
quent occurrence.  In  order  to  overawe  the  unquiet,  13,000  men  of 
the  standing  army  were  quartered  on  Hounslow  Heath ;  but  the  camp 
became  a  great  resort  for  Londoners,  who  flocked  there  on  Sundays, 
and  the  soldiers  came  to  share  more  and  more  in  the  sentiments  of 
the  citizens.  From  the  pulpits  throughout  the  land  sermons  were 
preached  against  "  Popery,"  while  floods  of  pamphlets  defending  the 
Protestant  faith  issued  from  the  press.  In  spite  of  the  growing  op- 
position and  of  the  reproaches  even  of  the  Pope  and  the  moderate 
Roman  Catholics,  the  King  went  on  stubbornly,  and  the  situation 
grew  more  and  more  tense. 

The  Situation  in  Scotland  under  Charles  II.  —  In  Scotland,  too, 
there  was  grave  discontent.  The  Restoration  had  been  welcomed 
because  of  aversion  to  Cromwell's  military  rule  and  the  domination 
of  Presbyterians.  Yet  the  result  had  been  disappointment.  The 
Scots  had  changed  governors,  but  arbitrary  government  continued 
in  a  form  more  cruel  and  oppressive  than  ever  before  and  became 
corrupt  as  well.  The  Presbyterians  were  kept  down  rigidly  and  the 
Episcopalians  were  mere  creatures  of  the  Government.  Trade  and 
commerce,  too,  suffered  because  of  the  Dutch  wars  and  the  abolition 
of  the  free  trade  existing  under  the  Commonwealth  and  the  Pro- 
tectorate. By  an  Act  passed  in  1663,  known  as  the  "  Bishops'  Drag- 
net," heavy  fines  were  imposed  on  all  who  did  not  attend  the  parish 
church.  Those  who  remained  obdurate,  and  they  were  mainly  cen- 
tered in  the  southwestern  counties,  suffered  cruelly  at  the  hands  of 
the  King's  dragoons,  who  were  quartered  in  their  houses  and  who  ruth- 
lessly searched  out  and  broke  up  their  "  field  conventicles."  A 


JAMES  II  AND  THE  "GLORIOUS   REVOLUTION"  391 

rising  of  some  of  the  more  desperate  in  1666  only  resulted  in  harsher 
measures  of  repression.  After  a  bloody  carnival  of  execution  and 
torture,  milder  measures  were  tried,  but  when,  in  consequence,  con- 
venticles began  to  multiply  again,  the  authorities  reverted  to  a  policy 
of  systematic  coercion. 

The  Rising  of  the  Covenanters  (1679).  —  A  crisis  came  in  the  year 
1679  with  the  murder  of  Archbishop  Sharp,  whom  the  Presbyterians 
detested  as  a  treacherous  deserter  from  their  cause,  and  as  a  blood- 
thirsty persecutor.  Then  followed  another  revolt  which  was  only 
crushed  with  the  defeat  of  the  insurgents  at  Bothwell  Bridge,  22  June. 
In  December,  the  Duke  of  York  was  sent  to  Scotland  to  govern  the 
country,  and,  during  the  period  of  his  regime,  there  began  a  policy  of 
suppression  which  ultimately  alienated  the  mass  of  Scotsmen  from 
his  cause.  His  military  agent,  John  Graham  of  Claverhouse,  who  at 
first  was  occupied  mainly  against  the  fanatical  extremists  in  the  south- 
west, gained  the  name  of  "  bloody  Clavers,"  though  modern  writers 
are  inclined  to  think  the  charges  against  him  have  been  exaggerated. 

Scotland  in  the  Reign  of  James  II.  —  The  accession  of  James  was 
marked  by  even  greater  severity  against  the  Covenanters  than  had 
been  employed  under  Charles  II.  Not  content  with  renewing  the 
law  which  made  the  taking  of  the  Covenant  treason,  the  Estates 
slavishly  passed  an  Act  providing  that  all  persons,  preachers  or  hearers, 
proved  to  have  been  present  at  a  Conventicle  were  to  be  punished 
with  death  and  confiscation.  When,  however,  the  King  sent  them  a 
letter  recommending  the  repeal  of  the  penal  laws  against  "  his  inno- 
cent subjects,  those  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,"  they  returned 
such  a  hesitant  answer  that  he  closed  the  session,  and  proceeded  to 
carry  out  his  policy  by  means  of  the  Privy  Council :  he  annulled  the 
tests,  he  allowed  Roman  Catholics  to  worship  in  public,  and  removed 
from  office  those  who  opposed  his  will.  This  aroused  such  a  storm  that 
he,  forthwith,  issued  letters  of  indulgence  allowing  to  Presbyterians 
the  same  privileges  which  he  had  accorded  to  Roman  Catholics.  In- 
stead, however,  of  increasing  his  supporters  and  allaying  dissatis- 
faction, as  he  had  hoped,  the  measure  was  fatal  for  James's  power  in 
Scotland:  for  it  led  to  the  return  of  many  Presbyterian  preachers 
of  the  extremer  sort  who  organized  an  opposition  which  expelled 
him  from  the  throne  of  Scotland. 

James's  Irish  Policy.  —  In  Ireland,  where  there  was  a  Roman 
Catholic  majority,  the  aims  of  the  King  were  more  far-reaching. 
He  designed  to  make  the  old  faith  dominant  and  to  employ  the  Irish 
as  an  instrument  in  his  efforts  to  bring  about  the  conversion  of  the 
two  neighboring  Kingdoms,  and  he  had  good  ground  on  which  to  work. 


392      SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

To  be  sure,  in  spite  of  the  restrictions  on  the  wool  trade  and  the 
cattle  export,  the  country  had  prospered  since  the  Restoration ;  for 
the  restrictions  had  not  been  enforced,  while  the  linen  industry  had 
flourished.  But  the  trade  shackles  were  galling;  the  Episcopal 
Church  had  power  and  revenues  in  inverse  proportion  to  its  size,  and 
the  bulk  of  the  land,  as  well  as  the  political  power,  lay  in  the  hands 
of  the  English  and  Scotch  colonists.  The  native  Irish  yearned  to 
recover  the  possessions  of  which  they  had  been  deprived,  and  the 
Catholic  extremists  aimed  at  ascendancy.  Irish  affairs  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  Commander  of  the  army,  Richard  Talbot,  Earl  of  Tyr- 
connel,  who  was  made  Lord  Lieutenant  in  1687. 

The  First  Declaration  of  Indulgence  (4  April,  1687).  —  In  Eng- 
land, James,  finding  after  preliminary  examinations,  or  "closetings," 
that  there  was  little  prospect  of  securing  a  Parliament  that  would 
support  his  cherished  policy  of  repealing  the  tests  and  the  penal 
laws,  determined  to  proceed  on  his  own  authority.  So,  April,  1687, 
he  published  ^Declaration  of  Indulgence  granting  to  all  his  subjects 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  suspending  the  execution  _of_  all 
penal  laws  in  matters  ecclesiastical,  and  removing  all  oaths  and  tests 
for  the  holding  of  military  and  civil  offices^  The  High  Church  Tories, 
struck  with  amazement  and  terror,  thereupon  began  to  make  overtures 
to  their  old  enemies,  the  Dissenters.  All  they  could  offer,  however, 
was  remote  and  uncertain,  while  the  relief  tendered  by  James  was 
immediate.  On  the  other  hand,  his  proffered  relief  was  not  only  un- 
sanctioned  by  Parliament  but  coupled  with  concessions  to  the  Roman 
Catholics.  The  result  was  a  split  in  the  Nonconformist  ranks.  A 
minority  accepted  gratefully.1  The  majority,  including  such  men  as 
Baxter  and  Bunyan,  stoutly  refused. 

Dykevelt's  Mission  to  England  (1687).  —  It  was  about  this  time 
that  many  began  seriously  to  look  to  William  of  Orange  as  their  cham- 
pion against  James  and  Roman  Catholicism.  Chosen  by  the  Dutch 
to  be  Commander-in-Chief  and  Stadholder  in  the  critical  year  1672, 
his  guiding  aim  was  to  check  the  growth  of  France  in  order  to  pre- 
serve the  liberties  of  his  people,  and  his  main  reason  for  desiring  the 
crown  of  England  was  that  he  might  secure  English  resources  to  aid 
him  in  his  great  work.  Hitherto,  he  had  held  aloof  from  English 
politics,  but  now  while  not  yet  ready  to  strike,  he  undertook  to  pre- 
pare the  way  for  a  possible  intervention  by  sending  an  envoy,  Dyke- 
velt,  under  the  cover  of  a  special  mission  to  the  English  Government, 
to  sound  the  opposition  leaders.  Dykevelt,  during  his  brief  stay, 

1  The  King's  chief  agent  in  attaching  them  to  his  cause  was  William  Penn,  a 
sincere,  if  somewhat  ill-advised,  advocate  of  toleration. 


JAMES  II  AND  THE  "GLORIOUS  REVOLUTION"  393 

strove  busily  to  ingratiate  himself  with  all  classes.  He  assured 
High  Churchmen  of  his  master's  friendship  for  Episcopacy  and  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer ;  he  held  out  to  Nonconformists  the  pros- 
pect of  toleration  and  comprehension ;  and  to  Roman  Catholics  the 
repeal  of  the  penal  laws. 

The  Royal  Attack  on  the  Universities.  —  James,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  continually  making  enemies  for  himself.  One  of  the  rash- 
est  steps  in  his  headlong  course  he  took  when  he  ventured  to  attack 
the  Universities,  who  were  traditionally  as  hostile  to  Roman  Cathol- 
icism as  they  were  devoted  to  Monarchy.  While  Cambridge  did 
not  escape  the  inroads  of  his  Romanizing  aggression,  the  bitterest 
struggle  was  waged  at  Oxford,  where  James  insisted  upon  putting  in  a 
candidate  of  his  own  as  President  of  Magdalen  College.  When  the 
Fellows,  to  whom  the  right  of  election  belonged,  refused  to  admit 
the  legality  of  the  proceeding,  they  were  ejected,  September,  1687, 
and  declared  incapable  of  holding  any  ecclesiastical  benefice,  while 
Magdalen  was  for  a  brief  period  turned  into  a  Roman  Catholic  semi- 
nary. Oxford  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  defiant  excitement,  and 
subscriptions  were  raised  all  over  the  country  for  the  victims  of  the 
royal  wrath. 

James's  Attempt  to  Pack  aParliament  (1687-1688).  —  Realizing  that 
the  existing  Parliament  was  unalterably  opposed  to  his  policy,  James 
had  finally  dissolved  it  in  July,  I687-1  Nevertheless,  since  he  still  de- 
sired to  secure  parliamentary  sanction  of  his  abrogation  of  the  tests 
and  the  penal  laws,  he  made  preparations  to  pack  a  body  pledged  to  do 
his  will.  With  that  end  in  view,  he  caused  the  municipal  corporations 
to  be  again  remodeled ;  for  the  High  Church  Tories  put  in  by  Charles 
opposed  his  policy.  He  appointed  sheriffs  from  his  own  creatures, 
and  he  ordered  the  Lords  Lieutenants  to  question  the  magistrates  of 
their  respective  counties  as  to  how  they  would  act  in  the  event  of  a  gen- 
eral election.  In  some  places  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  quarter  troops. 
Promises  of  support,  with  the  alternative  of  dismissal,  were  also  exacted 
from  officials  in  all  the  public  departments.  One  poor  customs  house 
officer  declared  that  he  obeyed  for  fourteen  reasons,  a  wife  and  thir- 
teen young  children.  In  general,  however,  the  result  was  most  dis- 
couraging to  James ;  nearly  half  theLords  Lieutenants  refused  to  carry 
out  the  royal  orders  and  had  to  be  dismissed,  while  the  great  majority 
of  those  questioned  would  give  no  further  assurance  than  that,  if 
elected,  they  would  obey  their  conscientious  convictions,  or  if  voters, 
would  cast  their  ballots  only  for  men  whose  views  agreed  with 
their  own. 

1  It  had  never  met  since  the  autumn  session  of  1685. 


394     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Second  Declaration  of  Indulgence  and  the  Protest  of  the  Seven 
Bishops  (April-May,  1688).  —  On  27  April,  1688,  James  reissued  his 
Declaration  of  Indulgence,  and  followed  it  by  an  Order  in  Council, 
published  7  May,  commanding  the  clergy  to  read  the  Declaration  on 
two  successive  Sundays  and  directing  the  bishops  to  distribute  copies 
throughout  their  dioceses.  By  way  of  reply,  Archbishop  Bancroft 
called  a  meeting  at  Lambeth  Palace  on  the  evening  of  18  May,  where 
he  drew  up  a  petition,  in  which  it  was  declared,  with  great  professions 
of  loyalty,  that  the  Declaration  was  illegal  and  that  the  petitioners 
could  not  be  parties  to  its  public  reading  during  divine  service.  It  was 
signed  by  the  Archbishop  and  six  of  the  assembled  Bishops,  after  which 
the  six  Bishops  crossed  the  Thames  and  delivered  it  to  the  King  at 
Whitehall.  James  was  furious.  "  This  is  a  standard  of  rebellion,"  he 
cried,  and  repeated  the  phrase  over  and  over  again,  while  the  Bishops 
protested  that  they  were  no  rebels.  That  night  the  petition  was 
printed,  and  circulated  rapidly  throughout  the  city  and  country.  How 
it  happened  no  one  knows ;  for  the  audience  with  the  King  was  private. 
The  excitement  grew  in  intensity,  and,  when  Sunday  came,  the  Decla- 
ration was  read  in  only  four  of  the  hundred  churches  in  and  about 
London.  By  the  following  Sunday  a  few  more  clergymen  had  been 
whipped  into  line ;  but  in  most  cases  the  congregation  got  up  and  left 
to  avoid  hearing  the  hated  Declaration.  Although  Sunderland  recom- 
mended moderation,  the  King,  on  the  advice  of  Jeffreys,  ordered  the 
Bishops  to  be  tried  for  libel.  Meanwhile,  they  were  committed 
to  the  Tower.  As  they  passed  down  the  Thames,  crowds  in  boats 
thronged  the  river,  and  others  ran  along  the  banks  crying :  "  God 
bless  your  lordships."  Even  the  soldiers  who  conducted  the 
prisoners  asked  their  blessing,  while  those  off  duty  drank  their 
healths. 

The  Birth  of  the  Prince  (10  June,  1688). — On  Sunday,  10  June, 
while  they  still  awaited  their  trial,  a  son  was  born  to  King  James.  This 
contributed  more  than  any  other  single  event  to  precipitate  the  crisis 
soon  to  follow,  for,  hitherto,  many  had  consoled  themselves  with  the 
thought  that  James's  daughter  and  heir  Mary  was  a  Protestant.  Now 
the  prospect  of  an  endless  Roman  Catholic  succession  suddenly  loomed 
up.  A  story  was  at  once  started  that  no  child  had  been  born  to  the 
Queen,  but  that  the  little  Prince,  now  proclaimed  as  such,  had  been 
secretly  introduced  into  the  Queen's  chamber  and  passed  off  as  the 
royal  heir.  While  the  tale  was  generally  believed,  there  is  little  doubt 
that  that  charge  of  trickery  was  absolutely  baseless.  However  that 
may  be,  the  popular  leaders  now  made  up  their  minds,  when  a  fitting 
moment  came,  to  send  for  William  of  Orange. 


JAMES  II   AND  THE   "GLORIOUS   REVOLUTION"  395 

The  Trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops  (June,  1688).  —  When  the  day  fixed 
for  the  trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops  arrived,  the  excitement  had  spread 
everywhere  from  Scotland  to  Cornwall.  They  were  charged  with 
having  produced  "  a  false,  malicious,  and  seditious  libel."  Fortu- 
nately for  the  cause  of  liberty,  their  counsel  were  forced  to  abandon 
technicalities,  and  proceeded  to  prove  that  the  paper  in  question  was 
not  false,  malicious,  nor  a  libel,  but  a  respectful  petition  setting  forth 
facts  known  to  be  true,  and  delivered  privately  into  the  hands  of  the 
King  with  no  intention  of  stirring  up  strife.  The  jury  remained  closeted 
from  nightfall  until  six  o'clock  the  next  morning  before  they  reached 
an  agreement.  As  they  left  the  court  after  their  verdict  of  acquittal 
had  been  announced,  the  people  surged  around  them,  crying :  "  God 
bless  you !  "  "  You  have  saved  us  all  to-day."  The  city  and  the 
country,  as  the  news  spread,  rang  with  shouts  of  joy.  Even  the  soldiers 
in  Hounslow  Heath  cheered  lustily.  The  Opposition  had  won  a  great 
victory  on  the  broad  constitutional  grounds  that  James's  exercise  of 
the  dispensing  power  was  illegal,  and  that  his  subjects  had  the  right 
of  petition  against  it. 

The  Invitation  to  William  (30  June,  1688).  —  All  distinctions  of 
politics  and  religious  were,  for  the  time  being,  merged  in  a  general 
combination  against  the  King.  Many,  even  of  the  High  Church 
clergy,  who  during  their  supremacy,  had  argued  that  the  laws  of  God 
as  well  as  the  laws  of  man  demanded  unquestioning  obedience  to  the 
civil  authority,  were  now  ready  to  contend :  "  that  extreme  oppres- 
sion might  justify  resistance  .  .  .  and  the  oppression  which  the  nation 
suffered  was  extreme."  Others,  who  shuddered  at  the  notion  of  active 
resistance,  were  ready  to  go  as  far  as  passive  resistance,  asserting,  that 
in  view  of  his  late  acts,  they  were  not  bound  to  obey  the  King.  Such 
was  the  state  of  the  public  mind  when,  30  June,  1688,  the  day  of  the 
acquittal  of  the  Seven  Bishops,  a  letter  signed  by  seven  of  the  leaders 
of  both  parties  was  sent  to  William  of  Orange,  inviting  him  to  Eng- 
land and  assuring  him  that  nineteen  twentieths  of  the  people  would 
rally  to  his  support  and  that  the  army  of  James  was  full  of  disaffection. 

William's  Declaration.  —  William,  however,  realized  that  the  under- 
taking bristled  with  difficulties.  If  he  crossed  the  Channel  as  the 
champion  of  Protestantism,  the  Catholic  powers  of  the  Continent 
might  turn  against  him.  However,  he  was  able  to  reassure  them  by 
emphasizing  the  danger  of  an  Anglo-French  ascendancy.  With  regard 
to  England,  if  he  landed  without  an  army  he  was  very  likely  to  meet  the 
fate  of  Monmouth.  On  the  other  hand,  English  patriotism  might  re- 
sent an  invasion  of  foreign  troops.  Concluding  that  the  latter  was  the 
less  serious  danger,  he  prepared  an  army  and  a  fleet.  In  order  to  pre- 


396     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

pare  the  way  for  his  coming,  he  caused  a  Declaration  to  be  published 
in  which  he  rehearsed  James's  violation  of  the  fundamental  laws,  his 
favor  to  Roman  Catholics  and  his  oppression  of  Protestants.  Dis- 
claiming any  thought  of  conquest,  he  declared  that  he  was  going  to 
submit  the  issues  at  stake  to  a  full  and  free  Parliament. 

James's  Belated  Concessions.  —  James,  awaking  at  last  to  the  gravity 
of  the  crisis,  made  a  belated  effort  to  conciliate  the  Tories  who  had 
once  been  so  devoted  to  him.  In  the  last  weeks  of  September,  1688, 
he  reversed  one  after  another  of  his  late  unpopular  acts :  he  reinstated 
Bishop  Compton,  abolished  the  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  and  agreed 
to  restore  the  forfeited  municipal  charters,  as  well  as  the  Lord  Lieu- 
tenants and  various  magistrates  whom  he  had  dismissed.  It  was 
felt,  however,  that  these  belated  concessions  were  only  drawn  from 
him  by  the  impending  danger,  while,  even  yet,  he  refused  to  give  up 
his  dispensing  power  or  to  remove  his  Catholic  supporters  from  mili- 
tary and  civil  office.1 

William's  Landing  at  Torbay  (5  November,  1688). — William,  having 
been  delayed  for  days  by  adverse  weather,  at  length  succeeded  in  land- 
ing, 5  November,  at  Torbay,  on  the  coast  of  Devonshire.  From  Torbay 
he  marched  to  Exeter,  which  he  selected  for  his  first  headquarters. 
Although  the  magistrates  tried  to  close  the  gates  against  him,  crowds 
flocked  to  welcome  him  as  a  deliverer.  James  hastened  to  Salisbury, 
whither  he  had  sent  his  army  to  face  the  invaders.  On  his  arrival, 
he  found  the  situation  most  discouraging ;  for,  heartened  by  the  de- 
fection of  men  in  higher  station,  the  western  counties  had  risen,  and 
the  gentry  who  had  joined  William  at  Exeter  had  bound  themselves 
together  in  a  formal  organization  to  secure  their  liberties  and  religion. 
The  North,  too,  was  up  in  arms.  James,  in  order  to  stem  the  tide,  was 
keen  for  bringing  on  an  engagement  at  once ;  but  he  was  suddenly 
taken  with  a  hemorrhage  of  the  nose  which  kept  him  inactive  for  three 
days.  When  he  recovered,  he  was  so  disheartened  by  rumors  of  trea- 
son among  his  officers  that  he  decided  to  retreat.  The  flight  of  John 
Churchill,  his  most  efficient  general,  was  a  crushing  blow,  all  the  more 
so,  because  Churchill's  wife,  an  ambitious  intriguer,  had  the  King's 
second  daughter,  Princess  Anne,  under  absolute  control.  The  re- 
treat and  the  constant  desertions  demoralized  the  army.  Fearing 
for  his  capital,  James  hastened  back  to  London,  where  he  found  that 
Anne  herself  had  already  fled  from  Whitehall.  "  God  help  me," 
cried  the  unhappy  Monarch,  "  my  own  children  have  forsaken 
me." 

1  Yet  very  wisely  he  did  get  rid  of  Sunderland,  who,  in  spite  of  his  brazen  as- 
surances, was  suspected  of  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  invaders. 


JAMES  II   AND  THE  "GLORIOUS   REVOLUTION"  397 

The  Flight  of  James  (n  December,  1688).  —  In  his  extremity,  James 
issued  writs  for  a  Parliament  to  meet  13  January,  1689.  Also  he  ap- 
pointed a  commission  of  three  to  treat  with  William,  in  the  meanwhile, 
and  issued  a  proclamation  granting  full  pardon  to  all  who  were  in  arms 
against  him.  This  was  merely  to  gain  time.  Already  he  had  made 
up  his  mind  to  escape,  and  hastily  made  preparations  for  flight.  His 
first  care  was  to  send  the  Queen  and  the  little  Prince  safely  out  of  the  coun- 
try ;  after  this  he  annulled  the  writs  for  the  promised  Parliament,  destroy- 
ing those  which  had  not  yet  been  sent  out.  On  the  morning  of  n 
December  he  rose  at  three  o'clock,  was  rowed  a  short  distance  down  the 
Thames  in  a  wherry ,  dropping  the  Great  Seal  in  the  river  as  he  proceeded , 
and  boarded  a  hoy  which  he  had  engaged  to  transport  him  to  France. 

His  Capture  and  Second  Flight.  —  The  news  of  his  flight  aroused  a 
storm  of  excitement,  and,  that  night,  lawlessness  broke  loose.  Roman 
Catholic  chapels  were  sacked  and  burned,  private  houses  were  attacked, 
and  the  residences  of  foreign  ambassadors  even  were  not  spared. 
Suddenly,  in  the  midst  of  the  confusion,  the  rumor  spread  that  James 
had  been  caught  by  a  band  of  fishermen  in  search  of  plunder  and  escap- 
ing Jesuits.  William  was  grievously  disappointed ;  but  he  quickly 
made  up  his  mind  that,  without  making  it  too  evident,  a  second  chance 
to  escape  must  be  pressed  upon  James.  So  he  was  removed  from 
Whitehall,  whither  he  had  been  taken,  to  Rochester.  There  the  house 
in  which  he  lodged  was  left  unguarded  in  the  rear  so  that  he  was  able 
to  slip  out  through  the  garden  to  the  banks  of  the  Medway.  Thence 
he  was  rowed  down  the  river  in  a  skiff  until  he  found  a  fishing  smack 
which  conveyed  him  to  France.  Louis  XIV  received  both  James  and 
his  Queen  with  great  ceremony  and  hospitality,  lodged  them  at  St. 
Germain  and  provided  them  with  an  ample  revenue,  vowing  that  ere 
long  he  would  restore  them  to  their  throne. 

William's  Arrival  in  London  (18  December,  1688).  — William,  on 
his  arrival  in  London,  was  waited  on  by  numerous  deputations. 
Though  some  extremists  pressed  him  to  declare  himself  King  forth- 
with, William  remained  true  to  the  promise  in  his  Declaration  to  settle 
the  government  in  a  parliamentary  way.  As  a  preliminary  step  he 
summoned  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  the  members  who  had 
sat  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II,1  and  a  deputa- 
tion of  the  London  magistrates.  This  body  advised  William  to  assume 
the  provisional  government  and  to  call  a  convention  to  effect  a  per- 
manent arrangement. 

1  The  members  from  the  first  and  only  Parliament  of  James  were  excluded  be- 
cause the  remodeling  of  the  corporations  had  interfered  with  the  free  choice  of 
the  electors. 


398     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Convention  and  the  Settlement  of  the  Succession.  —  The  Con- 
vention, which  met  22  January,  1689,  framed,  after  some  discussion, 
a  resolution  declaring:  "that  King  James,  having  endeavored  to 
subvert  the  Constitution  of  the  Kingdom  by  breaking  the  original  con- 
tract between  King  and  People,  and,  by  the  advice  of  Jesuits  and 
other  wicked  persons,  having  violated  the  fundamental  laws,  and  hav- 
ing withdrawn  himself  out  of  the  Kingdom,  had  abdicated  the  Govern- 
ment and  that  the  Throne  had  thereby  become  vacant."  This  clumsy 
and  illogical  resolution  was  adroitly  designed  to  suit  all  parties:  the 
reference  to  the  original  contract  was  framed  for  the  Whigs,  who  be- 
lieved that  the  Government  was  a  contract  between  the  King  and  his 
subjects,  and  that  a  Sovereign  who  broke  the  contract  by  the  abuse  of 
power  could  be  deposed ;  the  reflection  on  the  Jesuits  was  for  the  extreme 
Protestants ;  and  the  assertion  regarding  the  abdication,  for  those  Tories 
who  held  that  subjects  had  no  right  to  depose  their  Sovereign.  When 
the  resolution  was  finally  adopted  after  a  long,  hot  debate,  it  was 
decided  that  William  and  Mary  should  be  joint  sovereigns  with  the 
administration  in  the  hands  of  William. 

The  Declaration  of  Right.  —  Next  it  was  necessary  to  determine 
the  conditions  upon  which  the  crown  should  be  conferred.  The  result 
was  the  Declaration  of  Right,  which,  like  its  two  great  predecessors l 
deals  not  with  vague  general  principles,  but  more  particularly  with 
actual  grievances  of  the  last  two  reigns,  which  are  to  be  safeguarded 
against  for  the  future.  After  enumerating  the  recent  attacks  made  by 
James  on  the  Protestant  religion  and  the  laws  and  liberties  of  the  King- 
dom, it  declared  £that  the  pretended  power  of  suspending  laws  and 
of  dispensing  as  it  has  been  exercised  of  late,  that  the  court  of  Eccle- 
siastical Commission  and  other  courts  of  a  like  nature,  that  levying 
money  without  consent  of  Parliament,  were  all  illegal ;  that  it  was  the 
right  of  subjects  to  petition  the  King,  and  that  all  prosecutions  for  such 
petitioning  were  illegal ;  that  maintaining  a  standing" army,  except  by 
consent  of  Parliament,  was  illegal ;  that  election  of  members  to  Par- 
liament ought  to  be  free ;  that  freedom  of  speech,  debate  or  proceed- 
ings in  Parliament  ought  not  to  be  impeached  in  any  court  or  place 
outside  the  two  Houses ;  that  excessive  bail  ought  not  to  be  required, 
nor  excessive  fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  in- 
flicted ;  that  jurors  in  cases  of  high  treason  ought  to  be  freeholders ; 
and  that,  for  amending  and  preserving  the  laws,  Parliaments  should 
be  held  frequently}  The  Declaration  concluded  by  settling  the  crown 
upon  William  and  Mary,  and  upon  the  heirs  of  Mary,  Anne  and  William 
respectively.  Mary  arrived  from  Holland,  12  February,  and  the  new 

1  The  other  two  being  Magna  Carta  (1215)  and  the  Petition  of  Right  (1628). 


JAMES  II  AND  THE   "GLORIOUS   REVOLUTION"  399 

Sovereigns  were  proclaimed  13  February,  1689,  in  the  presence  of  shout- 
ing crowds. 

The  Peculiar  Character  of  the  Revolution  of  1688.  —  Thus  ended 
the  "  Glorious  Revolution."  Although,  so  far  as  possible,  every  ancient 
form  had  been  complied  with,  it  was,  from  the  strictly  legal  standpoint, 
a  real  revolution.  The  Convention  which  settled  the  crown  on  William 
and  Mary  was  not  properly  a  Parliament,  for  it  had  been  summoned 
by  no  royal  authority  k  To  be  sure,  the  new  Sovereigns  later  declared 
it  a  legal  body ;  but  since  they  were  its  creatures,  their  assertion  could 
not  make  it  such.  Nevertheless,  defective  as  were  its  proceedings 
when  viewed  in  a  purely  legal  light,  the  Revolution  can  be  justified, 
both  from  the  issues  at  stake  and  from  the  moderation  with  which  the 
movement  was  conducted.  Macaulay,  in  his  classic  work  on  this 
period,  has  pointed  out  that  it  was  a  "  preserving  "  not  a  "  destroying  " 
revolution,  in  which  all  parties  joined  —  Whig  and  Tory,  Churchmen 
and  Dissenters  —  to  preserve  the  fruits  of  the  Reformation  and  the 
Puritan  Revolution,  to  maintain  Protestantism,  the  supremacy  of 
Parliament  and  the  freedom  of  the  subject.  The  fundamental  laws 
were  not  changed  but  denned  and  secured ;  the  old  line  of  Kings,  how- 
ever, was  set  aside,  and  thus  a  final  blow  was  struck  at  the  theory  of 
Divine  Right.  Never  since  the  expulsion  of  James  II  has  there  been 
a  revolution  in  England. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Macaulay,  History  of  England,  in  spite  of  its  obvious  faults, 
remains  the  classic  treatment  of  the  subject.  Sir  James  Mackintosh,  Re- 
view of  the  Causes  of  the  Revolution  of  1688  (1834)  contains  a  large  collection 
of  documents  in  the  appendix. 

Biography.  Viscount  Wolseley,  Life  of  Marlborough  (vols.  I,  II,  1894), 
an  apology  for  Marlborough,  left  uncompleted  at  1702. 

For  further  references  see  Chapters  XXXII,  XXXIII  above. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  233-234.  Robert- 
son, Select  Statutes,  pt.  II,  nos.  VIII,  IX. 


CHAPTER  XXXV     * 
PURITAN  AND  CAVALIER  ENGLAND 

Characteristics  of  Seventeenth-century  England.  —  The  period 
from  1603  to  1688  is  crowded  with  incident  and  notable  achieve- 
ment. It  opened  with  a  struggle  of  Parliament  against  the  attempt 
of  the  first  Stuart  to  maintain  and  strengthen  the  Tudor  absolutism 
in  Church  and  State,  a  struggle  which  culminated  in  civil  war  result- 
ing in  the  defeat  and  execution  of  a  King,  the  temporary  overthrow 
of  Monarchy  and  Episcopacy,  and  the  establishment  of  a  republic. 
The  experiment  proved  premature,  and  was  followed  by  the  restora- 
tion, both  of  the  Stuarts  and  the  Established  Church.  Nevertheless, 
the  Puritan  Revolution  had  not  been  in  vain ;  henceforth,  in  spite  of 
occasional  reassertions  of  absolutism,  Parliament  became,  more  and 
more,  the  supreme  power  in  the  State,  while  Dissent  not  only  sur- 
vived and  flourished,  but  obtained,  before  the  close  of  the  century, 
a  substantial  if  imperfect  legal  recognition.  The  party  system  began 
to  take  shape  and  distinct  gains  were  made  in  law  reform.  A  stand- 
ing army  was  established,  while  the  navy  grew  and  obtained  a  really 
effective  organization.  Long  strides  were  taken  in  the  direction  of 
commercial  and  colonial  ascendancy.  Manufactures  became  more 
varied  and  wealth  increased,  together  with  new  comforts  and  lux- 
uries. Coal  was  introduced  in  place  of  charcoal ;  tea  and  coffee  ap- 
peared ;  travel  and  communication  were  fostered  by  coaches  and 
packet  boats,  and  amusements  multiplied.  The  newspaper  came  into 
being,  and  the  spread  of  printing,  together  with  the  growth  of  the 
party  system,  resulted  in  myriads  of  caricatures  and  satires.  There 
was  a  striking  development  in  political  and  economic  thinking,  as 
well  as  in  religious  and  philosophical  speculations.  Literature, 
while  not  reaching  the  heights  of  the  wonderful  Elizabethan  Age, 
was  interesting  and  varied,  manifesting  new  and  striking  tendencies. 
Mathematical,  physical  and  physiological  sciences  showed  a  marked 
advance.  Such  are  some  of  the  features  of  this  complex  and  throb- 
bing age. 

400 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  401 

Regulation  of  Trade  and  Manufactures  under  James  I  and  Charles  I. 

-  While  the  monopolies  and  privileged  companies  fostered  by  James 
I  and  Charles  I  have  been  severely  attacked,  there  is  little  doubt  that 
both  these  Monarchs  aimed,  in  some  degree  at  least,  to  regulate  the 
economic  life  of  the  nation  in  the  interests  of  the  whole,  to  main- 
tain high  standards  of  production  and  to  keep  the  subject  employed 
as  well.  Such  national  regulation,  however,  was  difficult  to  enforce 
effectively  and  impartially,  while,  moreover,  the  Stuarts  mingled 
with  their  zeal  for  the  public  welfare  a  tendency  toward  favoritism 
and  a  proneness  to  utilize  their  grants  as  sources  of  revenue.  Thus 
the  system  tended  to  abuse  of  privilege,  to  the  curbing  of  healthy 
competition,  and  to  the  discouragement  of  those  outside  the  pale. 
Men  of  ability  and  enterprise  were  excluded  from  trade,  especially 
with  foreign  markets,  or  joined  the  ranks  of  the  interlopers. 

Industrial  Situation  under  the  First  Two  Stuarts.  —  Neverthe- 
less, the  period  was  one  of  material  progress  rather  than  decline. 
Foreign  refugees  flocked  to  the  country,  the  population  increased, 
old  industries  developed  and  new  ones  were  introduced,  though,  under 
a  freer  system  than  that  of  company  control,  there  might  have  been  a 
far  greater  advance.  The  silk  manufacture  began  to  flourish,  yet  to 
nothing  like  the  extent  noticeable  after  the  influx  of  French  Hugue- 
nots which  followed  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1685. 
The  cutlers  of  Sheffield  had  been  incorporated  in  1624,  but  what  is 
now  a  city  of  half  a  million  and  the  chief  center  of  the  cutlery  in- 
dustry of  the  world,  was  then  the  possession  of  a  manorial  lord  who 
leased  the  furnaces  to  the  manufacturers.  The  total  population 
scarcely  exceeded  two  thousand,  a  third  of  whom  were  dependent  on 
charity.  There  was  a  great  opposition  to  the  smelting  of  iron  ore  be- 
cause of  the  enormous  quantities  of  charcoal  required,  which  exhausted 
the  forests  and  threatened  the  supply  of  timber  for  shipbuilding. 
Although  one  Dud  Dudley  devised  and  patented  a  successful  process, 
his  efforts  were  frustrated  by  rivals,  and  little  was  done  toward  apply- 
ing the  method  of  smelting  till  the  following  century.  Coal,  which 
was  beginning  to  be  employed  extensively  for  fuel  in  London,  was 
brought  by  boat  from  Newcastle  and  hence  was  known  as  sea  coal. 
The  wool  trade  was  practically  stationary  until  after  the  Restora- 
tion. In  order  to  encourage  the  home  consumption  an  Act  was 
passed  for  burying  in  wool ;  nevertheless,  there  was  complaint 
that  many  persisted  "  in  adorning  their  deceased  friend's  corpse 
with  fine  linen,  lace,  etc.,  though  so  contrary  to  our  own  true 
national  interest."  In  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  wool  interests, 
calicoes,  chintzes,  and  muslins  were  imported  from  India,  while  in 

2D 


402     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

1676,  Flemish  immigrants  introduced  the  art  of  calico  printing  into 
England. 

The  Period  of  the  Civil  War,  the  Commonwealth  and  the  Pro- 
tectorate. —  The  Civil  War  and  the  disorders  that  followed  naturally 
interrupted  trade,  yet  less  than  might  be  expected.  The  return  of 
the  Jews  under  Cromwell  gave  considerable  impulse  to  business, 
and  the  protests  of  London  merchants  against  them  were  based,  ap- 
parently, rather  upon  commercial  jealousy  than  religious  intolerance. 
Although  the  judges  decided  that  the  law  did  not  permit  them  to  live 
in  England,  Cromwell  admitted  them  on  his  own  authority.  Charles 
II,  who  refused  to  reverse  the  Protector's  policy,  allowed  them  to  open 
a  synagogue  in  London. 

Trade  during  the  Restoration.  —  Systematic  supervision  of  trade 
and  industry  on  the  part  of  the  Sovereign,  which  ceased  with  the 
personal  government  of  Charles  I,  was  not  revived  at  the  Restoration. 
Henceforth,  commercial  regulation  belonged  largely  to  Parliament. 
Some  new  companies  were  founded ;  but,  in  general,  encouragement 
took  the  form  of  tariffs  and  bounties  rather  than  special  privileges 
to  "  particular  groups  "  of  subjects.  The  cessation  of  rigid  super- 
vision led  to  some  falling  off  in  the  quality  of  goods ;  but  that  was 
counterbalanced,  to  some  degree,  by  competition  and  the  use  of 
trade  marks.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was  a  general  increase  in 
trade,  especially  the  carrying  trade.  The  Navigation  Acts  were  only 
partly  responsible ;  for  they  were  not  vigorously  enforced,  nor  were 
the  Dutch  outstripped  by  the  English  until  they  had  been  exhausted 
by  the  wars  of  the  late  seventeenth  and  early  eighteenth  centuries. 
Many  other  factors  account  for  the  great  colonial  and  commer- 
cial expansion  of  the  post-Restoration  period.  Charles'  marriage 
brought  to  the  country  Bombay,  together  with  increased  facilities 
of  trade  with  the  other  Portuguese  possessions.  Spain  granted  to 
England  the  privileges  of  the  most  favored  nations ;  also,  treaties 
were  made  to  protect  the  Levant  trade  from  Turkish  pirates,  and, 
though  humbling  to  national  pride,  proved  effective. 

Colonial  Expansion.  —  The  Elizabethan  Age  was  one  of  discovery 
and  exploration ;  the  Stuart  period  marked  the  beginning  of  colo- 
nization. Although  the  Dutch  still  overshadowed  the  English  in 
the  East,  notable  steps  in  advance  were  taken.  In  the  reign  of  James 
I,  the  Persian  trade  was  first  "  enterprised  "  by  English  merchants, 
and  a  commercial  treaty  with  the  Great  Mogul  extended  English 
commerce  in  India,  while,  before  the  close  of  the  century,  the  East 
India  Company  was  securely  established  at  Bombay,  Calcutta,  and 
Madras,  and  the  Royal  Africa  Company  had  flourishing  possessions 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  403 

on  the  Gold  Coast  and  at  other  points  on  the  Continent  of  Africa. 
In  America,  several  of  the  West  India  Islands  were  acquired,  and  all 
but  one  of  the  thirteen  American  colonies  l  were  established.  While 
Spain  and  Portugal  were  mainly  concerned  with  the  search  for  pre- 
cious metals,  and  while  the  French  devoted  themselves  to  founding 
trading  posts  and  missionary  stations,  the  English,  if  not  free  from 
delusions  of  their  time,  were  the  first  to  establish  the  policy  of  home 
building  in  the  New  World. 

Agriculture  under  the  First  Two  Stuarts.  —  Under  the  Stuarts 
the  agricultural  progress,  so  marked  during  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
promised  to  continue.  The  rise  in  prices,  due  to  the  increase  of  pre- 
cious metals  and  the  growing  demand  for  food,  had  intervened  to  check 
the  turning  of  arable  land  into  sheep  pasture,  and,  with  the  prospect 
of  increasing  profits  from  corn  and  meat,  renewed  energy  was  de- 
voted to  improving  conditions  of  tillage  and  reclaiming  waste  lands. 
The  efforts  of  cultivators  were  quickened  and  guided  by  resourceful 
writers  on  agriculture,  who  suggested  more  scientific  care  of  cattle  and 
poultry  as  well  as  improved  methods  of  treating  the  soil.  Much  was 
learned  from  the  Italians  about  irrigation  and  the  utilization  of  water 
meadows.  Rotation  of  crops  by  the  planting  of  turnips  and  clover 
was  urged  as  a  substitute  for  fallow  2 ;  potatoes  and  carrots  began  to 
be  cultivated,  and  increasing  attention  was  paid  to  orchards  and 
gardens.  It  was  in  this  period  that  the  task  of  draining  the  fens 
in  the  Eastern  Counties  was  first  seriously  indertaken,  though  since 
Roman  times,  occasional  attempts  at  reclamation  had  been  made, 
especially  by  the  monks  who- lived  on  the  islands  dotting  the  watery 
and  boggy  expanse.  The  enterprise  was  interrupted  during  the 
Civil  War  and,  while  resumed  during  the  Commonwealth,  met  with 
various  set-backs.  Some  of  the  work  was  badly  done  by  "  mounte- 
bank engineers,  idle  practitioners,  and  slothful  impatient  slubberers," 
though  the  greatest  difficulty  came  from  the  "  riotous  letts  and  dis- 
turbances "  of  the  natives,  who  received  no  compensation  for  their 
rights  of  turf  cutting,  fowling,  fishing,  hunting  and  pasture,  and  it 
was  not  till  after  the  lapse  of  a  century  and  more  that  the  results  of 
their  destruction  were  repaired. 

The  Period  of  the  Civil  Wars  and  the  Restoration.  —  The  agri- 
cultural progress  of  the  first  forty  years  of  the  century  was  checked, 

1  Georgia  in  1733. 

2  Apparently  first  introduced  in  the  reign  of  James  I  from  the  Palatinate ;  turnips 
had  the  additional  advantage  that  they  could  be  used  to  feed  cattle  over  the  winter. 
Formerly  most  of  the  live  stock  had  been  killed  and  salted.     But  turnips  and  clover 
did  not  come  into  general  use  until  the  eighteenth  century. 


404     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

to  a  large  degree,  by  the  war.  The  period  of  the  Commonwealth 
and  the  Protectorate  was  marked  by  a  revival,  to  which  Cromwell  con- 
tributed by  his  enlightened  support.  Another  period  of  stagnation  set 
in  under  Charles  II.  Many  facts  beside  the  blighting  effects  of  the 
war  explain  why  the  early  promise  of  the  century  was  not  fulfilled. 
For  one  thing,  most  of  the  writers  who  urged  wise  and  necessary  im- 
provements proved  to  be  failures  in  practice,  so  that  their  example 
did  not  inspire  confidence.  Then  the  system  of  common  tillage  and 
open  fields,  which,  in  spite  of  the  enclosure  movement,  still  survived 
in  large  parts  of  the  country,  was  an  obstacle  to  individual  enter- 
prise. Moreover,  the  Cavalier  estates  had  been  heavily  embarrassed 
by  the  sequestrations  and  other  exactions  from  which  they  had  suf- 
fered during  the  Civil  War,  while  those  of  the  other  party  who  had 
acquired  their  lands  were  uncertain  of  their  tenure  after  the  Restora- 
tion. Landlords  were  unprogressive,  grasping,  and  niggardly  in  ad- 
vancing capital,  tenants  were  discouraged  from  making  improvements 
when  the  only  prospect  was  increased  rent  or  eviction  in  the  interest 
of  the  landlord  or  of  some  one  who  would  offer  a  higher  bid.  Then 
roads  were  bad  and  canals  as  yet  non-existent,  so  that  new  ideas  spread 
slowly,  and  the  producer  was  as  yet  limited  to  local  markets.  The 
great  development  in  agriculture  was  not  to  come  for  almost  a  cen- 
tury. 

Roads  and  Travel.  —  Traveling  was  not  only  difficult  but  dan- 
gerous. On  dark,  moonless  nights  the  traveler  stood  in  grave  danger 
of  losing  his  way  in  the  unenclosed  heaths  and  fens  that,  in  many 
parts  of  the  country,  lay  on  either  side  of  the  road.  If  he  managed 
to  keep  a  straight  path,  he  was,  in  wet  seasons,  constantly  liable  to 
mire  his  horse  or  his  coach,  and  sometimes  his  progress  was  alto- 
gether cut  off  by  floods.  The  coach  from  London  to  Oxford  —  a  dis- 
tance of  fifty-four  miles  —  took  two  days  of  thirteen  hours  each. 
Great  was  the  amazement  of  the  good  people  of  the  time  when,  in 
1669,  a  "  flying  coach  "  was  started  which  made  the  journey  between 
six  A.M.  and  seven  P.M.  of  the  same  day.  In  spite  of  storms  of  op- 
position at  the  great  risk  involved  in  going  at  such  a  reckless  speed, 
flying  coaches,  which  averaged  fifty  miles  a  day  in  summer  and 
thirty  in  winter,  were  started,  before  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Charles 
II,  from  most  of  the  chief  towns  south  of  York  and  east  of  Exeter. 
Many  still  traveled  by  post  horses  rented  at  various  inns  along  the  road. 
The  coaches  were  great  lumbering  affairs,  drawn  by  four  or  six  horses. 
There  were  stage  wagons  for  merchandise ;  though,  on  the  by-roads, 
and  even  on  the  main  highways  in  the  North  and  West,  goods  were 
transported  on  the  backs  of  pack-horses. 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  405 

Highwaymen.  —  To  add  to  the  woes  of  the  traveler,  there  were 
the  highwaymen  who  infested  the  roads  in  every  direction,  espe- 
cially those  which  led  to  London.  Men  made  their  wills  before  under- 
taking a  journey,  and  started  out  with  pistols  in  their  holsters,  blun- 
derbusses in  their  coaches,  and  often  guarded  by  armed  attendants. 
Some  of  the  outlaws  of  the  period  were  almost  as  famous  as  the  leg- 
endary Robin  Hood. 

Inns  and  Ale  Houses.  —  Happily,  English  inns  were  famous  for 
their  plenty,  comfort  and  good  cheer.  The  larger  ones  were  equipped 
with  monstrous  supplies  of  beef  and  mutton,  hogsheads  of  ale,  cellars 
of  wine  and  well  stocked  stables.  Besides,  there  were  many  of  the 
humbler  sort  "  with  the  cleanly  swept  brick  floor,  with  the  ancient 
ballads  stuck  on  the  walls,  with  the  linen  fragrant  with  the  scent  of 
lavender,  with  the  open  fire  and  the  snowy  curtains,  and  every  material 
detail  savoring  of  comfort  and  repose.  ..."  There  were  also,  in 
rural  villages,  simple  alehouses  whither  the  natives,  from  the  squire 
to  the  humblest  toiler,  came  to  talk  and  to  doze. 

Social  Classes.  —  The  gradations  of  classes  in  rural  England  were 
the  nobility ;  trie  country  gentry,  who  possessed  broad  acres ;  the  yeo- 
men, or  small  freeholders ;  the  tenant  farmers,  and  the  agricultural  la- 
borers. In  addition  there  were  the  country  parsons  who  occupied  a 
somewhat  anomalous  position.  While  class  distinctions  were  deeply 
rooted  and  most  folk  died  in  the  station  in  which  they  were  born,  there 
was  a  degree  of  close  friendly  association.  High  and  low  often  mingled 
in  the  village  schools  and  the  grammar  schools  of  the  market  towns.  In 
cases  where  the  sons  of  nobility  and  gentry  were  educated  at  home  by 
tutors,  boys  of  lesser  rank  were  admitted,  not  infrequently,  as  com- 
panions or  pages  to  share  their  studies.  After  this  preliminary  training 
the  noble  and  the  wealthy,  and  even  a  favored  few  of  the  lesser  sort, 
might  proceed  to  the  great  endowed  schools  such  as  Eton,  Winchester, 
and  Westminster.  Many  of  the  elder  sons,  after  painfully  strug- 
gling with  the  elements  of  learning,  settled  down  at  once  upon  their 
estates  with  a  stock  of  knowledge  not  much  in  excess  of  the  humble 
clodhopper.  Others  were  sent  with  a  tutor  to  make  a  grand  tour  of 
the  Continent.  Others,  again,  before  traveling  abroad,  went  for  a 
time  to  Oxford  or  Cambridge.  At  the  Universities  there  were  marked 
distinctions  of  rank ;  for  the  teaching  and  clerical  professions  were  re- 
cruited largely  from  the  middle  class,  from  the  sons  of  farmers  and 
tradesmen.  Numbers  had  to  earn  their  own  way,  as  servitors,  or 
"  sizars,"  making  the  beds,  sweeping  the  chambers  and  performing 
other  menial  duties  for  the  affluent  gentlemen  commoners.  Not  a 
few  of  the  younger  sons  of  the  gentry  found  a  career  in  the  law  or 


406     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

medical  professions,  although  some  took  holy  orders.  The  former 
went  to  London  to  reside  for  a  specified  number  of  terms  at  the  Inns  of 
Court  or  to  enroll  in  the  College  of  Physicians  and  walk  the  hospitals. 
Others  sought  service  in  the  Continental  wars  or  engaged  in  commerce, 
either  in  the  City  or  in  the  neighboring  provincial  town.  These 
latter  formed  a  link  between  the  landed  and  the  trading  classes. 
Frequently,  they  married  rich  tradesmen's  daughters,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  merchants  who  had  become  wealthy  bought  estates  and 
set  up  as  country  gentlemen. 

The  Nobility  and  Country  Gentry.  —  During  the  Stuart  period 
the  bulk  of  the  older  nobility,  especially  of  the  soberer  sort,  remained 
comfortably  on  their  estates,  where  they  lived  in  ample  leisure,  mainly 
occupied  in  hospitality  and  the  pursuits  of  the  chase,  leaving  the 
votaries  of  pleasure  and  the  climbers  to  seek  their  diversion  or  to  push 
their  fortunes  at  Court.  The  rural  gentry,  with  a  few  shining  ex- 
ceptions, were  rude  in  their  manner  of  life,  prejudiced  and  often  illit- 
erate. Few  left  home  save  at  the  most  infrequent  intervals,  while 
such  fragrants  of  book  learning  as  they  had  acquired  were  soon  for- 
gotten amid  the  business  and  pleasures  of  their  rural  seclusion — man- 
agement of  land  and  cattle,  dickering  at  market,  riding  and  hunting, 
and  huge  dinners,  washed  down  by  copious  potations  of  ale ;  they  had 
no  newspapers  or  periodicals,  and  little  opportunity  for  meeting  men 
of  affairs  and  information.  Nevertheless,  ignorant  and  uncouth  as 
they  often  were,  they  had  a  pride  of  family,  which,  if  it  made  them 
overbearing  and  impatient  of  contradiction,  impelled  them  to  cherish 
high  standards  of  honor.  It  was  from  this  class  that  the  justices  of 
the  peace  were  recruited,  and  their  experience  and  responsibility  were 
bound  to  develop  self-reliance  and  executive  capacity. 

The  Yeomen  and  the  Farmers.  —  Next  below  the  landed  gentry 
were  the  yeomen  and  the  tenant  farmers.  The  former  were  free- 
holders who  tilled  their  lands  with  the  help  of  a  few  servants Nand 
laborers.  They  were  a  sturdy  class,  many  of  them  Dissenters,  who 
with  the  city  tradesmen  went  far  to  counterbalance  the  Toryism  of 
the  squirearchy  and  the  country  parson.  Toward  the  close  of  the 
period,  however,  they  were  already  on  the  road  to  extinction ;  for  the 
large  landowners  and  the  well-to-do  city  merchants,  anxious  to 
found  estates,  were  beginning  to  buy  them  out.  The  farmers,  who 
hired  their  lands,  with  holdings  averaging  from  40  to  50  acres,  formed 
a  body  almost  as  numerous  as  the  freeholders.  Competition  was 
keen,  rents  were  high,  and  they  were  destined  to  go  the  way  of  the 
freeholders,  to  give  place  to  tenants  of  large  holdings  and  capitalist 
cultivators. 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  407 

The  Clergy.  —  There  were,  in  the  Restoration  period,  about  10,000 
clergy  of  the  Church  of  England,  four  fifths  of  whom  received  an 
income  of  not  more  than  £50  each.  While  there  was  a  great  difference 
between  the  bishops  and  town  clergy,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  do- 
mestic chaplains  and  country  parsons,  on  the  other,  the  poverty 
and  menial  status  of  the  latter  probably  has  been  exaggerated.  Many 
there  were,  no  doubt,  with  large  families  in  poor  parishes,  who  had 
to  eke  out  their  scanty  stipend  by  working  small  farms,  who,  with 
few  or  no  books,  denied  the  advantages  of  travel,  and  deprived  of 
uplifting  associations,  were  in  a  state  not  far  above  the  peasants  of 
their  flocks.  There  were,  too,  chaplains  who  were  household  drudges, 
for  whom  the  cook  or  the  lady's  maid  was  thought  a  fitting  match. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  were  many  younger  sons  of  gentlemen,  or 
even  nobles,  who  sought  a  career  in  the  Church ;  not  a  few  of  the 
seventeenth-century  poets  were  rural  clergymen,  and  a  long  list  of 
works  on  divinity  will  testify  to  the  erudition  of  many  others. 
Certainly,  there  are  few  periods  in  English  history  when  the  clergy 
exercised  more  influence  than  during  the  interval  between  the  Resto- 
ration and  the  death  of  Anne. 

The  Agricultural  Laborers.  —  Out  of  an  estimated  population  of 
5,000,000  about  one  half,  including  their  families,  were  laborers  and 
small  cotters.  They  lived  on  intimate  terms  with  the  small  farmers 
and  yeomen  who  employed  them,  and,  if  unmarried,  they  ate  at  the 
farmers'  tables,  sharing  in  all  except  puddings  and  special  delicacies. 
Yet  their  state  was  a  miserable  one.  Wages  were  low,  though  supple- 
mented to  some  extent  by  surviving  rights  on  the  common  lands,  by 
the  domestic  system  of  spinning  and  weaving,  and  the  employment 
of  the  women  in  the  fields,  at  harvest  time.  They  had  no  fresh  meat 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  year,  no  wheaten  .bread  and  as  yet  no 
tea  or  coffee.  Sanitary  conditions  were  still  worse.  Their  houses 
were  still  mere  hovels  with  walls  of  mud  and  roofs  of  thatch,  with 
rarely  more  than  a  single  chimney  and  no  glazed  windows.  They 
slept  crowded  together  in  stuffy  rooms ;  the  advantages  of  bathing 
and  fresh  air  were  not  yet  understood,  and  both  the  atmosphere  and 
the  water  were  contaminated  by  sewage  and  refuse.  The  plague  did 
not  cease  its  visitations  till  1665,  infant  mortality  was  appalling,  and 
medicine  was  only  emerging  into  a  science. 

Prevalence  of  Superstition.  —  Many  superstitions  were  rife,  some 
of  them  cruel  and  terrifying.  Even  at  the  close  of  the  century  the 
bulk  of  the  people  still  believed  in  witches  —  malicious,  spiteful  old 
women  who  had  sold  their  chances  of  future  salvation  and  had  leagued 
themselves  with  the  devil,  creatures  who  blighted  the  crops  and 


408     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

maimed  the  cattle  of  their  neighbors  and  held  nightly  revels  in  cellars 
and  larders.  They  were  supposed  to  ride  on  broomsticks,  and  to  be 
attended  by  familiar  spirits  in  the  form  of  toads  and  cats.  While  in 
Elizabeth's  time,  the  laws  against  witchcraft  were  the  mildest  in 
Europe,  a  new  and  ferocious  Act  followed  the  advent  of  James  I, 
and  during  the  century  thousands  of  poor  creatures  were  executed. 
Thanks  to  the  good  sense  and  humanity  of  Cromwell,  the  persecu- 
tion was  abated  during  the  Commonwealth,  and  was  not  resumed 
after  the  Restoration  with  anything  like  the  old  rigor,  though  many 
continued  to  nourish  the  delusion.  If  witches  were  the  victims  of 
popular  superstition  and  hatred  —  though  they  were  often  sought 
for  their  charms  to  ward  off  diseases  and,  in  the  case  of  lovers,  to 
win  the  affections  of  some  coy  village  damsel  —  alchemists,  astrologers, 
and  fortune  tellers,  many  of  them  thieves  and  sharpers,  throve  upon 
the  prevailing  credulity. 

Counterbalancing  Charms  of  the  Age.  —  On  the  other  hand,  many 
current  beliefs  illumined  the  pervading  monotony  with  touches  of 
poetry.  Men  told  of  the  lubber  fiend,  or  Lob-lie-by-the-fire,  who 
came  down  the  chimney  after  the  household  was  asleep,  swept  the 
floors  and  did  all  manner  of  work  if  placated  by  a  bowl  of  cream  by 
the  fireside.  It  caused  pleasant  shudders  to  think  that  ghosts  haunted 
the  churchyards,  that  goblins  peopled  the  fields  after  nightfall,  and 
that  fairies  sported  in  the  dark  recesses  of  the  forests.  Moreover, 
there  was  much  that  was  picturesque  and  charming  about  the 
life  of  the  period.  Except  for  London,  there  were  no  crowded  cities, 
and  the  teeming  factories  with  their  ceaseless  din  and  smoke  were 
as  yet  far  in  the  future.  People,  even  in  the  provincial  towns,  were 
surrounded  by  orchards  and  gardens,  they  were  within  sight  of  field, 
wood,  and  stream.  All  this,  together  with  the  picturesque  and  grace- 
ful architecture  —  the  rambling  manor  houses,  the  quaint  homes  of 
the  lesser  folk,  and  the  spacious  inns  —  lent  a  variety  and  beauty  to 
life  which  was  reflected  in  the  songs  and  verses  of  the  period.  Be- 
fore and  after  the  gloomy  interval  of  the  Puritan  regime,  ancient  games, 
festivals  and  pastimes  flourished.  At  Christmas  the  Yule  log  was 
burned  and  all  classes  indulged  in  brave  feasting.  There  were  pretty 
ceremonies,  as  for  instance,  on  May  Day,  when,  in  the  early  dawn, 
the  youths  and  maidens  went  to  the  woods  and  fields  and  wove  gar- 
lands to  hang  on  doors  and  windows.  There  was  cockfighting,  and 
bullbaiting,  wrestling,  and  football  played  with  inflated  bladders  of 
swine,  and  there  were  masks  and  pageants. 

The  North  Country.  —  The  balance  of  wealth  and  population  was 
still  in  the  south.  The  northern  counties  were  scantily  inhabited, 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  409 

poor  and  wild.  Peel  towers  continued  to  be  used  as  refuges,  and 
manor  houses  were  built  of  stone  and  fortified.  Judges  on  circuit 
were  usually  accompanied  by  a  strong  bodyguard.  Parishes  kept 
bloodhounds  to  protect  property,  and  local  taxes  were  levied  to  main- 
tain bands  of  armed  men. 

The  Towns.  —  Except  for  London,  which  had  a  population  of 
not  far  from  half  a  million,  there  were,  so  late  as  the  Restoration, 
only  four  towns  with  more  than  ten  thousand  inhabitants.  Small 
as  they  were,  the  provincial  towns  were  far  more  important  social 
centers  than  they  are  to-day.  The  great  county  families  resorted 
to  them  instead  of  to  London  for  pleasure  as  well  as  for  business. 
While  the  assizes,  the  quarter  sessions  and  the  markets  occupied  the 
early  part  of  the  day,  the  evenings  were  made  gay  with  balls  and 
all  sorts  of  social  activities.  Owing  to  the  restrictive  policy  of  the 
gilds  and  the  apprentice  laws,  excluding  the  unskilled  labor  from 
the  rural  districts,  the  population  of  the  towns  was  a  picked  one.  The 
gild  system,  inadequate  as  it  was  to  meet  the  growing  needs  of  the 
country,  was  not  wholly  without  advantages.  It  kept  up  the  standard 
of  production,  and  not  only  furnished  skilled  workmen  but  provided  a 
mea.'is  of  education  when  schools  were  few  and  costly.  Where  the 
approtice  had  a  churlish,  avaricious  master  his  lot  was  sad  indeed, 
what  with  long  hours,  hard  words  and  beatings,  but  under  happier 
chcumstances,  he  had  the  blessings  of  a  sympathetic  home  train- 
ing. After  his  seven  years  of  service  he  began  work  as  a  journeyman. 
Often  he  prospered  sufficiently  to  set  up  in  business  for  himself,  or 
he  might  marry  his  master's  daughter  and  take  over  the  very  craft 
or  trade  to  which  he  had  been  bound.  But,  outside  the  old  centers, 
the  gilds  were  giving  way  more  and  more  to  the  domestic  system, 
especially  in  the  cloth  industry;  more  and  more,  in  the  villages  and 
through  the  countryside,  spinners  and  weavers  were  working  in  their 
own  cottages.  Moreover,  some  towns  were  wise  enough  to  slacken 
their  restrictions.  Particularly  by  welcoming  Huguenots  —  and 
here  London  was  in  the  vanguard  —  they  gained  an  advantage  which 
France  threw  away. 

London.  —  London  at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  was, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  Amsterdam,  without  a  commercial 
rival  in  the  world,  as  well  as  the  center  of  the  social,  political,  and 
intellectual  life  of  England.  Its  aspect  was  very  different  from  to- 
day, when  the  great  army  of  those  who  have  business  in  the  City  go 
every  night  to  the  suburbs  and  the  adjoining  country.  In  those  days, 
even  the  wealthy  merchants  occupied  houses  surrounded  by  walled 
gardens,  which  have  long  since  given  place  to  crowded  streets,  banks, 


410     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN 

shops,  and  warehouses.  Artificers  and  tradesmen  lived  with  their 
families  and  apprentices  over  or  behind  their  shops.  The  London 
of  the  Restoration  had  few  or  no  suburbs,  and  most  of  the  now  fash- 
ionable West  End  consisted  of  fields  and  orchards  with  here  and  there 
a  great  nobleman's  estate.  Outside  the  City  walls  were  the  "  liberties," 
a  region  of  slums  where  the  poor,  the  wretched,  and  the  criminals 
were  herded  together  in  miserable  hovels  in  dirty  alleys.  The  City 
streets  were  narrow  and  crooked;  the  overhanging  upper  stories  of 
the  buildings  on  either  side  presented  a  quaint  appearance,  but  cut 
off  fresh  air  and  sunlight.  The  rebuilding  which  followed  the  Great 
Fire  of  1666  led  to  improved  sanitary  conditions  at  the  sacrifice  of 
medieval  picturesqueness.  However,  a  touch  of  varied  charm  was 
preserved  in  the  signs  which  designated  different  houses  —  num- 
bers would  have  been  of  very  little  help,  since  few  coachmen,  chair- 
men, or  porters  could  read.  The  pavements  were  wretched,  and  the 
gutters,  clogged  with  decayed  vegetables  and  animal  refuse,  became 
raging  torrents  during  rainy  weather  and  flooded  the  streets  with 
watery  filth.  This  was  splashed  upon  the  pedestrian  by  pass- 
ing coaches  and  carts,  so  that  "  taking  the  wall  "  was  a  much  sought 
privilege  which  caused  many  a  fight.  The  street  venders  kepf  up 
a  constant  din,  crying  their  wares,  and  the  air  was  choked  wita.^he 
smoke  of  sea  coal  which  arose  from  the  fires  of  brewers,  dyers,  soap- 
boilers, and  lime-burners.  Mixed  with  fog  it  often  enveloped  the  City 
in  almost  impenetrable  gloom.  At  such  times,  as  well  as  at  night,  it 
was  dangerous  to  be  abroad,  what  with  the  slippery,  foul  and  un- 
even pavements,  the  countless  thieves  and  cut-throats,  and  bands  of 
roistering  young  men  of  fashion  who  took  delight  in  attacking  and 
mauling  peaceful  citizens.  Although  dueling,  which  came  in  at  the 
beginning  of  the  century,  was  a  custom  much  to  be  deplored,  it  had 
the  merit  of  superseding,  to  some  degree,  the  custom  of  seeking  re- 
venge against  an  enemy  through  hired  assassins  and  bullies.  Mur- 
ders and  robberies  were  alarmingly  frequent  under  the  shroud  of 
darkness.  Until  the  reign  of  Charles  II  the  only  lights  came  from 
links,  lanterns  and  torches,  borne  by  pedestrians  or  their  attendants. 
Finally,  an  enterprising  person  obtained  an  exclusive  patent  for 
lighting  the  City,  placing  a  light  at  every  tenth  door  between  the  hours 
of  six  and  twelve ;  but  only  on  moonless  nights  and  during  the  season 
from  Michaelmas  to  Lady  Day.  A  metropolitan  police  force  was  as 
yet  undreamed  of ;  the  decrepit  constables  who  served  by  day,  and 
the  night  watch,  largely  composed  of  superannuated  and  feeble  men, 
afforded  little  protection.  Prosecutions  often  failed  because  witnesses 
dared  not  appear  for  fear  of  the  vengeance  of  the  criminal  classes 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  411 

who  ran  riot  through  the  City.  The  apprentices  were  a  particularly 
turbulent  element.  In  their  pretended  zeal  for  liberty,  frequently 
a  mere  cloak  for  lawlessness,  they  were  often  on  the  rampage,  cudg- 
eling those  who  came  in  their  way,  and  even  pulling  down  buildings, 
so  that  sometimes  even  the  soldiery  had  to  be  called  out  to  suppress 
them.  They  led  in  the  prejudice  of  the  London  rabble  against  for- 
eigners, particularly  Frenchmen,  who  were  jeered  at,  pursued  by  cries 
of  "  French  dog  "  and  "  Mounzer,"  and  pelted  with  stones  and  filth. 

Whitefriars,  Paul's  Walk,  and  Whitehall.  —  Noisy,  disorderly 
and  dirty  as  were  the  other  quarters  of  the  City,  there  was  one  dis- 
trict, on  the  western  edge,  that  was  particularly  unsavory  and  horrid. 
It  was  known  as  Whitefriars,  from  the  site  of  an  old  Carmelite  mon- 
astery. Once  a  sanctuary  for  criminals,  it  still  retained  the  privilege 
of  protecting  debtors  from  arrest,  and  was  the  haunt  of  abandoned 
wretches  of  all  sorts.  Officers  sent  to  make  arrests  were,  at  the  cry 
of  "  Rescue  !  "  set  on  by  furious  mobs,  so  that  it  often  required  troops 
to  execute  a  warrant.  Between  the  hours  of  eleven  and  twelve  in 
the  forenoon  and  three  and  five  in  the  afternoon,  "  Paul's  Walk," 
the  central  aisle  in  the  Cathedral,  was  still  the  haunt  of  business  and 
pleasure.  Venders  of  wares,  lawyers  seeking  clients,  and  beaux, 
exhibiting  their  fine  raiment,  wandered  up  and  down,  filling  the 
sacred  place  with  buzz  of  profane  conversation.  The  Court  at  White- 
hall was  a  center  of  politics,  gayety  and  dissipation.  Those  who  had 
claims  to  press,  or  who  sought  'offices,  together  with  the  gay  liber- 
tines who  were  boon  companions  of  the  "  Merry  Monarch,"  thronged 
at  his  levees.  The  galleries  of  the  palace  were  filled  with  curious 
crowds  watching  him  "  at  his  meals  or  as  he  and  his  courtiers  and 
mistresses  gambled  or  danced  in  the  evening."  They  listened  eagerly, 
too,  for  scraps  of  news  about  affairs,  foreign  and  domestic,  and  greedily 
devoured  such  crumbs  of  gossip  and  scandal  as  they  were  able  to  get 
hold  of. 

Coffee  Houses.  —  What  was  learned  at  the  royal  palace  was 
spread  rapidly  through  the  coffee  houses  which  filled  the  places  of  the 
newspapers  and  public  meetings  of  later  times.  Originating  in  the 
sample  room  of  a  Turkey  merchant  about  1652,  coffee  houses,  in  the 
teeth  of  stubborn  opposition,  multiplied  so  rapidly  that  there  were 
three  thousand  in  the  City  and  suburbs  before  the  close  of  the  cen- 
tury. Becoming  centers  for  political  discussion,  they  soon  aroused 
the  suspicion  of  the  Government.  Charles  II,  in  1675,  ordered  them 
to  be  closed ;  but  the  popular  opposition  was  so  intense  that  the  order 
was  revoked  within  two  weeks,  on  the  promise  of  the  landlords  to  do 
their  best  to  stop  seditious  talk  and  the  circulation  of  libelous  books 


412     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN. 

and  pamphlets.  There  were  coffee  houses  for  all  classes,  profes- 
sions, and  shades  of  opinion,  to  say  nothing  of  clubs  founded  by 
Cavaliers  and  Puritans  respectively. 

The  Newspaper  and  the  Post.  —  Although  newspapers,  or  rather 
newsbooks  or  pamphlets,  began  to  appear  about  the  middle  of  the 
century,  news  was  chiefly  circulated  by  coffee  houses  and  news- 
letters1 until  after  the  expiration  of  the  Licensing  Act  in  1695.  Postal 
arrangements  were  still  very  primitive  and  inadequate.  The  mail 
bags  were  carried  on  the  backs  of  horses  who  traveled  by  day  and 
night  at  an  average  of  five  miles  an  hour.  Ordinarily,  the  mails 
went  and  came  on  alternate  days ;  but,  in  the  remote  districts,  letters 
were  not  received  or  dispatched  more  than  once  a  week.  Rates 
were  very  high,  averaging  twopence  for  a  single  letter  for  eighty  miles 
and  increasing  with  the  weight  and  distance.  When  the  Court  was 
traveling  from  place  to  place,  arrangements  were  made  for  a  daily 
service  with  London.  In  the  reign  of  Charles  II,  regardless  of  the 
outcries  of  the  porters,  a  London  penny  post  was  established  with  a 
delivery  six  or  eight  tunes  a  day  in  the  City  and  four  times  in  the 
suburbs. 

Dress,  Food,  and  Recreations. — In  dress  as  in  many  other  things, 
there  was,  after  the  Restoration,  a  decided  revolt  against  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  Puritan  regime.  Periwigs  appeared  for  men,  and  women 
of  fashion  began  to  paint  their  faces  and  to  adorn  them  with  black 
patches ;  they  also  adopted  the  practice  of  wearing  vizards,  or  masks, 
on  occasion,  and,  with  their  features  thus  concealed,  grew  more  bold 
in  their  conduct.  There  was  an  inordinate  rage  for  gambling,  and 
all  sorts  of  new  card  games  came  in  after  the  return  of  Charles  II. 
Among  the  pleasure  resorts,  Vauxhall  Gardens,  with  a  great  hall  for 
promenading  and  dancing  and  arbors  for  dining,  was  the  most  popular 
if  not  the  most  respectable.  There  was  such  an  excess  of  eating  and 
drinking,  and  medicine  had  made  so  little  progress,  that  the  fashion- 
able found  it  good,  at  certain  periods,  to  take  the  waters  and  live  on 
restricted  diet.  Bath  was  the  most  famous  health  resort,  though 
its  elaborate  social  code,  fine  buildings,  and  elegant  appointments 
did  not  come  till  after  the  advent  of  Beau  Nash  in  1705.  The  ordi- 
nary London  citizen  contented  himself  with  Epsom,  where  for  the 
past  hundred  years  and  more  the  Derby  races  have  been  held.  There 
were  many  fields  near  the  Capital  where  the  lesser  folk,  particularly 
the  apprentices,  went  for  walks  on  evenings  and  holidays.  In  con- 
trast to  the  upper  classes,  the  working  people  kept  very  early  hours, 

1  Written  by  City  hacks  to  country  magnates  and  to  the  inns  of  provincial  towns 
and  villages. 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  413 

beginning  the  day  at  six  or  seven,  dining  at  one,  and  going  to  bed  at 
sunset. 

Anglican  Theology.  —  The  drama,  the  choicest  of  the  choice  prod- 
ucts of  Elizabethan  literature,  began  to  decline  at  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  James  I,  and,  notwithstanding  the  appearance  of  poetry  of 
enduring  note,  the  remainder  of  the  century  was  preeminently  an 
age  of  prose:  the  growing  Puritan  spirit  developed  acute  religious 
controversies,  and  pressing  political  problems  claimed  the  energies 
of  active  minds.  The  Bible,  in  the  magnificent  King  James  version, 
became  the  dominating  influence  among  the  graver  folk,  high  and 
low  alike.  It  fostered  independence  of  thought  and  stimulated  the 
imagination  even  of  the  common  man  and  prompted  him  to  noble 
forms  of  expression,  while  it  furnished  a  literary  model  of  singular 
dignity  and  beauty  for  the  man  of  letters,  and  provided  an  arsenal  of 
weapons  for  the  controversialist.  Both  in  political  and  theological 
discussions  there  are  hosts  of  names,  some  furious  partisans  only  to 
be  remembered  in  connection  with  the  questions  of  the  day,  others 
whose  productions  have  survived  as  literary  classics. 

The  Latitudinarians.  —  In  theology  the  golden  mean  was  repre- 
sented by  the  "  Latitudinarians,"  who,  clinging  to  the  "  sweet  rea- 
sonableness "  of  Hooker,  aimed  to  emphasize  the  essentials  of  faith 
and  to  minimize  minor  differences  of  dogma  and  Church  policy,  and  to 
harmonize  Divine  revelation  with  nature,  reason,  and  experience. 
Taking  its  rise  in  Holland,  Latitudinarianism  was  promulgated 
chiefly  by  a  small  group  of  broad-minded  thinkers  who,  on  the  eve 
of  the  Civil  War,  gathered  round  Lord  Falkland,  in  his  country  house 
near  Oxford.  Their  views  were  eagerly  welcomed  by  numbers  of 
moderate  men  who  sought  a  middle  way.  Outside  this  group  was 
Bishop  Jeremy  Taylor  (1613-1667),  who  owed  his  early  advancement 
to  Laud  and  was  a  pronounced  Royalist.  His  Liberty  of  Prophesying 
was  intended  to  secure  religious  freedom  against  spiritual  tyranny, 
though  he  is  chiefly  remembered  for  his  Holy  Living  and  Holy  Dying, 
rare  among  devotional  works  for  its  profound  human  appeal  and  the 
splendor  of  its  style.  "  Quaint  old  Tom  Fuller  "  (1608-1661),  be- 
loved in  his  own  day  and  by  generations  of  readers  in  after  times, 
for  his  sprightly  wit  and  playful  fancy,  was  among  those  who  sought 
to  steer  a  moderate  course.  His  peculiar  charm  is  best  manifested 
in  his  Worthies  of  England. 

The  Latitudinarian  tradition  was  continued  by  the  "  Cambridge 
Platonists,"  a  small  body  of  scholars  at  the  University  who,  oppos- 
ing the  "  sourness  and  severity  "  of  the  extreme  Puritans  on  the  one 
hand,  and  materialism  on  the  other,  advocated  a  sort  of  Christian 


414     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Platonism.  They  were  mystics  whose  philosophic  temper  was  held 
in  check  by  spiritual  humbleness.  In  the  troubled  days  of  the  Inter- 
regnum and  in  the  first  years  after  the  Restoration,  the  teaching 
and  influence  of  the  Cambridge  Platonists  was  almost  the  one  oasis 
in  the  educational  aridity  which  prevailed  at  the  Universities,  where 
the  students  had  to  depend  rather  upon  themselves  than  their  tutors.1 
The  principles  of  the  early  Latitudinarians  and  the  Cambridge  Pla- 
tonists were  preserved  and  developed  by  a  long  line  of  post-Restora- 
tion divines.  As  a  body,  the  Latitudinarians  enriched  English  the- 
ology with  much  good  literature,  they  stood  for  peace  in  an  age  of 
bitter  controversy,  and  for  a  toleration  that  was  strange  alike  to  the 
Laudians  and  their  opponents.  Moreover,  they  furnished  examples 
of  holy  living  only  equaled  by  the  best  among  the  Puritans. 

Philosophy.  — •  Among  the  speculative  thinkers  of  the  period,  the 
two  greatest  names  are  Thomas  Hobbes  (1588-1679)  and  John  Locke 
(1632-1704).  Hobbes,  during  his  long  and  busy  life,  produced  various 
works  on  ethics,  metaphysics,  and  political  philosophy.  His  chief 
contribution  was  the  Leviathan  (published  1657),  in  which  he  likens 
the  State  to  the  fabulous  sea  monster  in  the  book  of  Job,  and  then  to 
a  mortal  god  who  exercises  absolute  control  over  the  subject.  This 
power,  in  his  opinion,  rested  upon  an  original  social  compact2  be- 
tween the  people  to  obey  the  Sovereign  in  return  for  peace  and  protec- 
tion against  war  and  anarchy  —  the  natural  state  of  mankind.  In 
addition,  he  insisted  upon  the  complete  subordination  of  the  Church 
to  the  State.  His  doctrines  were  such  as  to  expose  him  to  furious 
attacks  from  the  extremists  of  both  the  opposing  camps.  The  Parlia- 
mentarians were  alienated  by  his  absolutism,  while  the  Royalists,  with 
their  notions  of  the  Divine  Right  of  kings,  would  not  accept  his  ex- 
planation of  the  origin  of  government.  Moreover,  he  was  denounced 
as  an  atheist  who  conformed  to  the  Church  of  England  merely  be- 
cause it  was  established  by  the  State.  However,  his  political  theories 
have  had  far-reaching  consequences.  They  were  taken  up  by  Rous- 
seau and  the  French  Encyclopedists  who  furnished  the  intellectual 
preparation  for  the  French  Revolution,  while,  furthermore,  they  pro- 
foundly influenced  the  English  Utilitarians  who  contributed  so  much 
to  popular  progress  during  the  nineteenth  century.  The  mouthpiece 
of  the  Tory  absolutists  was  Sir  Robert  Filmer,  whose  Patriarcha,  or 

1  The  pursuit  of  learning,  however,  as  distinguished  from  teaching,  was  far  from 
dead,  particularly  at  Cambridge,  since  the  University  furnished  many  distinguished 
members  to  the  Royal  Society,  which  began  to  flourish  early  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 

2  An  ancient  doctrine,  long  dormant,  which  had  been  recently  revived  by  Hooker, 
Grotius,  and  others. 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  415 

The  Natural  Power  of  Kings  Asserted,  was  first  published  in  1680, 
twenty-seven  years  after  the  author's  death.  While  agreeing  nat- 
urally with  Hobbes  as  to  the  supreme  authority  of  the  State,  he  sought 
its  origin  in  the  power  of  the  patriarchs  beginning  with  Adam,  from 
whom  the  Divine  Right  of  kings  is  derived  by  hereditary  descent. 
But  the  only  political  thinker  of  the  century  to  compare  with  Hobbes 
was  Locke,  a  man  of  astonishing  versatility.  He  drafted  a  constitu- 
tion for  the  Carolinas;  he  had  a  share  in  the  restoration  of  the 
coinage ;  he  practiced  medicine ;  and,  according  to  John  Stuart  Mill, 
he  was  the  "  unquestioned  founder  of  the  analytic  philosophy  of  the 
mind."  His  writings  include  four  letters  on  Toleration;  two 
Treatises  on  Civil  Government;  and  an  Essay  Concerning  Human 
Understanding.  His  political  treatises  are  at  once  a  reply  to  Filmer 
and  a  defense  of  the  Revolution  of  1688.  Accepting  the  views  of 
Hobbes  as  to  the  origin  and  end  of  government,  he  went  beyond 
him  in  insisting  upon  the  supremacy  of  the  legislature  as  the  voice  of 
the  people ;  the  responsibilty  of  the  prince  to  the  subject ;  and  the 
right  of  resistance  when  the  governors  of  the  State  failed  to  observe 
their  trust. 

Economic  Theory.  —  While  the  seventeenth  century  marked  a 
considerable  output  of  economic  writing,  most  of  the  works  were 
written  for  practical  purposes  and  paid  little  attention  to  principles. 
Political  economy  as  yet  had  no  independent  name ;  it  was  regarded 
merely  as  a  branch  of  statecraft  and  business.  The  writers  on  the 
subject  were,  as  a  rule,  merchants  or  politicians  concerned  with  in- 
creasing the  power,  the  treasure,  the  fisheries,  and  the  shipping  of  the 
country.  Chief  among  them  was  a  group  which  was  -principally 
engaged  in  defending  the  privileges  of  the  East  India  Company. 
Sir  Josiah  Child  (1630-1699),  who  managed  the  affairs  of  the  Com- 
pany in  the  time  of  Charles  II  and  James  II,  advanced  many  steps 
beyond  his  predecessors  in  economic  thinking.  He  recognized  that 
gold  and  silver  were  only  commodities  themselves  though  used  as  a 
measure,  of  other  commodities,  and,  while  he  defended  monopoly 
on  the  ground  that  it  made  for  national  power  if  not  for  national 
wealth,  he  realized  the  commercial  advantages  of  free  trade.  Though 
he  succeeded  in  grasping  some  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  polit- 
ical economy,  he  was  primarily  a  shrewd,  experienced  business  man 
who  treated  the  subject  as  an  art  rather  than  a  science.  His  slightly 
older  contemporary,  Sir  William  Petty  (1623-1687)  —  a  pioneer  in 
advocating  the  use  of  statistics  in  economic  studies — really  contrib- 
uted more  toward  exposing  the  fallacies  of  mercantilism.  But  per- 
haps the  most  advanced  thinker  among  seventeenth  century  econo 


41 6     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

mists  was  Nicholas  Barbon  (1640-1698),  who  anticipated  Adam  Smith 
—  the  creator  of  modern  political  economy  and  the  first  great  apostle 
of  free  trade  —  in  denning  such  fundamental  terms  as  the  true  nature 
of  wealth.  He  further  prepared  the  way  for  his  great  successor  by 
developing  the  argument  that  restriction  of  imports  meant  restriction 
of  exports  as  well. 

Scientific  Progress.  —  The  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century 
was  marked  by  two  notable  scientific  achievements  —  the  inven- 
tion of  logarithms  by  John  Napier  (1550-1617)  and  discovery  of  the 
circulation  of  the  blood  by  William  Harvey  (1578-1657).  These 
advances,  however,  were  in  striking  contrast  to  the  survival  of  popu- 
lar superstitions,  such  as  the  belief  in  witchcraft  shared  by  many 
eminent  men,  while  scientific  learning  continued  long  in  disrepute. 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh  "  was  notoriously  slandered  to  have  enriched  a 
school  of  atheism  because  he  gave  countenance  to  chemistry,  to  practi- 
cal arts,  and  to  curious  mechanical  operations,  and  designed  to  form 
the  best  of  them  into  a  college."  The  study  of  mathematics  was 
not  only  much  neglected  but  abhorred  as  a  diabolical  pursuit,  so  that 
when,  in  1619,  a  professorship  of  geometry  and  astronomy  was  in- 
stituted at  Oxford,  many  of  the  gentry  refused  to  send  their  sons  to 
the  University  lest  they  might  be  "  smutted  by  the  black  art."  But 
the  dawn  was  beginning  to  break.  Bacon  did  much  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  experimental  science,  though  more  by  what  he  suggested 
than  by  any  achievements  of  his  own.  Then  the  work  of  Galileo 
and  Kepler  on  the  Continent  in  time  produced  its  effect  in  England. 
A  new  scientific  era  was  heralded  by  the  establishment  of  the  Royal 
Society  for-  the  promotion  of  "  Physico-Mathematical  Experimental 
Learning."  Really  started  in  1645,  it  was  incorporated  under  its 
present  name  in  1662.  A  distinctive  feature  of  the  Restoration  was 
a  new  rationalism,  a  new  scientific  temper.  Charles  II  and  his  boon 
companion,  the  versatile  Buckingham,  toyed  with  chemistry.  The 
National  Observatory  was  built  at  Greenwich,  and  signs  of  advance 
were  manifested  in  various  fields.  Robert  Boyle  (1627-1691), 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  "  the  father  of  modern 
chemistry,"  established  the  relation  between  volume  and  pressure 
of  gases  known  as  Boyle's  Law.  The  great  scientific  genius  of  the 
age,  however,  and  one  of  the  greatest  of  any  age,  was  Sir  Isaac 
Newton  (1641-1727),  who  made  no  less  than  three  contributions 
to  human  knowledge  —  the  discovery  of  the  law  of  gravitation, 
the  theory  of  fluxions  or  differential  calculus,  and  the  compound 
nature  of  white  light.  The  former  discovery,  his  supreme  achieve- 
ment, was  made  in  1666  and  announced  in  his  Principia  in  1687. 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  417 

Altogether,  much  was  being  done  to  wring  secrets  from  "  nature's 
close  reserve." 

Prose  Literature.  —  In  pure  literature,  the  age  is  remarkable  for  a 
few  rare  products  of  scholarly  leisure,  as  delightful  in  form  as  they 
are  learned  in  content.  Among  them  is  the  Anatomy  of  Melancholy 
of  Robert  Burton  (1577-1640),  a  monument  of  erudition,  abounding 
in  fantastic  reflections  on  men  and  things,  and,  strangely  enough, 
considering  the  subject,  permeated  with  whimsical  humor.  Sir 
Thomas  Browne  (1605-1682),  a  physician  of  Norwich,  was  a  many- 
sided  scholar  who  ranged  over  wider  fields  even  than  Burton.  In 
his  Religio  Medici,  his  Enquiries  into  Vulgar  Errors,  and  his  Urn 
Burial,  he  displays  not  only  vast  knowledge  and  richness  of  imagina- 
tion, but  a  pomp  and  magificence  of  diction  rarely  equaled  in  litera- 
ture. Izaak  Walton  (1593-1683),  an  unpretentious  London  iron- 
monger, had  a  love  of  nature,  a  genius  for  friendship,  a  sweet  simplic- 
ity and  a  cheery  humor  which  are  reflected  in  his  Compleat  Angler 
and  in  his  lives  of  Hooker,  and  other  contemporaries.  John  Bunyan 
(1628-1688),  a  humble  self-educated  tinsmith,  while  a  prisoner  in 
Bedford  jail,  wrote  his  immortal  Pilgrim's  Progress  (1678),  which 
stands  among  the  world's  great  allegories.  With  a  unique  gift  for 
direct,  vivid  narration  and  realistic  character  protrayal,  as  well  as 
an  inspired  understanding  of  the  spiritual  needs  and  hopes  and  fears 
of  the  people  among  whom  he  lived,  he  embodied  them  in  enduring 
form  in  a  work  which  is  at  once  a  sublime  religious  tract  and  a  fore- 
runner of  the  modern  novel. 

Non-Dramatic  Poetry.  —  While,  as  a  whole,  not  so  distinctive  as 
the  prose,  the  poetry  of  the  period  is  noteworthy  both  in  volume  and 
character,  and  altogether  too  varied  in  type  to  be  comprehended  within 
any  single  generalization.  John  Donne  (1573-1631)  and  George  Her- 
bert (1593-1633)  were  the  earliest  and  leading  representatives  of  the 
"  Fantastic  School  "  who  essayed  the  formidable  task  of  employing  the 
poetic  medium  for  interpreting  profound  metaphysical  and  religious 
problems.  If,  by  their  "  conceits  "  or  far-fetched  images  and  analogies, 
they  heightened  the  obscurity  of  their  themes,  and  tended  to  become 
extravagant  and  bizarre,  nevertheless,  we  owe  to  them  passages  of  rare 
beauty,  flashing  light  on  spiritual  aspiration  and  experience.  While 
none  of  them  were  Puritans,  the  Puritan  influence  goes  far  to  explain 
their  earnestness  and  intensity.  Then  there  were  "  essayists  "  in  verse, 
who  anticipated  the  prosaic  poetry  of  the  eighteenth  century ;  also 
there  was  a  group  of  Cavalier  poets  who  flourished  at  the  court  of 
Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  men  of  notoriously  profligate  lives,  and  whose 
verse  was  mostly  on  amatory  subjects ;  and,  finally,  there  were  pas- 


41 8     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

toral  poets  who  continued  their  Spenserian  tradition.  Chiefly  to  be 
remembered  of  these  latter  is  Robert  Herrick  (1591-1674).  After  a 
Bohemian  youth  he  retired  to  a  country  parsonage  where  he  wrote 
exquisite  verses  breathing  forth  the  sweet  air  of  the  English  country- 
side, reflecting  the  simple  pleasures  of  rustic  folk  and  ennobled  at  times 
with  touches  of  delicate  religious  sentiment.  In  view  of  the  prose 
and  lyric  poetry  which  appeared  about  the  middle  of  the  century, 
it  cannot  be  said  that  either  Puritanism  or  the  Civil  Wars  stifled 
literary  production.1 

John  Miltoii.  —  The  finest  flower  of  Puritan  culture  was  John  Mil- 
ton, in  whom  the  influences  of  the  Renascence  and  the  Reformation 
were  strangely  mingled ;  for  he  combined  finished  classical  scholar- 
ship with  a  profound  and  reverent  knowledge  of  the  Bible.  As  an 
undergraduate  at  Cambridge  he  began  to  write  Latin  verses,  and  in 
1629,  the  year  in  which  he  took  his  degree,  appeared  his  splendid  Ode 
to  the  Nativity.  This  was  followed,  in  1632,  by  L' Allegro  and  II 
Penseroso,  which  contrast  in  exquisite  lines  the  joyous  mood  of  morn- 
ing with  the  sadness  of  evening.  The  next  year  came  his  masque, 
Comus,  a  hauntingly  beautiful  double  allegory  of  the  perennial 
struggle  of  virtue  against  vice  and  of  the  pending  conflict  of  the  two 
parties  in  the  State.  His  next  notable  publication  was  Lycidas, 
an  elegy  on  the  death  of  a  college  friend.  Here,  in  the  form  of  a  pas- 
toral saturated  with  mythical  lore  and  perhaps  the  most  perfect  poem 
in  the  English  language,  he  fiercely  attacked  the  corruptions  of  the 
existing  Establishment.  As  the  Civil  War  approached  he  became 
increasingly  serious,  and,  turning  from  poetry  to  prose,  argued  for 
religious  and  political  freedom  in  language  of  harsh  or  impassioned 
eloquence.  His  Areopagitica  (1644)  is  a  noble  plea  for  the  liberty 
of  the  press,  and  his  Defensio  pro  Populo  Anglicano  is  regarded  as  the 
finest  defense  of  the  Commonwealth  ever  penned.  While  his  prose 
writing  is  marred  by  want  of  method,  by  bitter  partisanship,  and 
occasionally  by  over-elaboration,  his  glowing  enthusiasm  for  liberty, 
guided  by  Divine  order,  and  the  loftiness  and  magnificence  of  his  best 
passages  give  his  work  a  value  far  beyond  any  practical  importance 
it  may  have  had.  From  his  youth  up,  he  had  contemplated  the  dedi- 
cation of  his  poetic  talents  to  the  production  of  a  great  religious  epic. 
After  the  Restoration,  living  in  retirement,  embittered  by  the  failure  of 
the  cause  he  had  espoused ,  by  unhappy  domestic  experiences ,  by  poverty 

1  Samuel  Butler  (1612-1680),  during  the  years  from  1663  to  1668,  published  his 
Hudibras,  in  which,  detailing  the  adventures  of  a  Puritan  knight  and  his  squire 
after  the  manner  of  Don  Quixote,  he  bitterly  ridicules  the  intolerance  and  hy- 
pocrisy which  he  seems  to  regard  as  typical  of  the  party. 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  419 

and  blindness,  he  completed,  between  1663  and  1667,  his  sublimest 
literary  achievement,  Paradise  Lost.  The  vastness  of  the  design 
and  the  marvelous  harmony  of  the  blank  verse  give  it  a  place  among 
the  highest  productions  of  the  world's  literature.  Yet  it  is  one  of  the 
works  which  all  too  many  are  content  to  admire  from  afar,  rather  than 
to  read,  and  Milton  received  for  it  iust  J^io.  Paradise  Lost,  which 
deals  with  the  temptation  and  fall  of  man,  was  followed  in  1671  by 
Paradise  Regained,  which  tells  of  man's  redemption  through  Jesus 
Christ. 

John  Dryden  (1631-1700).  —  The  representative  man  of  letters  of 
the  Restoration  period  was  John  Dryden,  poet  laureate  and  histo- 
riographer (1670-1689),  who  reflects  in  his  verses  his  varying  political 
and  religious  views;  in  them  he  bewailed  the  death  of  Cromwell, 
he  welcomed  the  Restoration,  he  attacked  the  "  Papists,"  he  warmly 
defended  Anglicanism,  and,  eventually,  becoming  converted  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  faith,  he  denouncecTthe  Church  he  had  discarded, 
and  eulogized  the  one  he  had  adopted  in  one  of  his  outstanding  works 

—  The  Hind  and  the  Panther,  1686.     The  best'that  can  be  said  of  him 
is,  that  after  the  Revolution  of  1688,  he  made  no  attempt  to  gain  the 
favor  of  the  new  Government  by  repudiating  Roman  Catholicism. 
His  highest  achievements  were  in  satirical  verse,  a  domain  in  which 
he  has  no  peers  among  English  writers.     His  keen   and   dexterous 
thrusts  at  his  opponents  have  "  damned  them  to  everlasting  fame." 
The  best  known  of  his  political  satires  are  Absalom  and  Achitophel 
and   the   Medal,   directed   mainly   against    Shaftesbury.      He   was, 
in  addition,  a  busy  and  productive  playwright,  though  not  so  pre- 
eminent in  this  field.     His  aim  was  to  cater  to  the  Court  and  the 
town,  who,  influenced  by  the  French  taste  acquired  by  the  Cavaliers 
in  exile,  craved  novelty  and  scorned  the  great  products  of  the  Eliza- 
bethan and  Jacobean  age. 

The  Drama.  —  While  the  first  thirty  years  of  the  century  witnessed 
a  constant  succession  of  excellent  plays,  well  acted  and  enthusiasti- 
cally received  by  the  public,  a  decline  began  to  set  in  even  during  the 
decade  preceding  the  Ordinance  of  September,  1 642 ,  closing  the  theaters. 
This  was  due,  in  some  degree,  to  the  aggressive  hostility  of  the  Puri- 
tans, who  turned  the  soberer  folk  against  the  playhouses,  and  forced 
the  dramatic  authors  to  appeal  more  and  more  to  the  classes,  both 
among  the  fashionable  and  the  rabble,  who  were  bound  by  no  scruples 
of  taste  or  morals.  In  the  Restoration  drama  —  one  of  the  various 
manifestations  of  extravagant  revolt  against  the  recent  Puritan  regime 

—  the  Elizabethan  spirit  which  the  reign  of  the  saints  had  helped  to 
kill,  was  not  revived.     As  in  so  many  other  fields,  a  new  era  of  ex- 


420     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

periment  began.  Tragedies  in  heroic  couplets  and  prose  comedies 
of  wit  and  manners  —  both  form  and  content  markedly  influenced 
by  French  models — took  the  place  of  the  older  tragedies  and  romantic 
comedies  in  blank  verse.  The  French  models  were  frequently  im- 
moral enough ;  but  transformed  into  English  dress,  or  rather  un- 
dress, they  were,  all  too  often,  insufferably  coarse  and  cynical.  For 
this  Charles  II  and  his  courtiers  were,  to  a  large  degree  responsible, 
by  making  sensuality  and  cynicism  the  mark  of  a  fine  gentleman. 
The  comedies,  disagreeable  as  most  of  them  are,  have  great  histor- 
ical value  as  reflections  of  contemporary  life,  especially  of  the  upper 
classes  in  London,  and  because  the  prologues  and  epilogues  were  used, 
particularly  by  Dryden,  for  airing  political  animosities.  Queen  Mary, 
setting  her  face  against  the  prevailing  tendency,  did  something  toward 
purifying  the  drama,  and  Jeremy  Collier  registered  a  vigorous  pro- 
test in  his  Short  View  of  the  Profaneness  and  Immorality  of  the  Eng- 
lish Stage,  1698.  Dryden  admitted  the  justice  of  the  rebuke,  but  im- 
provement was  slow.  Real  reform  only  came  with  the  sentimental 
comedy  initiated  by  Richard  Steele. 

Art,  Architecture,  and  Music.  —  While  pride  of  ancestry  prompted 
many  to  employ  Dutch  and  Flemish  artists  to  execute  family  portraits, 
and  while  there  were  collectors,  including  Charles  I,  of  no  mean  repute, 
there  was,  nevertheless,  no  general  appreciation  of  art  among  seven- 
teenth-century Englishmen.  Nor,  except  in  miniatures,  were  there 
any  native  portrait  painters  of  real  note.  Of  foreign  artists  in  England, 
the  most  famous  were  Rubens  (1577-1640)  and  Vandyke  (1599-1641). 
The  former,  during  a  brief  sojourn,  painted  several  portraits  and  re- 
ceived an  order  for  the  decoration  of  Whitehall.  The  latter  remained  in 
England  most  of  the  time  from  1632  till  his  death.  He  was  appointed 
Court  painter  and  executed  several  fine  pictures  of  Charles  I  and  his 
family,  as  well  as  of  prominent  men  of  the  time.  Cromwell,  who  was 
fond  both  of  music  and  painting,  had  an  official  painter,  though,  in 
addition,  he  gave  his  patronage  to  the  more  famous  Peter  Lely  (1618- 
1680).  Charles  II  inherited  none  of  his  father's  taste  for  art,  but  Lely 
became  his  Court  painter  and  is  famous  for  his  portraits  of  the  royal 
favorites. 

In  architecture,  the  century  was  dominated  by  Inigo  Jones  (1573- 
1652)  and  Christopher  Wren  (1632-1723).  This  fact  marks  a  signifi- 
cant departure  from  the  traditions  of  the  Middle  Ages,  when  the  style 
and  not  the  man  was  the  distinguishing  factor.  Jones  was  profoundly 
influenced  -by  the  Italian  Palladio,  notable  for  his  composite  adaptation 
of  the  ancient  Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corinthian  forms.  Almost  no  new 
churches  were  built  during  the  first  half  of  the  century ;  but  Jones  did 


PURITAN  AND   CAVALIER  ENGLAND  421 

much  in  the  way  of  restoring  ecclesiastical  edifices  and  public  buildings. 
Wren,  his  famous  successor,  was  active  as  an  architect  from  1663  to  1718. 
The  fire  of  London  gave  him  an  opportunity  to  rebuild  St.  Paul's,  as 
well  as  about  fifty  parish  churches.  Chief  among  the  other  works  of 
his  long  and  busy  life  is  the  Royal  Hospital  at  Greenwich.  Unfortu- 
nately, his  two  principal  buildings  do  not  show  him  at  his  best ;  for 
St.  Paul's  was  not  completed  according  to  his  original  designs,  while 
Greenwich  Hospital  was  decidedly  marred  by  the  architect  who  suc- 
ceeded him. 

With  the  striking  exception  of  Cromwell,  the  Puritans  were  notoriously 
hostile  to  music.  Charles  II,  in  contrast  to  his  indifference  to  other 
forms  of  art,  was  an  enthusiastic  patron  of  music,  and  Henry  Purcell 
(1658-1695),  recognized  as  England's  greatest  musical  genius,  came  to 
the  front  in  his  reign.  His  famous  grand  opera  Dido  and  Eneas  (1675) 
was  the  first  ever  written  to  an  English  poem ;  but  his  supreme 
achievements  were  in  Church  music. 

Final  Summary  of  the  Period.  —  Thus,  aside  from  epoch-making 
political  events,  the  century  was  a  notable  one.  It  witnessed  the  later 
plays  of  Shakespeare  as  well  as  those  of  Ben  Jonson,  and  hosts  of  other 
dramatists ;  the  writings  of  Milton,  and  of  innumerable. poets  besides ; 
compositions  in  stately  prose  of  men  of  letters  and  divines ;  treatises 
on  political  philosophy,  trade,  and  economics ;  and,  what  was  big  in 
future  results,  the  foundation  stones  of  empire  were  laid  in  America 
and  in  India. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

General  Conditions.  Traill,  Social  England,  IV.  Trevelyan,  England 
under  the  Stuarts,  chs.  I,  II,  an  admirable  picture  of  the  life  of  the  upper  and 
lower  classes  in  the  early  Stuart  period.  Macaulay,  I,  ch.  Ill,  a  famous 
description  of  conditions  in  the  Restoration  period.  W.  E.  Sydney,  Social 
Life  in  England,  1660-1690  (1892). 

Social  and  Industrial.  Cunningham,  English  Industry  and  Commerce. 
Unwin,  Social  and  Industrial  Organization.  Rogers,  Agriculture  and  Prices, 
V,  VI.  W.  A.  Hewins,  English  Trade  and  Finance,  chiefly  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century  (1892).  Elizabeth  Godfrey,  Home  Life  under  the  Stuarts  (1903) 
and  Social  Life  under  the  Stuarts  (1904).  A.  H.  Hamilton,  Quarter  Sessions 
from  Elizabeth  to  Anne  (1878)  relates  chiefly  to  Devonshire.  Lady  Verney, 
Memoirs  of  the  Verney  Family  (4  vols.,  1892-1899).  H.  B.  Wheatley, 
Samuel  Pepys  and  the  World  He  Lived  In  (1880).  Rose  M.  Bradley,  The 
English  Housewife  in  the  XVII  and  XVIII  Centuries  (1913).  Eleanor 
Trotter,  Seventeenth  Century  Life  in  the  Country  Parish  (1919). 

Literary  and  Intellectual.  Moody  and  Lovett;  Taine;  Jusserand  and 
Cambridge  History  of  Literature.  Lodge,  Political  History,  ch.  XX.  Cam- 


422     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

bridge  Modern  History,  IV,  ch.  XXVI,  V,  chs.  Ill,  VI,  XXIII  (bibliographies 
IV,  948-950,  V,  775-779,  799-808,  903-910).  E.  Dowden,  Puritan  and 
Anglican  (1900).  Masson,  Milton;  the  standard  work.  There  are  short 
Lives  of  Milton  by  Mark  Pattison  (1879,  1906)  and  Sir  Walter  Raleigh 
(1900).  See  also  Macaulay's  essay  on  Milton.  Saintsbury,  Dryden  (1881, 
1902). 

Religion  and  Church.  Hutton  and  Wakeman  as  above.  J.  Hunt, 
Religious  Thought  in  England  (3  vols.,  1870).  J.  H.  Overton,  Life  in  the 
English  Church,  1660-1714  (1885).  Babington,  Mr.  Macaulay's  Character 
of  the  Clergy  (1849).  Tatham,  The  Puritans  in  Power.  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  chs.  XI,  XXIV  (bibliography,  838-839,  911-917). 

Contemporary.  Pepys's  Diary;  Evelyn's  Diary;  R.  Baxter,  Narrative 
of  the  Most  Memorable  Passages  of  His  Life  and  Times  (ed.  M.  Sylvester, 
1696) ;  and  George  Fox,  Journal  (1694,  ed.  W.  Armistead,  2  vols.,  1852) 
a  great  spiritual  autobiography. 

Political  philosophy.  Sir  Robert  Filmer,  Patriarcha,  or  the  Natural 
Power  of  Kings  (1680,  ed.  1903,  introd.  by  Henry  Morley).  Thomas  Hobbes, 
The  Leviathan  (ed.  A.  R.  Waller,  1904).  John  Locke,  Two  Treatises  on  Civil 
Government  (1903,  introd.  by  Henry  Morley).  G.  P.  Gooch,  Political 
Thought  in  England  from  Bacon  to  Halifax  (1914).  H.  J.  Laski,  English 
Political  Thought  from  Locke  to  Bentham.  (Home  University  Library.) 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 

THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE  NEW  DYNASTY  AND  THE  OPENING 
OF   THE  GREAT  WAR.     WILLIAM  AND  MARY  (1689-1694) 

The  Significance  of  the  Reign  of  William  and  Mary.  —  The  reign 
of  William  is  significant  from  the  fact  that,  as  "  the  champion  of  Prot- 
estantism and  the  liberties  of  Europe  against  French  ascendancy," 
he  plunged  England  into  a  whirlpool  of  European  war  and  diplomacy 
from  which  she  emerged  as  the  leading  Colonial  and  Sea  Power  of  the 
world.  The  internal  progress  of  the  period  is  also  noteworthy.  Fun- 
damental constitutional  questions  were  defined  and  settled :  the  order 
of  succession  was  regulated  in  the  Bill  of  Rights  and  in  the  Act  of  Settle- 
ment which  supplemented  it ;  a  Toleration  Act  was  passed ;  the  Na- 
tional Debt  was  funded ;  the  Bank  of  England  was  established ;  the 
censorship  of  the  press  came  to  an  end ;  procedure  in  treason  trials  was 
reformed ;  and  Cabinet  and  party  government  began  to  take  modern 
shape.  This  last  point  is  of  peculiar  importance,  because  the  machin- 
ery of  the  English  Cabinet  and  party  system  is  the  most  perfect  which 
has  yet  been  devised  for  speedily  and  peacefully  voicing  the  will  of 
the  people  and  because  it  is  the  system  which  has  been  adopted,  with 
more  or  less  variation,  by  the  chief  European  governments  in  recent 
times.  It  is  essentially  a  government  by  an  executive  committee  of 
Parliament  whose  members  represent  and  are  responsible  to  the  ma- 
jority party  of  the  House  of  Commons,  which,  in  its  turn,  represents 
the  qualified  voters  of  the  country. 

The  Reaction  against  William  (1689).  —  In  spite  of  the  joy  mani- 
fested at  his  accession,  a  reaction  against  William  soon  set  in.  It  was 
due,  partly  to  the  King's  own  character  and  policy,  partly  to  the  nature 
of  the  situation.  He  was  cold  and  unsympathetic,  he  loved  Dutch- 
men and  Dutch  ways,  he  distrusted  Englishmen  and  chafed  at  his 
necessary  residence  in  England  as  a  joyless  exile.  Patient  and  courageous 
in  great  matters,  he  was  irritable  and  impatient  of  opposition  in  little 
things,  while  his  manners  left  much  to  be  desired.  Then  his  policy 
was  a  disappointment  to  the  Whigs  who  had  led  the  movement  to  place 

423 


424     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

him  on  the  throne ;  for  he  was  no  friend  of  popular  liberty  and  had 
ousted  James  primarily  to  break  up  the  royal  alliance  with  France  and 
to  secure  English  resources  for  his  great  work.  Furthermore,  he  had 
to  face  a  most  difficult  situation ;  for  impelled  by  a  common  fear  of 
James,  the  most  diverse  elements  had  combined  momentarily  to  sup- 
port him.  Truly,  Englishmen  and  Dutchmen,  Whigs  and  Tories, 
Churchmen  and  Nonconformists  made  strange  bedfellows.  The  Eng- 
lish and  the  Dutch  were  old  trade  rivals  who  had  been  three  times  at 
war  within  half  a  century.  The  Whigs  stood  for  a  limited  monarchy 
and  toleration,  and  had  old  scores  to  settle  with  the  party  who  had  op- 
pressed them  during  the  reign  of  Charles  II  and  the  early  years  of 
James  II.  The  Tories,  who  stood  for  Divine  hereditary  right  and  an 
exclusive  Establishment,  directly  the  excitement  was  over,  came  to  be 
ashamed  of  the  part  they  had  taken  in  expelling  the  Lord's  anointed. 
Many  of  the  Whigs,  too,  were  dissatisfied,  some  because  they  felt  them- 
selves insufficiently  rewarded,  others  because  their  advice  in  ordering 
public  affairs  was  neither  sought  nor  heeded.  Although  the  really 
disaffected  were  in  a  minority,  they  were  so  vociferous  and  busy  that 
they  might  have  caused  serious  trouble  but  for  the  fact  that  Louis  XIV, 
by  undertaking  to  restore  James  by  force,  and  with  the  aid  of  the 
dreaded  Irish  into  the  bargain,  forced  the  moderates  of  both  parties  to 
cling  to  William.  In  selecting  his  first  Ministry,  he  sought  to  balance 
parties,  though  in  view  of  the  critical  situation  abroad,  and  the  partic- 
ular interests  which  he  had  at  stake,  he  took  charge  of  foreign  affairs 
himself. 

The  Mutiny  Act  (1689). — The  mutiny  of  an  English  regiment  at 
Ipswich,  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign,  led  to  the  passage  of  a  measure 
which  was  bound,  in  any  case,  to  have  come  before  long ;  since,  accord- 
ing to  the  existing  law,  there  were  no  adequate  means  of  dealing  with 
such  crises.  The  Mutiny  Act,  which  began  by  declaring  courts  mar- 
tial and  military  discipline  illegal,  conferred  upon  William  the  author- 
ity to  provide  for  the  exercise  of  such  extraordinary  jurisdiction  for 
six  months.  Later  the  Act  was  regularly  renewed,  but  never  for  longer 
than  a  year.  It  is  now  called  the  Army  Act. 

The  Toleration  Act  (1689).  —  Also  in  this  eventful  year,  the  Protest- 
ant Dissenters  for  the  first  time  obtained  legal  recognition  and  tolera- 
tion. William,  a  Calvinist  by  training  but  a  Latitudinarian  by  con- 
viction, was  a  prime  mover ;  however,  he  had  the  solid  backing  of  a 
growing  rationalistic  opinion,  voiced  by  Locke  in  his  Letters  on  Toler- 
ation, in  which  he  argued  that  the  State  had  no  right  to  interfere  with 
the  way  men  might  choose  to  worship.  Furthermore,  certain  influen- 
tial Tories  felt  under  obligation  to  redeem  the  promises  they  had  made 


THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE  NEW  DYNASTY  425 

to  Dissenters  in  order  to  detach  them  from  James  II.  The  Toleration 
Act  of  1689,  while  it  did  not  repeal  the  existing  penal  laws,  suspended 
their  operation  against  those  who  absented  themselves  from  the  serv- 
ices of  the  Established  Church  and  attended  other  places  of  worship, 
provided  they  took  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  and  Supremacy  and  sub- 
scribed to  a  declaration  against  transubstantiation.  Quakers,  who 
scrupled  to  take  oaths,  were  allowed  to  hold  their  assemblies  undis- 
turbed on  condition  of  signing  the  declaration  against  transubstantia- 
tion, making  a  confession  of  Christian  belief,  and  promising  fidelity 
to  the  Government.  "  Papists,"  and  those  who  did  not  believe  in  the 
Trinity,1  were  expressly  excluded  from  the  benefits  of  the  Act.  Al- 
though the  toleration  thus  granted  was  far  from  complete,  "  it  removed 
a  vast  mass  of  evil  without  shocking  a  vast  mass  of  prejudice." 

The  Bill  of  Rights  (1689).  —  After  a  recess  of  two  months,  the  old 
Convention  met  for  its  second  session,  19  October,  1689.  The  chief 
work  of  the  session  was  to  turn  the  Declaration  of  Right  into  a  bill. 
A  few  new  provisions  were  introduced.  One  provided  that  any  Sov- 
ereign professing  the  "  popish  "  religion  should  be  incapable  of  reign- 
ing in  England,  and,  in  case  he  married  a  "  Papist,"  his  subjects  were 
to  be  absolved  from  their  allegiance;  but  no  attempt  was. made  to 
define  the  term,  nor  was  any  machinery  devised  for  carrying  the  pro- 
vision into  effect.  Furthermore,  the  dispensing  power,  which  accord- 
ing to  the  Declaration  was  illegal  only  "as  it  hath  been  exercised  of 
late,"  was  now  done  away  with  altogether.2 

The  Settlement  of  the  Revenue  (1690. ) — In  a  new  Parliament  which 
met  20  March,  1690,  the  Commons,  after  some  discussion,  voted  that 
William  should  have,  in  addition  to  the  hereditary  Crown  revenue 
amounting  to  £400,000  a  year,  the  income  from  the  excise,  which  yielded 
some  £300,000  annually.  This  sum,  about  £700,000  in  the  aggregate, 
which  came  to  be  known  as  the  Civil  List,3  was  to  be  devoted  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  royal  household,  the  payment  of  civil  officials, 
and  in  general,  to  the  non-military  expenses  of  the  State.  The  income 
from  the  customs,  variously  estimated  between  £460 ,000  and  £600,000, 
was  granted  only  for  four  years.  Although  the  outbreak  of  the  war 
necessitated  the  grant  of  extraordinary  supplies,  Parliament  adhered 
to  the  principle  that  a  fixed  amount  only  should  be  allowed  to  the  King 

1  I.e.  Jews  and  Socinians,  the  latter  forerunners  of  the  Unitarians. 

2  At  least,  that  was  the  result,  for  it  was  provided  that  exceptions  might  be 
enumerated  during  the  session,  and  none  were  made  into  law. 

3  Later,  Parliament  took  over  the  payment  of  all  public  expenses,  leaving  to  the 
Sovereign  merely  the  maintenance  of  the  royal  household.     The  income  which 
he  has  for  this  purpose  is  still,  curiously  enough,  known  as  the  Civil  List. 


426     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

for  the  ordinary  needs  of  the  State.  Moreover,  in  the  future  all  grants 
were  appropriated  for  specified  purposes.  Thus  the  principle  of  appro- 
priation of  supply  foreshadowed  in  the  reigns  of  James  I  and  Charles  II 
became  a  regular  practice. 

James  Appears  in  Ireland  (March,  1689).  —  The  attempts  of  James, 
through  Tyrconnel,  to  make  Ireland  a  Roman  Catholic  stronghold, 
the  transfer  of  the  administration  into  the  hands  of  the  members  of 
that  faith,  and  rumors  even  of  a  general  massacre  had  thrown  the 
Protestants  into  a  panic.  Many  fled  to  England,  others  prepared 
to  defend  themselves.  Tyrconnel,  while  he  dallied  with  the  terms 
offered  by  William,  hastened  to  gather  his  forces,  seized  cattle  and 
supplies,  and  sent  for  James.  Meantime,  he  succeeded  in  reducing 
all  Ireland  except  Ulster,  which  contained  the  bulk  of  the  Protestant 
element.  Many  of  the  latter  fled  for  refuge  to  Londonderry  and  Ennis- 
killen,  leaving  their  lands  and  goods  at  the  mercy  of  their  exultant  and 
infuriated  enemies.  James  arrived  in  Dublin,  24  March,  1689.  Al- 
though Louis  refused  him  an  army,  partly  because  he  distrusted  his 
abilities,  partly  because  he  needed  his  troops  at  home,  he  gave  him 
a  fleet,  together  with  arms,  money  and  officers  to  drill  the  Irish. 

The  Irish  Parliament.  —  The  Irish  Parliament  which  met  7  May, 
1689,  was  dominated  by  extremists,  men  devoid  of  experience  in  public 
affairs  and  burning  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  their  religion  and  their 
race.  James  succeeded  in  passing  a  Toleration  Act;  but  he  was 
obliged  to  consent  to  a  series  of  measures  calculated  to  alienate  utterly 
his  English  supporters.  The  authority  of  the  English  Parliament 
was  repudiated.  The  tithes  of  the  Roman  Catholics  were  transferred 
to  their  own  clergy  and  the  Act  of  Settlement  was  repealed.  All  lands 
forfeited  in  consequence  of  the  Rebellion  of  1641  were  restored,  and  a 
famous  Act  of  Attainder  was  passed,  comprising  over  2000  names. 
The  property  of  these  included  on  the  list  was  appropriated  forthwith, 
and  though  the  owners  were  ordered  to  appear  for  trial  before  a  cer- 
tain date  to  prove  their  innocence,  it  was  at  the  risk  of  being  hanged, 
drawn  and  quartered,  in  the  event  of  almost  certain  conviction. 

The  Siege  and  Relief  of  Londonderry.  Newton  Butler  (1689).  — 
Already,  19  April,  1689,  the  siege  of  Londonderry  had  begun.  Threat- 
ened with  starvation,  and  exposed  to  constant  attacks  against  the 
weak  walls  of  the  city,  the  dauntless  garrison  held  out  with  grim  de- 
termination for  one  hundred  and  five  days,  until  they  were  finally  re- 
lieved by  Colonel  Kirke,  who  had  shown  far  more  celerity  and  vigor 
in  hunting  down  the  poor  peasants  involved  in  the  Monmouth  rebel- 

1  In  conjunction  with  the  Mutiny  Act  it  insured,  for  the  future,  annual  sessions 
of  Parliament. 


THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE   NEW  DYNASTY  427 

lion  than  he  displayed  against  the  troops  of  James.  The  joyous  news 
of  the  relief  of  Londonderry  was  immediately  followed  by  the  tidings 
that  the  men  of  Enniskillen  had  saved  themselves  by  repulsing  an 
attacking  force  at  Newton  Butler,  2  August.  Reinforcements  under 
Schomberg  arrived  the  same  month,  but  his  army,  consisting  largely 
of  raw  recruits,  was  in  no  condition  to  fight.  What  with  heavy  autumn 
rains  and  bad  food,  supplied  by  greedy  and  dishonest  English  con- 
tractors, a  pestilence  broke  out.  He  was  obliged  to  go  into  winter 
quarters,  while  the  mass  of  Englishmen,  who  did  not  understand  the 
situation,  howled  at  his  inaction  and  at  the  sufferings  to  which  his 
troops  were  exposed.  Such  was  the  situation  when  William  started 
for  Ireland  in  June,  1690. 

The  Battle  of  Beachy  Head  (29  June,  1690).  —  Scarcely  had  he  gone 
when  a  French  fleet  appeared  in  the  Channel.  Admiral  Torrington, 
of  the  combined  English  and  Dutch  fleet,  was  so  unprepared  that 
he  dared  not  fight,  and  retreated  up  the  English  coast,  until  he  received 
positive  orders  from  the  Queen  to  engage.  On  29  June,  1690,  he  was 
defeated  at  Beachy  Head,  after  which  he  continued  to  retreat  and  took 
refuge  in  the  Thames.  The  Dutch  were  furious  because  he  had  put 
their  ships  where  they  had  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  fighting.  At  a 
court  martial,  subsequently  held,  it  developed  their  own  recklessness 
was  to  blame,  and  Torrington  was  acquitted,  though  he  never  received 
another  command.  Truly  it  was  an  anxious  time  for  Englishmen. 
The  Channel  was  left  undefended,  the  country  was  swarming  with 
Jacobites,  while,  to  cap  all,  news  arrived  that  the  French  had  won  a 
victory  in  the  Netherlands.  Fortunately,  however,  the  sudden  fear 
that  Louis  XIV  might  send  over  an  invading  army  from  Dunkirk 
was  enough  to  unite  practically  the  whole  country  in  defense  of 
the  crown.  Many,  who  wanted  to  see  James  restored,  had  no  desire 
to  see  it  done  at  the  cost  of  a  great  national  humiliation.  The 
prospect  was  still  dark  enough  when  William  sent  back  word  of  a 
notable  victory. 

The  Battle  of  the  Boyne  (i  July,  1690).  —  In  the  famous  battle  of  the 
Boyne,  which  took  place  i  July,  the  English  scattered  their  foes  in 
the  utmost  confusion,  in  spite  of  the  stubborn  resistance  of  the  Irish 
cavalry.  James,  who  had  lost  the  bravery  of  his  youthful  days, 
watched  the  fighting  from  a  safe  distance,  hurried  away  as  soon  as  he 
foresaw  the  result,  and  speedily  sailed  for  France.  The  French  fleet 
which  had  cruised  along  the  English  coast  unopposed  after  the  Battle 
of  Beachy  Head  met  with  a  hot  reception  on  attempting  to  land  troops, 
the  militia  were  everywhere  mustered ;  indeed,  it  was  not  long  before 
all  England  "  was  up  in  arms  on  foot  and  on  horseback  .  .  .  and  rang 


428     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

with  shouts  of  '  God  bless  King  William  and  Mary.'  '  The  chief 
result  of  the  attempted  invasion  was  to  undo  the  work  of  English 
Jacobites. 

The  Siege  and  Treaty  of  Limerick  (1691).  —  After  the  Battle  of  the 
Boyne  the  bulk  of  the  Irish  army  took  refuge  at  Limerick.  William, 
failing  to  take  the  town  by  assault,  17  August,  was  soon  forced  to 
raise  the  siege,  owing  to  heavy  rains  and  lack  of  powder.  He  himself 
returned  to  England ;  but  the  garrison  finally  capitulated  to  his  army, 
3  October,  1691.  Two  treaties  were  framed.  By  a  military  treaty,  it 
was  provided  that  all  officers  who  desired  should  be  transported  to 
France.  In  a  civil  treaty,  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland  received  a 
promise  that  they  "  should  enjoy  such  privileges  in  the  exercise  of 
their  religion  as  were  consistent  with  the  law,  or  as  they  had  enjoyed 
in  the  reign  of  Charles  II."  The  bulk  of  the  soldiery  elected  to  go  to 
France ;  many  afterwards  deserted,  but  numbers  won  high  distinction 
in  the  ensuing  wars.  Those  who  remained  in  Ireland  were  so  cowed 
that  the  country  was  free  from  formidable  insurrection  for  over  a 
century. 

The  Violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Limerick.  —  Unhappily,  England  did 
not  temper  her  victory  with  mercy  or  wisdom,  but  allowed  intolerance, 
greed,  and  oppression  to  prevail.  A  new  statute  was  passed  by  the 
Parliament  at  Westminster,  not  only  excluding  Roman  Catholics  from 
office,  but  enacting  for  the  first  time  that  they  could  not  sit  in  the  Irish 
Parliament.  That  body,  consisting  henceforth  of  the  representatives 
of  the  Protestant  minority,  passed  laws,  in  1695,  providing  that  no 
"  Popish  "  teacher  should  be  allowed  in  schools  or  private  houses, 
forbidding  "  Papists  "  to  carry  arms  or  to  own  a  horse  worth  more 
than  £5.  In  1697,  in  distinct  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Limerick, 
all  Roman  Catholic  prelates  were  banished  from  the  kingdom  and 
Roman  Catholics  and  Protestants  were  forbidden  to  intermarry.  These 
were  the  forerunners  of  a  penal  code  which  was  carried  to  completion 
in  the  three  following  reigns.  Every  inducement  was  offered  to  in- 
formers and  to  those  who  would  desert  the  faith  of  their  fathers ;  for 
example,  in  the  inheritance  of  property  the  nearest  Roman  Catholic 
heirs  were  passed  over  in  favor  of  the  more  remote,  provided  they  were 
Protestants.  All  that  can  be  said  is  that  the  more  ferocious  laws 
were  seldom  enforced.  Added  to  the  religious  restrictions,  binding 
shackles  were  imposed  on  Irish  industry  and  commerce.  The  Irish 
were  excluded  from  the  English  colonial  trade,  and  by  an  Act  of  1699 
the  export  of  their  wool  and  woolen  goods  was  practically  prohib- 
ited. Such  tyranny  and  avarice  on  the  part  of  the  Protestant 
minority  slowly  but  surely  bore  bitter  fruit. 


THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE  NEW  DYNASTY      429 

The  Revolution  in  Scotland,  and  the  Rising  of  the  Highland  Clans. 

-  The  Revolution  in  Scotland  was  not  accomplished  without  excite- 
ment, disorder  and  even  a  brief  period  of  war.  A  Convention  Parlia- 
ment which  met  in  Edinburgh  24  March,  1689,  having  voted  that 
James  by  his  misdeeds  had  forfeited  the  government,  named  William 
and  Mary  as  his  successors.  The  forces  of  opposition,  however,  were 
various  and  vehement ;  but  the  only  serious  armed  revolt  came  from 
the  Highlanders.  This  picturesque  and  beautiful  region  was  then, 
to  the  mass  of  Englishmen,  and  even  to  the  Lowland  Scots,  an  un- 
known country,  described  by  the  few  who  had  dared  to  penetrate  its 
rugged  mountains  and  bleak  moorlands  as  a  grim,  unlovely  waste,  in- 
habited by  savage  tribes,  utterly  ignorant  of  the  ways  of  civilization 
and  regardless  of  life  and  the  laws  of  property.  Their  southern  neigh- 
bors, who  knew  them  as  cattle  stealers  and  murderous  enemies,  were  as 
little  acquainted  with  their  virtues  —  their  courage,  their  hospitality, 
their  dignity  and  their  devotion  to  clan  and  family  —  as  they  were 
with  the  beauties  of  their  scenery.  Thither,  Viscount  Dundee,  for- 
merly known  as  Graham  of  Claverhouse,  sought  recruits,  after  he 
had  fled  from  the  Whig-dominated  Parliament  at  Edinburgh.  The 
clans  pressed  to  join  him,  not  so  much  out  of  attachment  for  the  Stuart 
cause  as  from  hatred  of  the  Campbells,  whose  chief,  the  Marquis  of 
Argyle,  had  taken  the  side  of  William,  though  another  motive  was 
the  prospect  of  fighting  and  plunder.  They  mustered  in  May,  1689, 
at  Lochaber.  Dundee's  difficulties  were  enormous.  Each  clan  was 
a  unit  in  itself.  Many  nourished  long-standing  feuds  and  jealousies, 
the  chiefs  were  proud  and  sensitive,  so  that  it  was  next  to  impossible 
to  weld  the  discordant  elements  into  an  army.  However,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  eluding  for  weeks  Hugh  Mackay,  the  commander  sent  against 
him.  At  length,  the  two  armies  met  in  the  pass  of  Killiekrankie,  27 
July.  Mackay  was  driven  from  the  pass  and  retreated  over  the  moun- 
tains to  Stirling ;  but  the  victory  of  the  Highlanders  was  more  than 
offset  by  the  death  of  Dundee,  who  was  shot  during  the  triumphant 
charge.  Mackay  soon  rallied  his  men,1  but  the  Highlanders  had  lost 
the  only  man  who  could  hold  them  together.  Before  the  end  of 
August  the  whole  force  had  dispersed  to  their  homes. 

The  Massacre  of  Glencoe  (1692).  —  Unhappily,  William's  triumph 
was  marred  by  a  brutal  crime,  due  to  his  carelessness  or  indifference, 
to  the  vindictiveness  of  the  Campbells,  and  the  desire  of  the  Master 

1  Mackay's  defeat  led  him  to  make  a  contribution  to  the  art  of  war  by  inventing 
the  modern  bayonet,  fixed  outside  of  instead  of  fitting  into  the  gun  barrel.  He 
attributed  the  loss  of  the  battle  largely  to  the  fact  that  his  men,  after  they  fired, 
could  not  attach  their  bayonets  quickly  enough  to  meet  the  charging  Highlanders. 


430    SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

of  Stair,  the  King's  chief  adviser,  to  root  out  the  most  unyielding  of 
the  clans.  A  proclamation  was  issued  from  Edinburgh  offering  par- 
don to  every  rebel  who,  before  31  December,  1691,  should  swear  to 
live  peaceably  under  William  and  Mary.  The  chief  of  the  Macdon- 
alds  of  Glencoe l  waited  stubbornly  until  the  very  last  day,  when  he 
presented  himself  before  an  official  not  empowered  to  take  an  oath, 
who  sent  him  with  a  letter  to  the  sheriff  of  Argyleshire.  The  sheriff 
after  some  hesitation  accepted  the  submission  and  forwarded  the  cer- 
tificate to  Edinburgh,  6  January.  This  the  Master  of  Stair  suppressed, 
after  which  he  secured  William's  signature  to  an  order  authorizing 
the  extermination  of  the  clan.  On  i  February  a  company  of  sol- 
diers was  dispatched  to  Glencoe,  where  they  stayed  for  nearly  two 
weeks  enjoying  the  rude  but  plentiful  hospitality  of  the  clan.  Sud- 
denly, in  the  early  morning  of  the  i3th,  they  rose  and  began  to  mas- 
sacre their  hosts.  But  they  made  the  mistake  of  shooting  instead  of 
stabbing  their  victims,  while  the  troops  detailed  to  block  the  exits  of 
the  glen  failed  to  arrive  in  time,  so  that  a  majority  escaped.  Many 
of  them,  however,  perished  of  exposure,  their  homes  were  set  on  fire, 
and  their  cattle  driven  off.  Stair's  only  regret  was  that  so  many  got 
away.  His  enemies,  however,  and  the  opponents  of  the  Government 
raised  such  an  outcry  that  William,  though  he  regarded  the  deed  as  a 
wholesome  example  visited  on  a  gang  of  thieves  and  outlaws,  was 
forced  to  consent  to  a  commission  of  inquiry.  Stair  was  retired  and 
remained  in  private  life  till  the  next  reign. 

The  Alliance  against  France  (1689).  —  Meantime,  William,  in  the 
autumn  of  1689,  had  completed  an  alliance  against  France  on  which 
he  had  been  laboriously  working  for  years.  It  included  the  Empire, 
Spain,  England  and  the  Dutch.  After  his  authority  had  been  estab- 
lished in  Ireland  and  Scotland,  he  departed,  18  January,  1691,  to 
meet  the  allies  in  a  congress  at  the  Hague.  Though  his  combination 
seemed  an  overwhelming  one,  it  had  almost  no  cohesion.  Each  of  the 
Powers,  determined  on  giving  as  little  and  getting  as  much  as  possible, 
counted  on  leaving  the  Dutch  and  English  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the 
fighting  and  the  expense.  They  quarreled  with  one  another  about 
points  of  precedence,  they  were  separated  by  trade  rivalries  and  re- 
ligious differences,  while  Louis,  fighting  on  inside  lines,  was  master  of 
the  resources  of  his  Kingdom,  and,  ably  assisted  by  Louvois,  the  greatest 
War  Minister,  Luxemburg,  the  greatest  general,  and  Vauban,  the  great- 
est engineer  of  the  age,  could  direct  singly  and  unopposed  the  opera- 
tions of  his  armies. 

1  Meaning  literally  Glen  of  Weeping.  It  was  a  dreary  inaccessible  spot  on  the 
western  coast. 


THE   EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE   NEW  DYNASTY  431 

The  Dismissal  of  Marlborough.  —  William  had  not  only  to  manage 
his  allies  and  to  keep  up  their  enthusiasm  but  to  face  one  Jacobite 
plot  after  another.  No  less  than  three  whom  he  regarded  as  trusty 
supporters  entered  into  treasonable  negotiations  with  the  enemy. 
Marlborough  l  went  to  the  greatest  lengths ;  for  he  actually  intrigued 
with  the  Jacobites  to  get  rid  of  William,  with  the  ultimate  aim  of 
putting  not  James,  but  Anne,  in  his  place.  The  Jacobites,  becoming 
suspicious,  disclosed  his  designs,  which  led  William  to  dismiss  him, 
10  January,  1692.  It  was  a  serious  loss  that,  throughout  the  war,  he 
was  deprived  of  the  aid  of  one  destined  to  prove  himself  in  the  next 
reign  the  most  remarkable  of  England's  generals. 

The  Victory  of  La  Hogue,  1692.  —  Early  in  1692,  James,  counting 
on  his  popularity  with  the  navy  and  the  discontent  of  Russell,  who 
commanded  the  Channel  fleet,  prepared  an  invasion  of  England.  Hav- 
ing assembled  a  fleet  and  mustered  an  army  to  be  transported  to  the 
English  coast,  he  issued  a  stupid  and  ill-timed  declaration,  in  which 
he  not  only  expressed  no  regret  for  the  past  and  gave  no  promises  for 
the  future,  but  breathed  dire  vengeance  against  all  who  should  oppose 
his  return,  and  even  published  a  list  of  those  whom  he  had  marked 
out  for  punishment.  Indeed,  it  was  so  damning  that  the  English 
Government  had  it  licensed  and  freely  distributed,  which  proceeding, 
together  with  the  prospect  of  attack,  roused  the  intensest  patriotism. 
Russell,  who,  though  in  a  fit  of  dissatisfaction  at  the  grants  he  had 
received  from  William,  had  corresponded  with  the  enemy,  was  a 
stanch  Whig  and  zealous  for  the  fame  of  the  English  navy,  and  de- 
clared :  "  Do  not  think  that  I  will  let  the  French  triumph  over  us  in 
our  own  sea  ...  if  I  meet  them,  I  fight  them,  aye,  though  his  Majesty 
himself  should  be  on  board."  So,  when  their  fleet  appeared  in  the 
Channel,  they  were  met  by  a  combined  force  of  the  English  and  the 
Dutch,  who  drove  the  French  ships  back  to  the  Norman  coast  and 
burned  the  bulk  of  them  in  the  harbor  of  La  Hogue,  before  the  very 
face  of  James  and  his  army,  19-24  May. 

William's  Loss  of  Namur  and  Defeat  at  Steenkerke  (1692). — The 
triumph  at  La  Hogue,  however,  was  more  than  counterbalanced  by 
William's  reverses  in  the  Netherlands  —  his  loss,  in  June,  of  Namur, 
commanded  by  a  citadel  never  before  taken,  and  his  defeat  by  Luxem- 
burg, 3  August,  at  Steenkerke  on  the  road  from  Namur  to  Brussels. 
When  the  King  returned  to  England  in  October,  after  narrowly  escap- 
ing an  attempt  on  his  life  hatched  in  the  French  War  Office,  the  situa- 
tion was  altogether  discouraging.  English  merchantmen  were  suffer- 
ing from  the  pillaging  of  the  enemy's  privateers,  the  harvest  had  failed, 
1  John  Churchill  had  been  created  Earl  of  Marlborough  at  the  coronation. 


432     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

owing  to  heavy  rains,  and  the  insecurity  and  discontent  were  aggravated 
by  a  startling  increase  of  crime.  Housebreakers  and  footpads  were 
so  bold  and  active  that  William  had  to  detail  cavalry  to  guard  the 
roads  to  London  and  to  take  the  sternest  measures  to  put  down  dis- 
order. Having,  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  secured  supplies  for  the 
coming  campaign  from  a  Parliament  torn  by  faction,  he  started  back 
for  the  Netherlands  24  March,  1693. 

William's  Defeat  at  Neerwinden  (19  July,  1693).  —  This  year  the 
allied  army  took  a  strongly  intrenched  position  where  Luxemburg 
attacked  it,  19  July.  The  battle  of  Neerwinden  —  or  Landen,  as  it 
is  sometimes  called  from  a  neighboring  village  —  the  bloodiest  battle 
of  the  century  and  one  of  the  most  terrible  ever  fought  in  the  Nether- 
lands, resulted  in  another  defeat  for  William.  But  Luxemburg,  though 
he  drove  him  from  the  field,  did  not  follow  him  up,  either  because  his 
forces  were  too  crippled  or  because  he  lacked  energy.  William,  with 
the  wonderful  power  of  recovery  for  which  he  was  famous,  rallied  his 
forces  at  Brussels,  and  ended  the  year's  campaign  in  a  position  fully 
as  strong  as  when  it  began. 

The  Failure  of  the  Expedition  to  Brest.  English  Successes  in  the 
Mediterranean,  1694.  —  The  French  plan  of  war  for  1694  was  to  con- 
centrate its  energies  in  the  Mediterranean  against  England's  Spanish 
ally.  The  English,  on  their  part,  planned  to  send  out  two  naval  ex- 
peditions, one  against  Brest,  the  other  to  the  Mediterranean.  The 
destination  of  the  first  was  betrayed  by  Marlborough,  who  can  by 
no  means  be  exonerated  on  the  ground  that  the  secret  had  already 
been  disclosed.  He  apparently  had  a  double  motive ;  to  secure  him- 
self in  case  William's  enemies  triumphed,  and  to  discredit  his  ablest 
rival,  who  was  in  command.  The  expedition,  delayed  by  contrary 
winds  in  the  bargain,  failed  in  its  object,  and  accomplished  nothing 
beyond  devastating  a  few  undefended  points  along  the  French  coast. 
Russell,  however,  who  went  to  the  Mediterranean,  was  able  to  save 
Barcelona  from  an  attack  of  a  combined  French  army  and  fleet  and 
to  force  them  to  take  refuge  under  the  guns  of  Toulon.  His  success 
marked  another  step  in  the  rise  of  the  English  sea  power,  and,  by  check- 
ing Louis  XIV's  Spanish  designs,  exercised  an  effective  influence  on 
the  subsequent  course  of  the  war. 

The  Death  of  Queen  Mary  (28  December,  1694). — On  28  December, 
1694,  Queen  Mary  died  of  smallpox  at  the  early  age  of  thirty- two.  By 
her  marriage  with  William  of  Orange  she  became  a  great  factor  in 
frustrating  the  designs  of  James  II  and  checking  the  growing  ascend- 
ancy of  Louis  XIV.  She  had  endeared  herself  to  the  Dutch,  and 
her  popularity  with  the  English  went  far  to  soften  the  animosity  against 


THE   EARLY  YEARS  OF  THE  NEW  DYNASTY  433 

her  sour  Consort  and  his  Dutch  favorites.  The  King's  grief  at  her 
loss  was  terrible,  though  he  had  only  tardily  come  to  appreciate  her 
devotion,  especially  after  she  had  readily  renounced  her  rights  to  the 
throne  that  he  might  be  the  more  a  King. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Lodge;  Trevelyan;  Macaulay;  Ranke;  and  Cambridge 
Modern  History. 

Constitutional.  Maitland,  English  Constitutional  History,  period  IV ; 
Hallam ;  Taswell-Langmead ;  and  Taylor.  Mary  T.  Blauvelt,  The  De- 
velopment of  Cabinet  Government  (1902),  a  good  brief  sketch.  For  scholarly 
treatments  of  the  origin  and  growth  of  the  Cabinet,  see  H.  W.  V.  Temperly 
and  Sir  Wm.  Anson,  English  Historical  Review,  XXVII,  682  ff.  and  XXIX, 
56-78,  and  E.  R.  Turner,  American  Historical  Review,  XVIII,  751-768, 
XIX,  27-43.  A.  S.  Turberville,  The  House  of  Lords  in  the  Reign  of  William 
III  (1913)- 

Army  and  Navy.  Fortescue ;  Clowes ;  Mahan,  Sea  Power;  and  Corbett, 
England  in  the  Mediterranean,  I. 

Scotland  and  Ireland.  P.  H.  Brown;  Turner  and  Joyce.  For  a  full 
bibliography,  see  Cambridge  Modern  History,  V,  825-837. 

Special.  Seeley,  British  Policy  and  The  Expansion  of  England  (1895), 
a  luminous  treatment. 

Contemporary.     Burnet. 

Church.    Hutton ;  Wakeman ;  and  Stoughton. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  235-240.  Robert- 
son, Select  Statutes,  pt.  I,  nos.  XII-XVII. 


2F 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 

THE  COMPLETION  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  OF  1688. 
WILLIAM  ALONE    (1694-1702) 

The  Assassination  Plot  (1695-1696),  and  the  Attainder  of  Fenwick 
(1697).  — The  death  of  Mary,  by  breaking  one  of  the  strongest  links 
between  William  and  the  English  people,  revived  the  hopes  of  the 
Jacobites,  who  planned  another  attempt  to  restore  James,  this  time 
by  means  of  an  assassination  plot,  later  coupled  with  a  scheme  for 
raising  an  insurrection  assisted  by  an  invasion  from  France.  How- 
ever, the  Duke  of  Berwick,  a  natural  son  of  James,  who  came  to  Eng- 
land in  January,  1696,  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  projected  invasion, 
failed  to  induce  the  Jacobites  to  rise,  while,  in  February,  a  design  to  in- 
tercept and  kill  the  King  was  betrayed.  Most  of  the  conspirators 
were  arrested,  though,  owing  to  the  King's  wise  forbearance,  only  eight 
were  put  to  death.  Among  them  was  Sir  John  Fenwick,  who  while 
implicated  in  the  projected  insurrection,  seems  to  have  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  attempt  to  murder  his  Sovereign.  He  was  executed, 
28  January,  1697,  after  conviction  by  Bill  of  Attainder,  the  last  man  in 
England  to  suffer  by  this  process. 

The  Restoration  of  the  Coinage  (1696). — Meantime,  the  great  war 
was  drawing  to  a  close.  During  1695,  William  had  succeeded  in  re- 
covering Namur,  but  in  the  campaign  of  1696  the  movements  of  both 
armies  were  hampered  by  lack  of  money.  France  was  reduced  to  a 
state  of  downright  misery,  and  England  was  suffering  from  a  tempo- 
rary financial  stringency,  due  largely  to  a  restoration  of  the  currency. 
In  spite  of  severe  penalties,  old  clipped  and  mutilated  coins  circulated 
freely,  while  new  ones  with  milled  edges  were  hoarded  or  melted  down 
and  sold  as  bullion.  The  evil  was  bound  to  continue  so  long  as  those 
under  weight  were  accepted  at  their  face  value.  Through  the  efforts 
of  four  remarkable  men,  John  Locke,  Lord  Somers,  Charles  Montagu, 
and  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  a  Recoinage  Act  was  passed,  January,  1696, 
and  carried  into  effect,  which  provided  that  the  old  damaged  coins 
should  cease  to  be  legal  tender  by  4  May.  The  Government  agreed 

434 


THE   COMPLETION  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  OF   1688         435 

to  replace,  at  their  face  value,  old  coins  that  were  turned  in ;  but,  though 
the  new  issue  was  made  with  unprecedented  rapidity,  it  did  not  come 
fast  enough  at  first  to  supply  the  place  of  the  money  drawn  from  cir- 
culation. It  was  not  till  March,  1697,  that  the  crisis  was  past. 

The  Peace  of  Ryswick  (1697).  —  In  order  to  consider  overtures  of 
peace  made  by  Louis  XIV  a  congress  of  the  allies  assembled  9  May, 
1697,  at  Ryswick,  but  it  occupied  so  much  time  in  ceremonious  display 
and  trifling  points  of  precedence  that  William,  heartily  disgusted,  de- 
cided to  open  negotiations  with  Louis  on  his  own  account.  Accord- 
ingly, in  June,  he  sent  a  trusted  agent  to  confer  privately  with  a  rep- 
resentative selected  by  the  French  King,  with  the  result  that  before 
the  end  of  July  they  had  settled  all  the  terms  in  which  England  and 
France  were  concerned,  while  the  Congress  was  still  wrangling  over 
tedious  formalities.  So,  20/30  September,  1697,  in  spite  of  the  pro- 
tests of  James,  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick  was  signed  by  England,  France, 
the  United  Provinces,  and  Spain.  According  to  the  terms  of  the 
peace,  William  was  acknowledged  as  King  of  England  with  Anne  as 
his  successor,  and  Louis  promised  not  to  aid  in  plots  against  him.  All 
conquests  made  during  the  war  were  restored,  though  Louis  was  allowed 
to  retain  certain  places  which  he  had  "  reunited  "  *  since  1678,  and 
the  chief  fortresses  in  the  Netherlands  were  garrisoned  with  Dutch 
troops  as  a  barrier  against  France.  The  Emperor  thus  isolated  made 
peace  with  France,  30  October.  In  spite  of  notable  victories,  Louis 
had  been  checked  for  the  first  time  in  his  victorious  career,  and  had 
been  forced  to  acknowledge  William  in  place  of  James,  thus  completing 
the  Revolution  of  1688. 

Internal  Progress  in  England.  A  New  Financial  Era.  —  During 
the  years  that  war  raged  on  the  Continent,  a  series  of  measures  were 
passed  in  England  of  far-reaching  importance  in  financial,  economic, 
political  and  legal  developments.  Louis,  during  the  late  war,  had 
declared  that  the  Power  with  the  last  gold  piece  would  win,  and  it 
was  due  in  a  large  degree  to  the  effective  financial  organization  begun 
in  this  period  that  England  gained  her  successes  in  the  great  European 
conflicts  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Moreover,  it  resulted  in  the  ascend- 
ancy of  the  Whigs  and  the  permanence  of  the  Revolution  settlement. 
The  moneyed  classes  —  the  merchants  and  traders  —  belonged  mainly 
to  the  Whig  party,  which  grew  in  strength  and  influence  as  the  State 
turned  to  it  more  and  more  for  loans.  Then,  naturally,  men  who  had 
invested  their  funds  under  the  existing  Government  would  struggle 
to  uphold  it ;  since  the  return  of  James  meant  repudiation  of  the  debts 
which  it  had  contracted. 

1  I.e.  appropriated  on  the  ground  that  they  had  once  belonged  to  France. 


436     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  Beginnings  of  the  National  Debt  (1693).  —  The  new  policy  was 
chiefly  the  work  of  a  remarkable  politician  and  financier,  Charles  Mon- 
tagu (1665-1715),  created  Baron  and  later  Earl  of  Halifax.  At  the 
very  beginning  of  King  William's  War  it  became  evident  that,  in  spite 
of  new  and  increased  taxes,  the  annual  revenue  was  insufficient  to 
cover  expenses.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was  a  surplus  of  capital 
in  the  country  and  few  opportunities  of  placing  it  safely  and  profitably. 
Many  were  reduced  to  hoarding  their  savings  in  strong  boxes  or  bury- 
ing them  in  the  ground.  In  consequence,  stock  jobbers  and  fraudulent 
companies,  with  all  sorts  of  speculative  schemes,  began  to  multiply 
alarmingly.  There  were,  for  instance,  a  Royal  Academies  Company 
for  the  education  of  young  gentlemen  in  every  branch  of  human  learn- 
ing, and  a  Diving  Company  to  recover  lost  treasure  from  the  sea,  to 
mention  only  two.  Profiting  by  the  example  of  Italy,  France  and  the 
Netherlands  which  had  long  had  permanent  debts,  Montagu  deter- 
mined to  secure  for  the  use  of  the  Government  some  of  the  surplus 
capital  which  was  lying  idle  or  being  wasted  in  futile  speculations. 
To  that  end,  he  framed  a  measure  which  became  law  in  January,  1693, 
for  borrowing  £1,000,000.  The  subscribers  were  to  receive  life 
annuities  of  10  per  cent  till  1700  and  7  per  cent  after  that  date. 
Such  was  the  beginning  of  the  National  Debt. 

The  Foundation  of  the  Bank  of  England  (1694).  —  Neither  the  loan 
of  1693,  nor  various  new  devices  which  were  tried,  proved  adequate 
to  meet  the  constantly  swelling  expenses  of  the  war,  whereupon  Mon- 
tagu adopted  another  expedient  —  the  founding  of  the  Bank  of  Eng- 
land. Already,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II,  men  had  begun  to  intrust 
their  money  to  the  goldsmiths,  who  had  special  facilities  for  the  safe- 
keeping of  the  precious  metals  which  they  employed  in  their  busi- 
ness. The  depositors  received  notes  which  they  circulated  in  their 
transactions,  while  the  goldsmiths  frequently  let  out  at  interest  the 
funds  intrusted  to  their  care.  In  this  way  the  banking  business  in 
England  began.  Before  the  close  of  Charles's  reign  the  question  of  a 
national  bank  commenced  to  be  discussed.  At  Genoa  there  had  been 
such  an  institution  for  almost  three  centuries,  and  there  was  a  bank 
of  Amsterdam  nearly  a  hundred  years  old.  The  plan  adopted  by 
Montagu  was  based  on  a  scheme  by  William  Paterson,  a  Scot,  soon  to 
attain  unenviable  notoriety.  The  new  project  provided  that  the  Gov- 
ernment should  borrow  £1,200,000  at  8  per  cent,  and  that  the  sub- 
scribers should  be  incorporated  as  the  "  Governor  and  Company  of 
the  Bank  of  England,"  with  authority  to  engage  in  private  banking, 
to  borrow  and  lend  upon  security  and  to  deal  in  bullion  and  bills  of 
exchange.  The  Bank  could  also  issue  note?,  —  a  privilege  in  which, 


THE  COMPLETION  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  OF   1688         437 

for  exceptional  services,  it  secured  a  monopoly  in  1697,  though  such 
notes  were  not  legal  tender. 

The  Triennial  Act  (1694).  —  An  attempt  at  parliamentary  reform 
resulted  in  a  new  Triennial  Act  in  1694.  The  Act  of  1641  had  been 
primarily  concerned  to  secure  frequent  Parliaments,  but  the  practice 
of  passing  the  Mutiny  Act  and  of  appropriating  supplies  annually  had 
rendered  a  precaution  of  this  sort  no  longer  necessary.  A  crying  evil, 
however,  was  the  corruption  and  bribery  which  had  come  to  flourish 
so  rankly.  If  members  were  only  called  to  account  by  their  constit- 
uents at  long  and  infrequent  intervals,  they  were  bound  to  barter  their 
votes  all  the  more  readily.  By  the  Triennial  Act  of  1694,  the  duration 
of  Parliament  was  limited  to  three  years. 

The  Act  Regulating  Trials  for  Treason  (1696). — While  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act  had  made  it  difficult  to  hold  accused  persons  in  prison 
without  cause  and  while  juries  were  no  longer  answerable  for  verdicts 
contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  Government,1  the  case  of  a  prisoner 
brought  before  the  courts  was  grievous.  He  was  not  shown  a  copy 
of  his  indictment  before  the  trial,  and  so  did  not  know  of  what  he  was 
accused  until  he  appeared  at  the  bar.  He  had  no  power  to  compel  the 
attendance  of  witnesses,  nor  to  force  such  as  came  to  testify  under 
oath,  and  he  was  denied  the  benefit  of  counsel.  After  the  Tories  had 
got  a  taste  of  what  the  Whigs  and  Nonconformists  had  long  suffered, 
they  began  to  join  in  seeking  a  remedy.  The  result  was  a  bill  for  regu- 
lating trials  in  cases  of  high  treason,  which  finally  became  law  hi  1696. 
Its  main  provisions  were :  that  no  person  could  be  convicted  of  a  trea- 
son committed  more  than  three  years  before  the  indictment  was  found, 
that  every  person  accused  of  high  treason  might  be  allowed  the  benefit 
of  counsel ;  that  he  should  be  furnished  with  a  copy  of  the  indictment 
at  least  five  days  before  the  trial,  and  a  list  from  which  the  jury  was 
to  be  taken ;  that  his  witnesses  should  be  sworn ;  that  they  should 
be  cited  by  the  same  process  as  those  summoned  against  him ;  and 
that  there  must  be  for  conviction  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act 
or  to  two  related  acts  of  the  same  treason.2 

The  End  of  the  Censorship  of  the  Press  (1695).  —  Meantime,  a  long 
step  had  been  taken  toward  the  emancipation  of  the  Press.  For  a 
good  while,  the  Government  had  sought  to  muzzle  the  expression  of 
public  opinion  by  a  strict  censorship  over  all  printed  matter.  Nothing 
could  be  published  without  a  license,  and  the  official  censor  exercised 
a  wide  and  oppressive  discretion.  Milton,  in  the  Areopagitica,  made 

1  Decided  in  Bushel's  case,  1670. 

2  Prisoners  in  ordinary  criminal  cases  had  to  wait  till  the  nineteenth  century 
before  their  lot  was  appreciably  bettered. 


438     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

a  noble  but  futile  plea  against  such  a  state  of  things.  At  length,  in 
1693,  when  the  Licensing  Act  came  up  for  renewal,  a  curious  quarrel 
in  which  the  official  licenser  became  involved,  and  which  had  no  bear- 
ing on  the  merits  of  the  question,  led  to  the  first  debate  in  Parliament 
on  the  liberty  of  the  Press,  with  the  consequence  that  the  Act  was  re- 
newed only  for  two  years  and  then  allowed  to  expire.  This  final  re- 
nunciation of  the  censorship  of  the  Press  was  based,  not  on  any  broad 
grounds  of  principle,  but  was  due  to  petty  abuses  connected  with  the 
administration  of  the  Act.  The  new  era  of  the  modern  newspaper 
began.  Hitherto,  the  only  newspaper  had  been  the  London  Gazette l 
which  contained  nothing  but  such  official  news  as  the  Secretary  of 
State  was  pleased  to  allow  to  be  published.  Now  appeared  the  Eng- 
lish Courant,  followed  by  others  in  quick  succession.  With  the  re- 
moval of  the  censorship,  the  temper  of  the  pamphlets  and  papers  im- 
proved perceptibly ;  for,  up  to  this  time,  only  the  violent  and  reckless 
had  dared  to  defy  the  law.  Even  yet,  the  Press  was  far  from  being 
absolutely  free.  The  law  of  libel  was  strictly  enforced,  and,  from  the 
time  of  Anne  until  the  nineteenth  century,  heavy  stamp  duties  operated 
to  keep  down  the  number  of  cheap  newspapers. 

William  Turns  toward  the  Whigs  (1693).  — The  Press  came  to  be 
the  chief  organ  for  informing  and  expressing  public  opinion  —  an 
essential  factor  in  party  government.  It  was  in  this  period  that  Min- 
isters were,  for  the  first  time,  chosen  because  they  represented  the 
party  dominant  in  the  House  of  Commons.  As  early  as  1690  William 
had  been  advised  to  govern  exclusively  through  Whig  Ministers,  for 
the  reason  that  the  Tories  were  chiefly  Jacobites.  William,  however, 
disliked  to  bind  himself  absolutely  to  the  Whigs.  While  the  Tories, 
as  a  party,  were  inclined  to  the  exiled  James,  they  were  supporters  of 
prerogative  and  their  leaders  were  experienced  in  administration.  The 
Whigs,  on  the  other  hand,  had  been  so  long  out  of  office  that  few  of 
their  number  were  well  versed  in  public  affairs,  and  they  were  opposed 
to  giving  the  King  a  free  hand  either  at  home  or  abroad.  But,  grad- 
ually, William's  own  political  sagacity  and  the  arguments  of  Sunder- 
land,  who  had  wormed  himself  into  his  confidence,  had  convinced  him 
that  the  success  of  his  contest  against  Louis  could  best  be  secured  by 
confiding  himself  to  Ministers  who  commanded  the  support  of  the 
Whig  party  which  controlled  the  Commons,  was  financing  the  war, 
and  whose  commercial  prosperity,  property,  and  religious  and  political 
security  depended  upon  its  favorable  issue.  Its  leaders  at  that  time 
consisted  of  a  group  of  four  men  of  remarkable  ability  and  influence 
known  as  the  "  Junto." 

1  Started  in  1665  as  the  Oxford  Gazette. 


THE  COMPLETION  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  OF   1688         439 

The  "Junto"  and  the  First  Party  Cabinet  (1694-1697).  —  Two 
call  for  special  mention.  John  Somers  was  a  sagacious,  many-sided 
man,  reputed  to  be  the  most  eminent  jurist  and  statesman  of  his 
time.1  Montagu  was  already  recognized  for  his  financial  ability  and 
skill  in  debate.  The  Tories,  disunited  and  disorganized,  had  no  effec- 
tive leaders  to  pit  against  this  combination,  for  their  ablest  men  had 
lost  their  influence.  Yet,  William,  who  disliked  certain  of  the  Whig 
group,  and  who  valued  the  services  of  several  of  his  Tory  Ministers, 
only  slowly  and  of  necessity  supplanted  them  by  Whigs  in  the  Cabinet. 
The  process  occupied  four  years,  from  1693  to  1697,  and,  even  then, 
he  continued  to  consult  such  unofficial  advisers  as  Sunderland  and  a 
Dutch  favorite,  the  Earl  of  Portland. 

The  Reduction  of  the  Standing  Army  (1697-1698). — No  sooner 
was  the  war  over  than  Parliament  came  into  violent  conflict  with  the 
King  by  insisting  on  a  reduction  of  the  standing  army.  The  step 
was  due  partly  to  economy,  for  the  public  debt  had  increased  to 
£17,000,000,  and  partly  to  a  prevalent  view  that  a  standing  army  was 
not  only  contrary  to  the  Constitution  but  dangerous  to  liberty.  People 
remembered  the  power  that  Cromwell  had  been  able  to  wield  with  the 
New  Model  at  his  back  and  the  strife  which  his  generals  had  caused 
after  his  death ;  they  remembered,  too,  how  James  had  tried  to  over- 
awe London  with  his  force  on  Hounslow  Heath.  There  were  angry 
debates  in  Parliament  and  a  hot  pamphlet  controversy  as  well.  In 
spite  of  all,  the  army  was  reduced  from  87,000  to  7000, 2  though  a  liberal 
grant  was  made  for  the  maintenance  of  the  navy.  The  King,  who 
was  firmly  convinced  that  such  a  wholesale  reduction  of  the  army  was 
the  surest  way  to  precipitate  a  new  war,  was  so  disgusted  that  he 
again  talked  of  quitting  the  country. 

The  Break-up  of  the  Whig  Ministry  (1699). — The  defeat  of  the 
King  in  his  attempt  to  prevent  the  reduction  of  the  army  and  the  re- 
sumption by  the  State  of  Irish  lands  of  adherents  of  James  —  a  struggle 
in  which  the  King's  sharp  practice  and  eagerness  to  reward  favorites 
was  only  equaled  by  the  partisan  bitterness  of  the  two  Houses  — 
are  only  the  chief  indications  of  the  failure  of  his  Ministry  to  control 
Parliament  after  the  general  election  of  1698.  The  Tories  did  not 
get  an  actual  majority  until  the  Parliament  of  1701 ;  but,  reenforced 
by  the  malcontent  Whigs,  they  were  able  to  obstruct  the  Junto  at 

1  Recently,  however,  some  historians  have  come  to  think  that,  owing  to  the 
influence  of  Macaulay,  the  attainments  and  integrity  of  Somers  have  been  over- 
rated. 

-  It  was  further  provided  that  it  should  consist  of  Englishmen  alone,  thus  neces- 
sitating the  exclusion  of  the  Dutch  guards. 


440     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

every  turn.  One  by  one,  they  left  the  Government  —  Montagu  l 
resigned  in  1699,  while  Somers  was  deprived  of  the  Great  Seal  in  1700. 
In  the  later,  more  developed  stage  of  the  party  system  they  would 
have  retired  in  a  body,  directly  a  hostile  majority  was  formed  against 
them,  or  have  appealed  to  the  country  in  a  general  election.  However, 
the  fact  that  William  dismissed  Somers  in  consequence  of  a  parlia- 
mentary attack  marked  another  stage  in  the  progress  of  party  gov- 
ernment. 

The  Act  of  Settlement  (1701).  —  One  measure  of  great  significance 
stands  out  in  the  midst  of  the  strife  and  confusion  of  these  years  —  the 
Act  of  Settlement,  which  formed  a  necessary  supplement  to  the  Bill 
of  Rights.  It  was  occasioned  by  the  death,  in  July,  1701,  of  Anne's 
last  surviving  child.  In  providing  for  the  succession,  the  Bill  of  Rights 
went  no  further  than  the  descendants  of  Anne.  The  new  Act,  ex- 
cluding all  other  claimants,  provided  that,  in  the  event  of  the  death 
of  Anne  without  heirs,  the  crown  should  pass  to  Sophia,  Electress  of 
Hanover,  and  her  descendants.  She  was  the  granddaughter  of  James 
I  and  the  nearest  Protestant  representative  of  the  English  royal  house.2 
Various  limitations  were  also  embodied  in  the  Act,  some  to  take  effect 
only  when  the  new  line  came  to  the  throne.  Six  are  especially  im- 
portant :  (i)  Whoever  shall  come  to  the  throne  of  England  shall  join 
in  communion  with  the  Church  of  England..  (2)  In  case  such  Sove- 
reigns shall  not  be  natives  of  England  they  shall  not  engage  the  nation 
in  war  in  defense  of  territories  not  belonging  to  the  crown  of  England 
except  by  consent  of  Parliament.  (3)  Such  Sovereigns  shall  not 
go  out  of  the  realm  without  parliamentary  consent.  (4)  No  person 
having  an  office  of  place  or  profit  under  the  King,  or  who  receives  a 
pension  from  him,  shall  sit  in  the  House  of  Commons.  (5)  Judges 
shall  hold  office  during  good  behavior  and  shall  be  removed  only  upon 
an  address  of  both  Houses.  (6)  N6" pardon  may  be  pleaded  in  bar 
of  an  impeachment. 

While  the  first  three  oL-fnese  provisions  were  designed  as  safe- 
guards in  the  event  of  arioreign  Sovereign  coming  to  the  throne,  the 
last  three  deal  withxfistinctly  domestic  problems.  The  provision  re- 
lating to  office-holders  not  sitting  in  Parliament  was  modified  by  an 

1  He  retained,  however,  the  Auditorship  of  the  Exchequer. 

2  She  was  a  daughter  of  Elizabeth  and  Palsgrave  Frederick  (see  above,  p. 295),  and 
had  married  the  Elector  of  Hanover.    Two  branches  of  the  House  of  Stuart  were 
nearer  in  the  line  of  descent,  but  were  both  excluded  because  of  their  Roman 
Catholic  faith.    The  elder  line,  descended  from  James  II,  became  extinct  with  the 
death  of  his  grandson  Henry,  Cardinal  of  York,  in  1807.    The  younger  was  de- 
scended from  the  sister  of  James.  II  who  married  the  Duke  of  Orleans ;  it  is  at  present 
represented  by  Mary,  wife  of  the  former  King  of  Bavaria. 


THE   COMPLETION  OF  THE  REVOLUTI©N  OF   1688 


441 


Act  of  1705  which  remains  in  force  to-day.1  The  fifth  provision  merely 
remedied  the  evil  of  appointing  judges  during  the  royal  pleasure,  a 
power  which  the  first  two  Stuarts  had  so  grossly  abused.  The  last 
was  a  legal  confirmation  of  the  attitude  taken  by  Parliament  in  the 
impeachment  of  Danby  in  1678. 

The  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession.  The  Claimants  to  the  Spanish 
Throne.  —  Meantime,  England  had  been  drifting  into  another  great 
Continental  war  occasioned  by  a  scramble  for  the  Spanish  inheritance. 
Louis  XIV  and  the  Emperor  Leopold  I  were  impatiently  waiting  the 
death  of  the  shadow  King  Charles  II  to  grab  his  dominions,  the  one 
for  the  House  of  Bourbon,  the  other  for  the  House  of  Hapsburg.  Both 
had  a  claim  on  the  inheritance,  while  still  a  third  claim  was  advanced 
in  behalf  of  Joseph  Ferdinand,  the  infant  son  of  the  Elector  of  Bavaria.2 
Since  in  the  interest  of  the  European  balance  of  power,  neither  England 
nor  Holland  would  consent  to  a  union  of  Spain  either  with  France  or 
the  Empire,  Louis  urged  the  Bourbon  claim  in  behalf  of  his  second 
grandson,  Philip  of  Anjou,  while  Leopold  put  in  his  for  his  second  son, 
Charles. 

1  The  Place  Act  of  1 705  provided  that  holders  of  offices  created  after  that  date 
should  be  ineligible  to  sit  in  the  House  of  Commons,  while  a  member  of  the  Lower 
House  appointed  to  an  office  which  existed  earlier  must  resign  his  seat  and  submit 
himself  for  reelection.  This,  however,  does  not  prevent  Parliament,  in  the  Act 
creating  a  new  office,  from  providing  that  the  incumbent  may  sit  in  the  House  of 
Commons. 

2  Philip  III 


Louis  XIII  m.  Anna  Maria        Philip  IV     Maria  Anna  m.  Ferdinand  III 


r         r 

Louis  XIV  m.  Maria  Theresa    Charles  II    Margaret 


m.  Leopold  I  m.   Eleanor 

of  New- 
burg 
3d  wife 


Louis  Max  Emanuel  of  m.  Maria  Antonia 

Bavaria 

|  Joseph    Charles 

Louis        Philip  Joseph  Ferdinand 

Both  Louis  XIII  and  Louis  XIV  had  married  elder  daughters  of  Philip  III  and 
Philip  IV  respectively ;  but  both  Infantas  had  renounced  on  their  marriage  any 
claim  to  inherit  the  throne  of  Spain.  Louis  XIV,  however,  denied  the  validity  of 
these  renunciations.  Philip  IV  by  will  had  left  the  crown,  on  the  event  of  the  death 
of  Charles  without  issue,  to  the  heirs  of  Margaret.  Her  daughter  Maria  Antonia, 
however,  had  renounced  her  claim  in  favor  of  any  son  that  her  father  might  have 
from  a  subsequent  marriage;  but  this  step  was  not  recognized  as  legal  by  the 
Spanish. 


442     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  First  and  Second  Partition  Treaties  (1698  and  1700).  — The 
pride  of  the  Spanish  demanded  that  the  Monarchy  should  be  handed 
on  intact ;  though  a  partition  between  the  claimants  seemed  the  only 
solution  of  the  vexed  question.  The  French  King  played  a  double 
game.  While  his  ambassador  was  laboring  at  the  Spanish  court  to 
secure  the  whole  of  the  Spanish  inheritance  if  possible,  he  and  William 
negotiated  the  First  Partition  Treaty,1  signed  October,  1698,  whereby 
the  Spanish  possessions  were  divided  between  the  Electoral  Prince  of 
Bavaria,  the  Bourbons,  and  the  Hapsburgs.  The  Spanish  were  furious 
when  the  news  leaked  out,  and  Charles  II,  14  November,  1698,  pro- 
ceeded to  confirm  the  will  of  Philip  IV,  leaving  the  whole  dominion 
to  Joseph  Ferdinand.  This  arrangement,  however,  was  upset  by  the 
sudden  death  of  the  Electoral  Prince,  5  February,  1699,  whereupon, 
a  second  Partition  Treaty  was  framed  between  England  and  France 
which  was  finally  signed  in  February,  1700.  The  Emperor,  not  sat- 
isfied with  the  share  allotted  to  him,  hung  off.  King  Charles,  when 
the  news  was  communicated  to  him,  "  flew  into  an  extraordinary  pas- 
sion," and  French  diplomacy,  supported  by  the  Church,  now  worked 
so  effectively  upon  him  and  his  advisers  that  he  signed  a  final  will, 
3  October,  1700,  less  than  a  month  before  his  death,  leaving  all  his 
dominions  to  Philip  of  Anjou  on  condition  that  they  should  never  be 
united  to  France.  Louis  forthwith  threw  over  the  Second  Partition 
Treaty. 

The  Tories  Forced  to  Join  the  War  Party.  —  War  was  now  inevi- 
table ;  but  it  seemed  at  first  doubtful  whether  William  could  carry 
England  with  him ;  for  the  Tories,  whose  policy  was  peace  with  France, 
were  in  a  majority  in  the  new  Parliament  which  opened  in  February, 
1701.  However,  the  realization  that  Spain  was  to  be  used  as  a  pawn 
in  Louis'  great  game  of  establishing  the  political  and  commercial  as- 
cendancy of  France  aroused  such  a  storm  of  anti-French  wrath  through- 
out England  that  even  the  Tory  House  of  Commons  was  forced  to 
join  in  the  cry  for  war.  The  Spanish  ambassador  at  Paris  first  aroused 
disquiet  by  declaring :  77  n'y  a  plus  de  Pyrenees.2  Then  Louis  showed 
his  hand:  in  December  of  1700  he  declared  that  his  grandson  Philip 
of  Anjou  by  mounting  the  throne  of  Spain  did  not  renounce  his  place 
in  the  line  of  succession  to  the  crown  of  France;  in  February,  1701, 

1  John  Arbuthnot  wrote  a  witty  satire,  entitled  The  History  of  John  Bull,  in  which 
he  represented  England  and  Holland  as  a  clothier  and  a  linen  draper  undertaking 
to  settle  the  estate  of  a  bedridden  old  gentleman.  The  name  now  applied  to  the 
typical  Englishman  may  be  traced  to  this  work. 

3  Literally  "There  are  no  more  Pyrenees,"  meaning  that  henceforth  France  and 
Spain  were  one. 


THE   COMPLETION  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  OF   1688          443 

his  troops  took  possession  of  the  Barrier  Fortresses  in  the  Spanish 
Netherlands,  and,  what  touched  the  great  mercantile  class  in  England 
even  more  closely,  he  issued  a  proclamation  that  France  would  be 
treated  as  the  most  favored  nation  in  the  Spanish-American  trade. 
A  stream  of  pamphlets  appeared,  unfolding  vehemently  the  dangers 
which  threatened  the  country  and  her  commerce.1  Public  opinion 
demanded  immediate  action,  to  which  the  Commons  soon  responded 
by  voting  William  a  generous  sum  for  aiding  his  allies  to  the  extent 
of  waging  war  if  necessary. 

The  Grand  Alliance  (7  September,  1701).  — In  July,  negotiations 
were  opened,  with  the  result  that  the  treaty,  known  as  the  Grand 
Alliance,  was  signed  7  September,  1701.  By  it  the  Spanish  possessions 
in  the  Netherlands  and  Italy  were  to  be  secured  for  the  House  of 
Austria,  while  England  and  Holland  were  to  have  any  conquests 
which  they  might  make  in  the  western  world.  The  general  purposes 
of  the  war  were  to  check  the  growth  of  France,  to  protect  the  Nether- 
lands by  an  adequate  barrier,  and  to  secure  English  and  Dutch  trade. 

The  Death  of  James  II  (6  September,  1701). — Although  William 
had  not  heard  of  it  when  he  signed  the  treaty  of  the  Grand  Alliance, 
another  event  had  occurred  which  accentuated  the  growing  hostility 
to  France.  James  II  died  6  September,  and  Louis,  visiting  him  on  his 
death  bed,  promised  solemnly  to  recognize  his  son  as  James  III,  King 
of  England.  In  a  splendid  speech,  the  last  he  ever  made  to  Parliament, 
William  emphasized  the  danger  which  this  recognition  involved  to 
the  Protestant  religion  and  to  the  "  present  and  future  tranquility  and 
happiness  of  the  country."  The  Houses,  in  reply,  voted  an  army  of 
40,000  soldiers,  together  with  an  equal  force  for  the  fleet,  and,  early 
in  1702,  passed  an  Abjuration  Bill,  which  made  it  treasonable  to  have 
any  dealings  with  the  son  of  James,  and  imposed  a  new  oath,  acknowl- 
edging William  as  the  rightful  heir  and  lawful  King  and  abjuring  the 
Pretender. 

Death  of  William  (8  March,  1702).  — William  did  not  live  to  open 
the  spring  campaign:  following  his  death,  8  March,  the  great  work 
which  he  had  begun  was  taken  up  and  carried  to  a  splendid  fulfillment 
by  Marlborough  who  had  once  sought  to  betray  him.  Although  the 
late  King  had  come  to  England  as  a  deliverer,  he  had  never  been  popu- 
lar with  the  mass  of  his  subjects.  His  faults  of  temper,  his  dislike 
of  the  country  and  the  people,  go  far  to  account  for  this.  But  the 
explanation  lies  even  deeper.  In  order  to  concentrate  his  resources 
for  his  supreme  task  —  that  of  frustrating  the  designs  of  France  —  he 

1  England  did  much  legitimate  business  with  the  Spanish  possessions  in  the  way 
of  carrying  on  trade  and  exchange  of  wares,  and  still  more  smuggling. 


444      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

labored  to  maintain  a  strong  executive  at  a  time  when  the  tendency 
was  toward  increased  Parliamentary  control.  Many  of  the  chief  con- 
stitutional reforms  of  the  reign  not  only  did  not  originate  with  him  but 
were  only  accepted  by  him  as  inevitable  concessions.  He  directed 
his  own  foreign  policy  without  consulting  his  Ministers  any  more  than 
he  was  absolutely  obliged  to;  he  was  opposed  to  the  Whigs  and  to 
Parliamentary  inquiry,  and  he  struggled  throughout  his  reign  for  a 
standing  army  and  an  independent  revenue,  commonly  regarded  as 
the  instruments  of  despotism.  Yet  his  merits  and  achievements  were 
great.  Men  who  did  not  love  him  respected  his  courage  and  his 
steadfastness.  He  forced  an  Act  of  Grace  on  the  angry  and  revengeful 
Whigs,  he  was  largely  responsible  for  the  Toleration  Act,  and  he  was 
the  first  to  put  into  operation  the  system  of  party  government.  Finally, 
his  wars  with  France  prepared  the  way  for  Great  Britain's  commercial 
and  colonial  supremacy. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.    Lodge ;  Macaulay ;  and  Ranke. 

Special.  C.  F.  Dunbar,  Theory  and  History  of  Banking  (2  ed.,  1901), 
ch.  XI,  an  excellent  brief  account  of  the  Bank  of  England.  A.  Andreades, 
History  of  the  Bank  of  England  (tr.  C.  Meredith,  1909). 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  241-243.  Robertson, 
Select  Statutes,  pt.  I,  nos.  XVIII-XX. 

For  further  references,  see  Chapter  XXXVI  above. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII 
THE  END  OF  THE  STUART  DYNASTY.     ANNE  (1702-1714) 

The  Character  of  Anne.  —  Anne  was  thirty-seven  years  old  when 
she  succeeded  William,  8  March,  1702.  Naturally  meek  and  sluggish 
and  of  a  limited  understanding,  she  was  incapable  of  dealing  independ- 
ently with  the  great  problems  at  home  and  abroad  which  confronted 
her.  She  had  warm  affections  and  strong  prejudices,  she  allowed  her 
friends  to  mold  her  as  wax,  and,  like  her  father,  obstinately  regarded 
those  who  disagreed  with  her  as  unworthy  of  all  confidence.  She 
could  hardly  have  been  more  unfortunate  in  her  closest  associates. 
Sarah  Jennings,  wife  of  John  Churchill,  Earl  of  Marlborough,  with 
whom  as  a  girl  she  had  contracted  the  most  intimate  of  friendships, 
gained  a  complete  ascendancy  over  her  which  lasted  well  into  the  new 
reign.  Waiving  the  formalities  of  royalty,  the  favorite,  under  the 
name  of  Mrs.  Freeman,  addressed  her  nominal  mistress  as  Mrs.  Mor- 
ley.  Utterly  without  scruple,  her  interests  were  thoroughly  bound 
up  with  those  of  her  husband,  though  she  often  quarreled  with  him, 
as  she  did  with  every  one  who  came  within  range  of  her  shrewish 
tongue.  Yet,  while  she  embittered  all  Anne's  family  relationships 
and  fomented  party  strife,  her  efforts  to  advance  her  family  contrib- 
uted greatly  to  the  triumph  which  England  achieved  in  the  war 
about  to  open. 

Her  Relation  to  Parties  and  to  her  People.  —  Anne  abhorred  faction ; 
but  she  was  passionately  devoted  to  the  Church  and  she  hated  the 
Whigs,  whom  she  regarded  as  hostile  alike  to  the  Establishment  and 
to  tKe  prerogative.  This  led  her  to  meddle  busily  in  the  administra- 
tion of  public  affairs,  whereby  she  came  into  sharp  conflict  with  the 
growing  tendency  toward  party  government.  All  in  all,  however, 
she  was  personally  popular.  More  important  still,  she  represented 
the  cause  of  Protestantism  against  the  Pretender ;  moreover,  she  sup- 
ported the  Continental  war  until  the  zeal  of  her  subjects  was  spent, 
until  they  began  to  grumble  over  the  expense  and  to  ask  themselves 
what  they  were  getting  in  return  for  all  they  had  done  for  the  Allies. 

445 


446     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  Parties.  Their  Composition  and  Aims.  The  Tories.  —  In  spite 
of  Anne's  prejudices,  worked  upon  by  "  court  intrigues  and  faction," 
the  two  great  parties  came  to  exercise  a  steadily  increasing  influence. 
The  Tories,  composed  largely  of  the  most  conservative  element  in  the 
realm  —  the  squirearchy  and  the  country  parsons  —  set  themselves 
obstinately  against  the  changes  which  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  Revo- 
lution. They  were  opposed  bitterly  to  toleration  for  Dissenters  as  a 
serious  menace  to  true  religion ;  to  the  National  Debt  and  the  Bank, 
which  tended  to  enhance  the  power  of  the  moneyed  classes  over  the 
landed ;  and  to  a  standing  army  employed  against  the  Monarch  who 
sheltered  their  true  King.  The  great  Whig  lords  were  abominable  in 
their  eyes,  since  many  of  them  were  new  men,  not  a  few  sprung  from 
trading  and  Dissenting  stock,  and  most  of  them  allied  with  that  class. 
The  Whig  bishops  and  Low  Churchmen  they  classed  as  freethinkers 
or  Presbyterians,  hating  them  in  consequence.  Although  the  majority 
were  stanch  supporters  of  the  existing  Sovereign  against  the  Pretender, 
they  were  seriously  handicapped  from  the  fact  that,  in  principle,  they 
still  adhered  to  their  anti-Revolutionary  doctrines,  a  fact  which  caused 
their  loyalty  to  Anne  and  the  Hanoverian  succession  to  be  seriously 
doubted. 

The  Whigs.  —  The  Whigs,  made  up  of  the  great  lords,  the  bulk  of 
bishops  and  town  clergy,  the  Nonconformists,  the  army  men,  the  mer- 
chants, the  financiers,  and  the  small  freeholders,  were,  in  general  — 
although  their  practice  did  not  always  accord  with  their  principles  — 
the  party  of  progress,  of  popular  as  distinct  from  class  interests,  favor- 
ing the  growth  of  commerce  and  toleration  and  the  limitation  of  the 
prerogative.  Also,  it  was  they  who  advocated  a  vigorous  prosecution 
of  the  war  against  France. 

The  Resources  of  France  and  the  Allies  at  the  Opening  of  the  War. 
—  On  4  May,  1702,  the  Allies  at  London,  the  Hague,  and  Vienna  all 
declared  war  on  France,  while  the  Imperial  General  had  already  begun 
fighting  in  Italy  during  the  previous  year.  In  many  respects  Louis 
XIV  seemed  to  have  even  greater  advantages  than  in  the  previous 
struggle.  Not  only  was  he  fighting  on  inside  lines,  but  his  flanks  were 
guarded  by  Spain  on  the  south  and  by  the  fortresses  in  the  Nether- 
lands on  the  north,  while  his  alliance  with  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  thrust 
a  wedge  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Austrians.  He  had  an  army  of 
400,000  men  well  disciplined  and  full  of  confidence,  a  fair-sized  fleet 
and  a  considerable  revenue.  On  the  other  hand,  the  tremendous 
strain  due  to  the  expenses  of  his  magnificent  Court  and  his  constant 
wars  had  begun  to  tell.  His  debts  were  so  enormous  that  he  could 
only  borrow  money  at  15  to  20  per  cent,  and  it  took  half  his  annual 


THE  END   OF  THE  STUART  DYNASTY  447 

revenue  to  pay  the  interest.  Of  the  Allies,  Holland  had  a  small  army 
but  a  strong  fleet  and  extensive  public  credit,  while  the  Emperor,  who 
could  furnish  large  contingents,  had  no  money  to  pay  them.  The 
burden  of  the  war  fell  more  and  more  on  the  English.  When  it  opened 
their  fleet  already  greatly  outnumbered  the  French,  and  while  their 
standing  army  consisted  o'f  only  7,000  troops  in  England  and  12,000 
in  Ireland,  adequate  forces  were  soon  equipped  and  sent  into  the 
field.  More  than  a  third  of  their  total  debt  was  funded,  money 
could  be  borrowed  at  6  per  cent,  and,  though  the  annual  revenue 
was  far  from  adequate,  it  was  speedily  swelled  by  extraordinary 
supplies.  On  the  other  hand,  though  the  Tories  at  first  supported 
the  war,  party  strife  soon  became  acute,  while  the  Allies,  who  had 
nothing  in  common  but  the  desire  to  crush  France,  were  torn  by 
conflicting  interests. 

General  Features  of  the  War.  —  There  were  four  main  theaters 
of  war:  the  Dutch  border;  the  valley  of  the  Danube,  which  com- 
manded the  road  to  Vienna ;  the  Po  valley,  the  key  to  southern  France ; 
and  Spain,  where  Philip  V  had  been  set  up  as  King.  In  the  course  of 
the  struggle  the  Allies  succeeded  in  driving  the  French  out  of  Germany 
(1704) ;  out  of  Italy  (1706) ;  and  out  of  the  Netherlands  (1706-1708) ; 
indeed  they  were  baffled  nowhere  except  in  Spain.  This  was  due  to 
their  two  remarkable  leaders,  Marlborough  and  the  commander  of 
the  Imperial  forces,  Prince  Eugene ;  to  the  invaluable  lessons  which 
the  Allied  troops  had  learned  from  their  defeats  under  William ;  and 
to  the  diminished  French  resources,  resulting  from  Louis'  dazzling 
but  costly  conquests. 

Marlborough.  —  In  spite  of  Marlborough's  attempted  treason, 
William,  recognizing  his  remarkable  military  and  diplomatic  ability, 
had  employed  him  in  the  negotiations  leading  up  to  the  Grand  Alliance. 
Now,  owing  to  the  influence  of  his  wife,  he  was  made  Captain-Gen- 
eral of  the  English  forces;  while  the  Dutch  made  him  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  their  army  as  well.  He  fought  nobly  for  England  in  court 
and  camp ;  but  he  was  so^consumed  with  ambition  and  so  sordid  in 
his  love  of  money  that  one  is  bound  to  believe  that  with  him  personal 
consideration  counted  more  than  love  of  countryTJ  But  if  he  was  a 
base,  he  was  a  splendid  figure ;  his  beauty,  his  charm  of  manner,  his 
tact  and  patience  made  him  irresistible.  As  a  commander,  in  planning 
campaigns  and  in  conducting  battles  and  sieges,  he  showed  a  courage 
and  energy,  a  boldness  tempered  with  caution,  and  gained  a  degree 
of  success  which  no  English  general  has  ever  equaled.  In  his  diplo- 
macy, brilliant  as  it  was,  he  made  the  ultimate  mistake  of  pressing 
Louis  too  far,  possibly  because  he  wanted  to  continue  the  war  for  his 


448     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

own  glory,  possibly  because  he  honestly  felt  that  there  could  be  no 
safety  for  Europe  until  his  opponent  was  absolutely  crushed. 

His  Relation  to  Parties.  -£,He  started  as  a  moderate  Tory,  but  as 
that  party  cooled  in  its  warlike  zeal  and  lost  control  of  the  Commons,1 
he  threw  himself  on  the  support  of  the  Whig_sJ  This  brought  him  into 
conflict  with  Anne;  and  the  violence  of  Mrs?  Freeman,  who  became 
a  furious  Whig  partisan,  only  widened  the  breach.  It  was  a  period 
of  transition  from  Ministers  who  were  individually  servants  of  the 
Crown  to  the  system  under  which  they  became  a  united  body,  col- 
lectively responsible  to  Parliament.  Marlborough  originally  wanted 
to  carry  on  the  Government  with  the  aid  of  the  moderate  men  of  both 
parties ;  later,  when  his  Whig  supporters  were  forced  out,  he  sought  to 
hold  on  regardless  of  that  fact.  Thus  he  made  the  mistake  of  going 
too  far  against  the  old  system  without  going  far  enough  in  the  direction 
of  the  new.  It  was  only  his  great  victories  and  the  division  among  his 
opponents  that  enabled  him  to  remain  in  control  as  long  as  he  did. 

The  Campaigns  of  1702  and  1703.  —  When  he  took  command  in  the 
Netherlands  in  1702,  he  was  so  hampered  by  the  Dutch  field  deputies 
that  he  was  unable  to  bring  on  a  pitched  battle  during  this  or  the  follow- 
ing year.  His  efforts,  however,  during  the  years  1702  and  1703  were 
not  wasted,  for  he  succeeded  in  forcing  the  French  back  along  the  roads 
in  the  Spanish  Netherlands  and  the  Rhine  country  by  which  they 
might  strike  at  the  Dutch  from  the  southeast  and  east.  In  the  follow- 
ing year,  as  a  result  of  a  successful  English  raid  on  Vigo  Bay,  Portugal 
joined  the  Grand  Alliance,  thus  furnishing  a  basis  of  operations  against 
Spain.  In  the  campaign  of  1703  the  interest  centered  in  an  attempt 
of  the  French,  in  conjunction  with  Bavarians,  to  make  a  dash  on  Vienna. 
Although  it  miscarried,  owing  to  the  supineness  of  the  Elector,  the 
danger  remained  critical,  for  the  French  generals  gained  decided  suc- 
cesses in  western  Germany,  while  the  Emperor  had  to  face  a  disquieting 
rising  of  the  Hungarian  Protestants.  During  the  winter,  the  Elector 
aroused  himself  sufficiently  to  capture  Passau  on  the  Danube.  The 
Empire  seemed  lost  to  the  Allies  unless  a  decisive  blow  could  be 
struck. 

Marlborough's  Campaign  of  1704. — In  the  face  of  the  crisis,  Marl- 
borough  framed  and  executed  a  daring  plan  which  marked  the  turning 
point  in  the  war.  This  was  to  march  down  to  the  Danube  and  relieve 
the  Imperial  capital  by  defeating  the  combined  French  and  Bavarian 
armies.  Realizing  that  the  Dutch  would  never  consent  to  leave  their 
frontier  thus  exposed  and  that  Louis  would  forestall  him  if  the  secret 

1  Of  the  five  Parliaments  elected  during  the  reign  three  were  Tory:  7:702-5; 
1710-13;  1713-14;  and  two  were  Whig  :  1705-8;  1708-10. 


THE  END   OF  THE   STUART   DYNASTY  449 

leaked  out,  he  took  no  one  into  his  confidence,  except  the  Queen  and 
the  Lord  Treasurer,1  and  gave  out  to  the  Grand  Pensionary  that  he 
was  going  to  operate  along  the  Moselle.  Leaving  a  portion  of  his 
forces  to  guard  the  Netherlands,  he  marched  rapidly  up  the  Rhine, 
followed  by  the  incompetent  French  commander  Villeroy,  who  was 
completely  in  the  dark  as  to  his  movements.  Passing  the  Moselle 
he  struck  southeast  into  Wiirtemberg,  where  late  in  June  he  held  a 
conference  with  Prince  Eugene,  whom  he  left  to  hold  the  Rhine  against 
Villeroy,  who  was  halting  uncertainly  on  the  left  bank,  and  joined  forces 
with  the  Margrave  of  Baden.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  cross  the  Dan- 
ube at  Donauworth,  while  the  Elector,  after  a  vain  attempt  to  dis- 
pute his  passage,  retreated  to  Augsburg,  where  he  was  later  joined  by 
a  large  French  contingent  under  Tallard.  Marlborough  was  now  be- 
tween the  enemy  and  Vienna  with  Bavaria  at  his  mercy.  He  at  once 
began  to  ravage  and  burn,  though,  as  he  wrote  his  wife,  it  was  so  con- 
trary to  his  disposition  that  nothing  but  absolute  necessity  could  bring 
him  to  consent  to  it. 

The  Battle  of  Blenheim  (13  August,  1704).  —  However,  in  danger 
.  of  being  cut  off  from  his  communications  and  his  bases  of  supply,  he 
soon  saw  that  the  time  had  come  to  risk  a  battle.  So  he  quietly  re- 
crossed  to  the  northern  bank  of  the  Danube,  effecting  a  junction  with 
Prince  Eugene,  who  had  dropped  back  from  the  Rhine.  Meantime, 
the  Elector  and  Tallard,  thinking  that  they  had  only  Eugene  to  deal 
with,  left  their  strong  position  and  crossed  the  river  in  their  turn  with 
the  design  of  destroying  the  magazines  of  the  Allies.  Near  the  village 
of  Blenheim  2  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Danube,  they  were  attacked  by 
Marlborough  and  Eugene,  13  August,  Tallard's  forces  were  cut  off  and 
surrounded  by  Marlborough,  and  Tallard  himself  was  taken  prisoner, 
though  the  Elector,  who  faced  Eugene,  managed  to  escape  with  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  his  forces.  The  Allies,  at  a  cost  of  12,000  men, 
destroyed  14,000  of  the  enemy  and  took  11,000  prisoners.  It  was,  as 
Marlborough  wrote  his  wife  in  the  gathering  darkness,  "  a  glorious 
victory."  The  spell  which  had  so  long  seemed  to  render  the  French 
arms  irresistible  had  at  last  been  broken.  As  a  more  immediate  re- 
sult the  Empire  had  been  saved.  Though  Marlborough  was  not  in 
condition  to  run  down  and  crush  the  fugitives,  Villeroy,  who  came  to 
their  aid,  was  obliged  to  recross  the  Rhine,  and,  before  the  close  of 
November,  the  Elector  had  agreed  to  a  treaty  by  which  Bavaria  was 
made  subject  to  Imperial  authority. 

1  It  is  possible,  however,  that  he  took  Prince  Eugene  into  his  confidence  as  early 
as  the  winter  of  1 703-4. 

2  Hochstadt,  after  which  the  French  name  the  battle,  lies  farther  to  the  west. 

2G 


450     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Capture  of  Gibraltar  (1704).  —  Meantime,  Sir  George  Rooke, 
headed  for  England  after  an  unsuccessful  cruise  in  the  Mediterranean, 
fell  in  with  Sir  Cloudesley  Shovel.  Finding  the  commanding  fortress 
of  Gibraltar  was  almost  undefended  —  as  a  matter  of  fact  it  had  a 
garrison  of  only  eighty  men  —  they  sent  a  force  ashore  to  whom  the 
Governor  surrendered,  4  August.  As  a  result  of  the  capture  of  Gibral- 
tar, effected  with  so  little  effort,  England  controls  the  entrance  of  the 
Mediterranean  to-day. 

The  Reception  of  the  News  in  England.  —  The  news  of  Blenheim 
was  of  course  received  in  England  with  transports  of  joy.  It  was  the 
first  great  victory  on  land  which  the  English  had  won  against  the 
French  in  three  hundred  years.  The  days  of  Crecy,  Poitiers,  and 
Agincourt  were,  it  seemed,  to  be  repeated,  and  Louis  XIV,  who  had  so 
long  lorded  it  over  Europe,  was  to  be  brought  to  his  knees.  Marl- 
borough's  return  was  hailed  with  fervent  demonstrations,  and  he  re- 
ceived a  grant  of  Crown  land  on  which  a  castle  was  erected  which  is  still 
known  as  Blenheim.1  The  Duke's  head,  however,  was  far  from  being 
turned,  for  he  knew  that  the  Tories  were  murmuring  at  the  cost  of  the 
war  and  seeking  to  disparage  his  triumph.  Yet,  in  spite  of  sharp  party 
differences,  Parliament  made  generous  grants. 

The  Allies  gain  a  Foothold  in  Spain  (1705).  —  It  seemed  as  if  France 
could  not  stand  the  financial  strain  much  longer :  her  commerce  was 
all  but  destroyed ;  her  manufactures  were  languishing  for  want  of 
markets ;  the  country  apparently  could  bear  no  more  taxation ;  and 
the  bankers  would  lend  no  more  money.  Yet,  by  heroic  exertions  and 
by  various  shifts,  strong  armies  were  sent  into  the  field  for  the  cam- 
paign of  1705,  so  that  Marlborough,  who,  notwithstanding  his  brilliant 
success  of  the  previous  year,  was  still  held  in  by  timid  Field  Deputies, 
could  do  nothing  but  mark  time.  In  Spain,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Allies,  late  in  the  year,  managed  to[JEapture  Barcelona]  14  September. 
This  was  followed  by  the£submissibn  ot  the  Whole  province  of  Cata- 
lonia and  parts  of  the  adjoining  AragonTj  The  Austrian  Archduke, 
who  accompanied  the  expedition,  was  formally  proclaimed  King  of 
Spain  as  Charles  III.  Meantime,  his  feeble  and  ineffective  father, 
Leopold,  was  succeeded  by  Charles's  older  brother,  the  energetic  Joseph, 
who  at  once  set  about  to  reform  the  administration  and,  with  the  aid 
of  Marlborough,  to  plan  a  vigorous  campaign  for  1706. 

The  Whigs  in  Power  and  the  Campaign  of  1706.  —  The  summer 
elections  of  1705  had  gone  in  favor  of  the  Whigs,  largely  owing  to  the 
growing  enthusiasm  for  the  war,  which  the  Tories  were  ceasing  to  sup- 

1  At  the  end  of  the  campaign  of  1702  he  had  been  made  a  Duke  and  given  a 
pension  of  £5000  a  year  for  life. 


THE   END   OF  THE   STUART  DYNASTY  451 

port  with  the  ardor  that  they  had  shown  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign. 
The  Queen,  who  obstinately  regarded  a  Whig  "  as  a  Republican  and 
an  atheist,"  opposed  every  one  that  was  introduced  into  the  Ministry ; 
but  owing  to  the  domineering  Duchess  Sarah  and  the  war  fever,  she 
gave  way  in  each  case,  until  at  the  end  of  three  years,  not  a  single  Tory 
was  left,  though  at  the  price  of  a  series  of  quarrels  which  in  the  end  left 
the  Queen  hopelessly  estranged  from  her  old  favorite.  A  victory  was 
essential  to  Louis,  and  the  vain  and  foolish  Villeroy  started  for  the 
Netherlands,  bent  on  obeying  his  Sovereign's  injunction  to  return 
"  covered  with  glory."  In  consequence,  he  left  a  strong  position 
whence  it  might  have  taken  a  whole  campaign  to  dislodge  him ;  where- 
upon, Marlborough  unexpectedly  swooped  down  on  him,  and  engaged 
him  in  battle  at  Ramillies,  twenty-nine  miles  southeast  of  Brussels, 
23  May.  Villeroy,  though  he  fought  bravely,  was  outgeneraled  and 
his  forces  driven  from  the  field  hotly  pursued  by  the  Allies.  Many 
of  the  leading  towns  of  Brabant  and  Flanders  surrendered  one  after 
another.  The  victors,  shortly  after  Ramillies,  issued  a  proclamation 
promising  to  all  who  submitted  to  Charles  III  protection  of  their 
religion  and  property,  as  well  as  all  the  privileges  they  had  enjoyed 
under  the  late  Charles  II.  Aside  from  the  danger  involved  in  holding 
out,  the  thrifty  burghers  welcomed  the  terms ;  for  the  sovereignty  of 
Philip  really  subjected  them  to  the  despotism  of  Louis  XIV,  while  the 
Emperor,  who  had  stood  behind  his  younger  brother  Charles  III,  was 
poor  and  far  away.  Louis  XIV  immediately  called  Vendome  from 
Italy  to  restore  some  spirit  to  the  beaten  .army. 

The  French  Driven  out  of  Northern  Italy  (1706).  —  Eugene,  reen- 
forced  by  an  army  of  Germans  and  provided  with  English  subsidies, 
was  able  to  profit  by  the  transfer  of  his  efficient  opponent  to  the  Nether- 
lands. Effecting  a  junction  with  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  who  had  joined 
the  Grand  Alliance  in  1703,  the  two  marched  on  Turin  and,  7  Sep- 
tember, defeated  the  French  army  which  was  besieging  the  city.  As  a 
result,  Louis  XIV  soon  withdrew  his  troops  from  northern  Italy. 

The  Question  of  the  Union  between  England  and  Scotland.  — While 
the  war  naturally  absorbed  most  of  the  public  energy,  a  few  steps  of 
constitutional  importance  were  taken  during  the  early  years  of  Anne ; 
but  the  one  really  "  great  act  of  domestic  statesmanship  "  of  the 
reign  was  the  union  of  England  and  Scotland,  brought  to  completion 
in  the  session  of  1706-1707.  The  personal  union,  beginning  in  1603, 
had  weathered  the  great  Civil  War  and  the  Revolution  of  1688,  but, 
as  the  century  drew  to  a  close,  the  Scots  began  to  realize  more  and 
more  acutely  the  unsatisfactory  character  of  the  existing  arrangement. 
Two  possibilities  were  open:  complete  separation  or  closer  union. 


452     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

To  the  former  course,  ardently  desired  by  the  Presbyterians  and  the 
patriots,  England  would  never  consent,  particularly  in  view  of  Scot- 
land's ancient  attachment  to  France.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was 
a  large  and  steadily  increasing  class  with  whom  considerations  of  trade 
outweighed  those  of  religious  and  political  independence.  dThey  nat- 
urally wanted  to  draw  closer  to  England  1  in  order  to  share  in  her 


The  Darien  Project  (1695-1699).  —  The  commercial  spirit  mani- 
fested itself  in  a  daring  attempt  to  break  into  the  Spanish  monopoly  in 
the  New  World.  It  was  a  product  of  the  fruitful  brain  of  William 
Paterson,who  induced  the  Scotch  Parliament  to  pass  an  Act,  June  1695, 
LJounding  a  "  Company  of  Scotland  for  Trading  to  Africa  and  the 
Indiel^'  '  As  a  means  of  commanding  the  trade  routes  of  the  eastern 
and  western  world,  the  "  Darien  Company,  "as  it  was  popularly  called, 
designed  to  establish  a  colony  on  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  a  spot  which 
Paterson  had  once  visited,  whether  as  a  pirate  or  a  missionary  is  un- 
certain. The  capital  stock,  fixed  at  £400,000  and  issued  in  £100 
shares,  was  quickly  subscribed,  and  more  than  half  the  amount  was 
actually  paid  in,  though  the  price  of  a  single  share  represented  a  for- 
tune to  the  poor  and  thrifty  Scot  of  those  days.  The  opposition  in 
London  was  intense,  partly  from  trade  rivalry  and  partly  from  the 
fear  of  complications  with  Spain,  who  claimed  the  territory  in  which 
Darien  was  situated.  Nevertheless,  25  July,  1698,  the  first  group  of 
colonists  was  sent  to  the  Isthmus.  The  cargo  which  they  took,  con- 
sisting of  felt  slippers,  periwigs,  heavy  woolens,  and  English  Bibles, 
could  not  have  been  more  useless  for  trading  in  a  tropical  country  with 
illiterate  natives  who  wore  the  scantiest  of  garments.  The  climate 
proved  unbearable  ;  those  who  survived  at  length  gave  up  and  sailed 
away.  A  second  group  who,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  enticed  to 
sail  for  Darien  by  lying  reports  of  the  indefatigable  leaders,  was  finally 
driven  out  by  the  Spanish.  Paterson's  brilliant  Darien  scheme  had 
succumbed  to  a  deadly  climate  and  Spanish  monopoly;  but  it  had 
the  result  of  fmally[convincing  the  commercial  party  in  Scotland  that 
nothing  could  be  accomplished  without  the  backing  of  England,  which 
could  only  be  secured  by  a  closer  unionl 

The  Union  Finally  Brought  Abouf~t  1706-1  707).  —  Anne,  in  the 
very  first  year  of  her  reign,  appointed  Commissioners  to  treat  with 
Commissioners  from  Scotland  ;  but  the  elements  of  obstruction  were 
so  strong  that  the  English  Parliament  had  to  adjudge  Scots  to 
be  aliens  and  to  forbid  all  Scotch  exports  into  England,  before  the 

1  The  Scotch  Episcopalians,  for  obvious  reasons,  allied  themselves  with  this 
party. 


THE  END  OF  THE  STUART  DYNASTY  453 

Scots  finally  appointed  Commissioners  in  a  mood  to  negotiate.  The 
two  bodies  met  in  April,  1 706,  and  before  the  close  of  the  summer  had 
arranged  a  treaty.  The  Scotch  Estates,  when  they  met  in  October, 
had  to  face  a  torrent  of  popular  opposition :  the  mob  outside  hooted 
and  hustled  those  known  to  favor  the  measure,  riots  broke  out  both 
in  Edinburgh  and  Glasgow  and  petitions  poured  in  from  all  over  the 
country.  Notwithstanding  continued  resistance,  the  treaty  was 
ratified,  16  January,  1707.  The  Church  was  won  over  by  an  Act 
guaranteeing  the  existing  Presbyterian  Establishment;  greater  com- 
mercial advantages  appealed  to  many,  the  prospect  of  better  govern- 
ment to  others,  while  the  battle  of  Ramillies,  which  seemed  to  point  to 
the  certain  downfall  of  the  French,  no  doubt  influenced  the  result. 

The  Terms  of  the  Union.  —  The  speedy  and  favorable  outcome 
created  general  surprise  in  England  where  bets  had  been  freely  laid 
that  the  treaty  would  be  rejected.  When  the  articles  were  taken  up 
in  the  English  Parliament,  in  February,  1707,  the  chief  opposition  came 
from  the  High  Church  Tories  who  feared  for  the  safety  of  the  Estab- 
lishment if  any  considerable  number  of  Presbyterians  were  admitted 
to  a  share  in  the  Government,  an  objection  which  was  met  by  an  Act 
securing  the  Church  of  England.  The  Act  of  Union  provided  that 
the  two  Kingdoms  were  to  be  united  under  the  name  of  Great  Britain 
and  represented  by  one  Parliament.  There  was  to  be  complete  free- 
dom of  trade  between  the  two  countries  at  home  and  abroad.  Scottish 
laws  and  legal  procedure  were  to  be  preserved.  Forty-five  Scotch 
members  were  to  sit  in  the  House  of  Commons,  while  for  every  session 
the  Scotch  peers  were  to  elect  sixteen  of  their  number  to  represent 
them  in  the  House  of  Lords. 

Its  Ultimate  Results.  —  Anne  in  giving  her  consent,  6  March,  1707, 
expressed  the  wish  that  henceforth  her  subjects  of  both  Kingdoms 
would  have  "  hearts  disposed  to  become  one  people  " ;  but  it  was 
long  before  the  hope  was  fulfilled.  The  mass  of  Scots,  tradition- 
ally hostile  to  their  richer  southern  neighbors,  clung  to  the  belief 
that  they  had  been  betrayed  by  a  knot  of  corrupt  politicians.  The 
eighteenth  century  had  run  more  than  half  its  course  before  the 
"  prosperity  of  the  country  convinced  them  that  the  Union  had  been 
a  necessity  and  a  blessing."  Each  nation,  as  it  proved,  needed  the 
other. 

The  Reverses  of  the  Allies  (1707).  — The  victories  of  1706  were 
followed  by  a  year  of  reverses.  In  the  Netherlands  Vendome  con- 
ducted an  able  defensive  campaign,  while  Marlborough  was  much 
hampered  by  the  Dutch,  who,  feeling  that  France  was  sufficiently  re- 
duced and  that  to"  prolong  the  war  further  would  only  increase  the 


454     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

greatness  of  England,  refused  to  allow  him  to  force  a  decisive  engage- 
ment. Another  French  army  crossed  the  Rhine  and  carried  the  war 
into  the  Empire.  In  Spain  an  Anglo-Portuguese  force,  in  an  effort 
to  recover  Madrid  which  had  been  captured  and  lost,  was  overwhelm- 
ingly defeated  25  April,  1707,  at  Almanza,  where  they  lost  three  fourths 
of  their  troops,  all  their  artillery,  and  most  of  their  baggage.  This 
reverse,  for  which  the  so-called  King  Charles  was  largely  to  blame, 
cost  all  the  gains  painfully  made  during  the  two  previous  years.  Fi- 
nally, mainly  because  the  Emperor  Joseph  detached  considerable  con- 
tingents to  fight  in  southern  Italy,  Prince  Eugene  failed  in  an  attempt 
to  invade  Provence. 

The  Campaignof  1 708  in  the  Netherlands.  Oudenarde  (n  July). — 
Vendome  opened  the  campaign  of  1 708  in  the  Netherlands  by  recover- 
ing Ghent  and  Bruges,  where  the  citizens,  alienated  by  the  domineer- 
ing of  the  Dutch,  readily  admitted  him.  Marlborough  saw  that  it 
was  necessary  to  force  a  battle.  By  a  rapid  march  he  came  upon  the 
enemy  near  Oudenarde  on  the  road  between  the  newly  recovered 
cities  and  the  frontier.  He  won  a  brilliant  victory,  1 1  July,  darkness 
alone  saving  the  enemy  from  capture.  Lille,  a  great  fortress  which 
guarded  the  French  frontier,  was  thereupon  besieged  and  taken, 
22  October,  Ghent  was  recaptured,  2  January,  1709,  and  the  French 
were  forced  to  evacuate  all  western  Flanders,  including  Bruges. 

The  Negotiations  of  1709.  —  In  1709  Louis  was  reduced  to  the  point 
of  consenting  that  the  House  of  Bourbon  should  resign  the  Spanish 
inheritance.  When,  however,  the  Allies  —  whose  policy  was  dictated 
by  the  English  Whig  leaders  —  insisted  that,  in  case  of  Philip's  refusal, 
he  should  assist  in  driving  his  own  grandson  out  of  the  country  he 
withdrew  his  ambassador  and  issued  an  appeal  to  his  people.  Ex- 
hausted as  they  were  they  responded  loyally. 

Successes  of  the  Allies  in  the  Netherlands,  and  Reverses  in  Spain 
(1709-10). — Villars,  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Netherlands, 
which  the  French  had  put  into  the  field  only  with  the  most  heroic 
sacrifices,  profited  by  the  delay  which  the  peace  negotiations  affoided, 
to  strengthen  his  lines.  On  u  September,  the  Allies  attacked  him  in 
a  very  strong  position  at  Malplaquet.  While  Marlborough  and  Eu- 
gene cut  the  French  forces  in  two  and  drove  them  from  the  field,  they 
retired  in  good  order  with  loss  far  less  than  that  of  the  victors.  In 
Spain  the  Allies  never  recovered  the  ground  lost  in  1707.  Their  only 
success  in  the  next  three  years  was  the  capture  of  the  island  of  Mi- 
norca, September,  1 708.  There  Port  Mahon  was  fitted  up  with  sup- 
plies and  a  dockyard,  and  furnished  an  admirable  naval  base  for  the 
English  fleet  in  the  Mediterranean.  On  23  September,  1710,  the  Allies 


THE  END   OF  THE  STUART  DYNASTY  455 

succeeded  once  more  in  taking  Madrid ;  but  Vendome,  who  was  sent 
to  command  in  the  peninsula,  cut  off  their  supplies  from  Portugal 
and  forced  them  to  hurry  back  to  their  base  in  Catalonia.  One  di- 
vision of  the  retreating  army  was  defeated,  8  December,  while  another, 
though  it  fought  a  drawn  battle,  was  obliged  to  retire  from  the  field. 
Thus  the  victories  of  Oudenarde  and  Malplaquet  were  neutralized  as 
Ramillies  had  been  by  Almanza.  In  Spain  alone,  where  a  decisive 
victory  would  have  put  an  end  to  the  war,  the  Allies  were  unable  to 
prevail. 

Growing  Reaction  against  the  Whigs  and  the  War.  —  Louis  re- 
opened peace  negotiations  with  the  Dutch  in  the  autumn  of  xyog; 
but  nothing  was  accomplished  till  the  overthrow  of  the  Whig  party 
nearly  a  year  later.  Their  party  had  won  again  in  the  autumn  elec- 
tions of  1708;  but  its  power  steadily  declined.  Anne  had  taken  to 
herself  a  new  favorite  in  Abigail  Masham,  one  of  her  bedchamber 
women.  The  gravity  of  the  situation  lay  in  the  fact  that  Harley, 
leader  of  the  Tory  Opposition,  was  related  to  Mrs.  Masham  and  through 
her  kept  in  constant  communication  with  his  Sovereign.  £Marlborough , 
in  his  eagerness  to  put  himself  above  the  danger  of  party  strife,  made 
the  mistake  of  asking  that  the  office  of  Captain-General  be  conferred 
upon  him  for  life,  a  step  which  gave  his  enemies  a  chance  to  compare 
him  with  Cromwell  and  to  accuse  him  of  aiming  at  military  dictator- 
sJupTl  The  people  were  growing  more  and  more  restive  under  the  in- 
creasing burden  of  taxation,  and  the  public  discontent  was  fed  and 
voiced  by  the  press  and  virulent  party  pamphlets.  Some  of  the  most 
famous  names  in  English  literature  engaged  in  the  controversy,  but 
the  man  who  produced  a  fury  of  reaction  which  swept  the  Whigs  from 
power  was  an  obscure  parson. 

Dr.  Sach overall's  Sermon  (5  November,  1709).  —  Dr.  Henry  Sa- 
cheverell,  who  had  already  achieved  some  reputation  by  the  fervor  of 
his  oratory  and  by  the  vigor  of  his  personal  attacks  on  those  in  high 
places  who  favored  Dissent  and  were  supposed  to  be  cold  toward  the 
Establishment,  preached  a  violent  sermon,  5  November,  at  St.  Paul's 
before  the  mayor  and  aldermen  on  the  "  Perils  of  Paul  among  false 
brethren."  He  lashed  the  administration,  railed  at  toleration,  and 
exhorted  his  hearers  to  rise  in  defense  of  the  Church.  Coming  as  it 
did  in  the  midst  of  intense  party  excitement,  it  roused  a  panic  of  re- 
ligious bigotry  against  the  Dissenters  and  the  Whigs  who  protected 
them.  Consequently,  in  December,  the  Ministry  resolved  to  impeach 
Sacheverell  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  Four  charges  were 
framed.  First,  that  he  had  denied  the  lawfulness  of  resistance.  Sec- 
ondly, that  he  had  declaimed  against  the  toleration  granted  to 


456     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Dissenters.  Thirdly,  that  he  had  declared  that  the  Church  was  in 
danger.  Fourthly,  that,  for  seditious  purposes,  he  had  asserted  that 
her  Majesty's  administration  in  civil  and  ecclesiastical  affairs  tended 
to  the  destruction  of  the  Constitution. 

His  Trial  (1710).  —  His  trial,  which  opened  in  February,  1710,  was 
attended  with  the  wildest  excitement.  It  was  hotly  discussed  in  the 
coffee  houses,  in  the  streets,  indeed  in  every  sort  of  assembly.  The 
Doctor  was  cheered  and  praised  as  a  martyr  and  saint,  while  Anne, 
whenever  she  passed  by  on  her  way  to  the  sittings  in  Westminster  Hall, 
was  greeted  with  cries  of  "  God  bless  your  Majesty  and  the  Church ! " 
"  We  hope  your  Majesty  is  for  Dr.  Sacheverell ! "  The  more  violent, 
whose  destructiveness  far  exceeded  their  piety,  attacked  the  Dissenting 
meetinghouses  and  in  general  created  such  an  uproar  that  the  troops 
had  to  be  called  out  to  restore  order.  After  three  weeks  of  altercation 
the  Doctor  was  found  guilty,  but  was  let  off  with  a  light  sentence. 
His  conviction  proved  to  be  a  costly  victory.  Books,  such  as  the 
Pious  Life  and  Sufferings  of  Dr.  Sacheverell  from  his  Birth  to  his  Sen- 
tence, poured  from  the  press,  together  with  such  other  manifestations 
of  sympathy  that  the  Lord  Treasurer  in  a  letter  to  Marlborough  ex- 
pressed the  fervent  wish  that:  "  this  uneasy  trial  had  never  begun." 

The  Queen  Dismisses  the  Whigs  and  Calls  in  the  Tories  (1710).  — 
The  anti-Whig  revulsion,  which  came  to  a  head  in  the  Sacheverell 
trial,  gave  the  Queen  a  chance  which  she  had  long  been  seeking  to  get 
rid  of  the  party  so  hateful  to  her.  Mrs.  Freeman  had  her  last  per- 
sonal interview,  17  April,  1710,  and  a  stormy  one  it  was.  The  strength 
of  the  Cabinet  was  weakened  from  the  fact  that  every  man  was  work- 
ing for  himself.  The  chief  offender  was  Marlborough,  who  made 
it  quite  clear  that  he  would  cling  to  office  whatever  happened,  whereas 
if  he  had  threatened  to  resign  he  might  have  kept  his  colleagues 
in  office  for  some  time  longer.  Several  were  dismissed  during  the 
summer  of  1710,  and,  though  Parliament  was  still  Whig,  Anne  re- 
placed the  fallen  Ministers  by  the  Tories,  Harley  and  St.  John,  con- 
gratulating herself  that  she  was  now  released  from  captivity.  Robert 
Harley  united  extreme  caution  with  much  talent  for  intrigue,  but 
possessed  few  statesmanlike  qualities.  St.  John,  brilliant,  erratic, 
audacious  and  dissipated,  was  in  most  respects  the  very  opposite  of  his 
plodding,  decorous  and  secretive  colleague,  though  neither  was  over- 
burdened with  scruple.  While  Harley  tried  to  steer  a  middle  course 
all  through  his  tenure  of  power,  St.  John  was  bent  on  an  out-and-out 
Tory  administration.  Yet  this  ill-assorted  couple  managed  to  pull 
together  long  enough  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close.  In  the  September 
elections  the  Tories,  thanks  to  the  Sacheverell  frenzy,  the  royal 


THE  END   OF  THE   STUART   DYNASTY  457 

control  of  patronage,  the  heavy  war  taxes,  and  the  insufficient  prepa- 
ration of  the  Whigs,  recovered  a  majority  which  they  held  for  four 
years. 

Peace  Negotiations  with  France  (1711).  —  Marlborough  had  taken 
a  few  fortresses  in  1710,  but  he  had  not  ventured  on  any  daring  move, 
partly  from  lack  of  support  on  the  part  of  his  Allies,  partly  because, 
in  view  of  the  party  crisis  in  England, he  feared  that  a  false  step  would 
lead  to  his  downfall.  In  1711,  however,  in  spite  of  all  obstacles,  he 
succeeded  by  a  series  of  brilliant  feints  and  sieges  in  piercing  his 
adversary's  strong  lines,  so  that  by  autumn  he  was  in  a  position  to 
invade  France.  But  this  proved  to  be  his  last  campaign.  Harley 
and  St.  John  had  already  opened  secret  negotiations  between  London 
and  Paris  in  January,  1711.  The  preliminaries,  which  were  finally 
agreed  upon  in  October,  had  been  greatly  facilitated  by  a  revulsion 
against  the  war  on  the  part  of  Anne.  Furthermore,  the  death  of  the 
Emperor  Joseph,  17  April,  1711,  leaving  Charles  as  his  heir,  greatly 
strengthened  the  peace  party ;  for  it  was  futile  to  drive  Philip  from 
Spain  in  order  to  unite  the  country  to  the  Hapsburg  dominions. 

The  Whig  Attempt  to  Obstruct  the  Peace.  The  Occasional  Con- 
formity Act  (1711).  —  In  return  for  assistance  in  obstructing  peace 
in  Parliament,  the  Whigs  went  so  far  as  to  assist  the  High  Church 
wing  of  the  Tories  to  pass  anTOccasional  Conformity  Act,  1711,  which 
provided  that  any  holder  of  an  office  who  had  qualified  by  taking  the 
sacrament  as  required  by  the  Test  and  Corporation  Acts  and  should 
afterwards  be  convicted  of  attending  Dissenting  places  of  worship 
should  be  fined  and  forfeit  his  office!]  The  Dissenters  were  assured 
that,  when  the  Whigs  returned  to  power,  the  Act  would  be  repealed.1 
In  the  words  of  a  Tory  satirist :  "  Jack  had  been  induced  to  hang 
himself  on  the  promise  that  he  would  soon  be  cut  down."  Thus  the 
Whigs  sacrificed  their  principles  on  religious  liberty,  and  a  section  of 
the  Tories  their  convictions  on  the  prolongation  of  the  war.  Though 
this  ill-assorted  alliance  obtained  a  temporary  majority  in  the  Upper 
House,  their  efforts  to  stem  the  tide  soon  proved  to  be  vain. 

The  Removal  of  Marlborough  (31  December,  1711). — Swift  entered 
the  fray  with  his  famous  Conduct  of  the  Allies,  in  which  he  argued 
that  the  English  who  had  least  to  gain  had  come  to  assume  practi- 
cally the  whole  burden  of  the  war.  Prepared  under  the  supervision 
of  St.  John  and  written  in  the  most  trenchant,  logical  style  of  the 
greatest  living  master  of  English,  the  work  was  eagerly  read  and 
had  a  powerful  influence  on  public  opinion.  In  order  to  prevent 
any  further  obstruction  it  was  proposed  to  remove  Marlborough  from 
1  As  a  matter  of  fact  it  was  repealed  in  1718. 


458     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

his  command.  He  controlled  a  strong  party  among  the  Peers,  he 
was  high  in  the  councils  of  the  Allies,  and  he  might,  in  another  cam- 
paign, gain  a  victory  that  would  raise  the  demands  of  the  opponents 
of  peace.  He  was  charged  with  appropriating  funds  from  the  moneys 
granted  to  the  bread  contractors  and  with  deducting  a  percentage 
from  the  sums  appropriated  for  soldiers'  pay.  While  he  doubtless 
did  do  so,  it  is  equally  clear  that  he  employed  what  he  took  in  the 
secret  service.  His  dismissal  was  accompanied  by  the  creation  of 
twelve  new  peers  which  gave  the  Tories  control  of  the  Upper  House. 

The  Opening  of  the  Congress  of  Utrecht  and  the  End  of  the  War. 
—  This  same  month  of  January,  1712,  a  congress  of  the  Allies  opened 
at  Utrecht  to  discuss  terms  of  peace,  but  weeks  were  consumed  in 
tedious  formalities.  Since  no  suspension  of  hostilities  had  been  pro- 
vided for,  Eugene  took  the  field  in  the  spring  as  commander  of  the 
Allies,  with  the  aim  of  turning  the  French  lines  and  opening  the  way  to 
Paris.  The  English  contingents  were  under  the  Duke  of  Ormonde ,  who 
had  orders  to  engage  in  no  battle  or  siege  without  further  instructions. 
For  a  time  he  assisted  the  Prince  by  covering  his  siege  operations, 
but,  1 6  July,  in  response  to  instructions  from  home,  he  drew  his  troops 
off  to  Dunkirk,  leaving  the  Austrians  and  the  Dutch  to  continue  the 
campaign  alone.  With  their  lines  thus  weakened,  the  Dutch  were 
defeated  in  battle  24  July,  while  Eugene  had  to  yield  several  strong 
places  and  retire  beyond  the  Scheldt.  The  Tory  Ministers  who  were 
responsible  for  what  happened  had  only  this  justification,  that  noth- 
ing less  would  induce  the  Emperor  to  make  peace. 

The  Peace  of  Utrecht  (1713).  — The  peace  of  "Utrecht  was  signed 
with  France,  12  April,  1713,  by  Great  Britain,  the  States  General, 
Savoy,  and  Portugal.  The  Emperor  made  a  separate  peace  with 
Louis  XIV.  By  the  terms  concluded  between  England  and  France 
Louis  (i)  recognized  the  order  of  succession  established  by  the  Act 
of  Settlement,  and  agreed  that  the  son  of  the  late  James  II  should 
never  be  allowed  in  France.  (2)  He  solemnly  ratified  a  renunciation 
by  Philip  V,  made  5  November,  1712,  of  his  claims  to  the  throne  of 
France.  (3)  He  promised  to  accept  for  his  French  subjects  no  ad- 
vantages of  trade  with  Spain  not  extended  to  the  other  Powers. 
(4)  He  ceded  to  Great  Britain  considerable  portions  of  territory 
in  North  America,  including  the  Hudson's  Bay  Settlement,  Acadia,1 
and  Newfoundland,  retaining,  however,  certain  fishing  rights  in  the 
neighboring  waters  and  the  right  to  dry  fish  on  the  shores  of  New- 
foundland. 

1  In  1708  the  British  had  captured  Port  Royal  (renamed  Annapolis)  and 
occupied  Acadia  (Nova  Scotia). 


THE  END   OF  THE   STUART  DYNASTY  459 

England  and  Spain.  —  The  treaty  between  England  and  Spain 
was  not  concluded  till  July;  for  Philip  had  no  representatives  at 
the  Congress  and  no  power  to  treat  till  the  Powers  had  acknowl- 
edged him  as  King,  (i)  Gibraltar  and  Minorca  were  ceded  to  Eng- 
land. (2)  By  the  Asiento  1  she  was  granted  for  thirty  years  the 
monopoly  of  importing  negroes  into  Spanish  America.  (3)  British 
merchants  were  accorded  the  right  of  sending  one  ship  a  year  to  trade 
in  Spanish-American  ports. 

France  and  the  States  General.  —  The  Spanish  Netherlands  were 
handed  over  to  the  Dutch,  to  be  ceded  to  Austria  so  soon  as  an  "ade- 
quate barrier  "  could  be  agreed  upon.  This  happened  in  1715,  when 
a  final  Barrier  Treaty  was  arranged  by  which  the  Dutch  were  al- 
lowed to  garrison  certain  fortified  places  commanding  the  French 
border.  By  the  treaty  between  France  and  the  Emperor,  the  latter 
got,  in  addition  to  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  various  of  the  Spanish 
possessions  in  Italy. 

Results  of  the  War.  —  In  general  the  Allies  had  gained  the  ob- 
jects for  which  they  had  taken  up  arms.  They  could  have  achieved 
their  original  aims  as  early  as  1708,  but,  not  long  after  the  opening 
of  the  conflict,  they  had  undertaken  the  further  design  of  driving 
Philip  from  the  throne  of  Spain,  and,  puffed  up  by  their  successes, 
they  had  driven  Louis  to  desperation,  with  the  consequence  that  he 
had  continued  the  fighting  until  he  forced  them  to  accept  less  than 
in  the  full  tide  of  their  triumph  they  had  once  rejected.  Although 
Marlborough,  owing  to  adverse  circumstances,  had  failed  to  realize 
.his  ambition  of  crushing  France  utterly  and  dictating  his  own  terms,  his 
military  achievements  had  been  unparalleled,  and  chiefly  through  his 
efforts  Great  Britain  had  played  a  remarkable  role.  She  had  "  held 
the  Grand  Alliance  together;  she  financed  the  other  nations;  her 
fleet  had  almost  a  monopoly  of  the  ocean ;  her  soldiers,  for  the  first 
time  since  Agincourt,  decided  the  fate  of  Europe  on  famous  fields  .  .  . 
and  British  Ministers  had  dictated  the  terms  of  peace."  Louis,  who 
in  eleven  years  had  lost  as  many  pitched  battles,  succeeded  in  re- 
taining the  throne  of  Spain  for  his  grandson,  and  for  himself,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  border  towns,  practically  all  that  he  had  acquired 
during  the  long  years  of  his  aggrandizement;  but  Great  Britain, 
besides  making  substantial  territorial  and  commercial  gains,  had 
put  a  stop  to  his  oppressions  and  struck  a  heavy  blow  at  the  old 
regime,  which,  after  a  series  of  attacks  more  and  more  frequent 
as  the  century  advanced,  was  finally  swept  away  by  the  French 
Revolution. 

1  A  Spanish  word  meaning  "legal  compact." 


460     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.  AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 


- 

The  Rivalry  of  Harley  and  St.  John  (1713-1714).  —  The  remainder 
of  Anne's  reign  was  chiefly  occupied  with  the  question  of  the  suc- 
cession and  with  the  struggles  of  the  two  leaders  of  the  Tory  party. 
The  relations  between  Harley  and  St.  John,  which  had  become 
strained  after  the  settlement  of  the  terms  of  peace,  finally  developed 
into  an  open  feud.  St.  John  not  only  chafed  at  the  wary  unenter- 
prising policy  of  his  inscrutable  colleague,  but  he  was  jealous  of  him 
as  well.  [Harley  had  been  made  Earl  of  Oxford  and  Lord  Treas- 
urer in  1711,  while  St.  John,  created  Viscount  Bolingbroke,  2  June, 
1712,  had  to  be  content  with  the  next  lower  grade  in  the  peerage. 
This  he  attributed  to  the  treachery  of  his  rival,  though  it  was  really 
due  to  the  Queen,  who  could  not  overcome  her  distrust  of  a  man  re- 
puted to  be  a  freethinker  and  a  notorious  evil  liver.  Yet  the  Whigs 
were  as  yet  in  no  position  to  profit  by  this  personal  rift  in  the  Min- 
istry. Marlborough  was  hopelessly  discredited.  Threatened  with 
judicial  proceedings,  baited  by  abusive  pamphlets,  and  even  pur- 
sued on  the  street  by  cries  of  "  Stop  thief  !  "  he  finally  retired  to  the 
Continent,  whence  he  did  not  return  till  the  close  of  the  year.  The 
Whigs,  however,  had  some  advantages  over  their  opponents  which 
told  in  the  long  run:  they  were  grouped  mostly  in  the  populous 
commercial  and  manufacturing  centers,  where  they  could  be  easily 
organized  at  a  crisis,  and  they  were  united  on  the  Hanoverian  suc- 
cession. The  Tories,  on  the  other  hand,  were  scattered  in  the  coun- 
try regions,  and  they  were  divided  between  the  exiled  Stuarts  and 
the  Hanoverians  ;  for  the  majority  were  unwilling  to  accept  the  Pre- 
tender so  long  as  he  remained  a  Roman  Catholic. 

The  Schism  Act  (1714).  —  The  session  of  1714,  in  which  the  Tory 
Ministry  was  bitterly  attacked  for  the  recent  peace,  as  well  as  for 
not  taking  more  effectual  means  to  secure  the  Protestant  succession, 
proved  a  stormy  one.  Bolingbroke,  who  had  at  length  got  the  bit 
in  his  teeth,  aimed  a  crushing  blow  at  the  Dissenters  by  passing  the 
Schism  Act,  which  provided  that  no  person  was  to  keep  or  even  teach 
a  public  or  private  school  unless  he  was  a  member  of  the  Church  of 
England.  This  measure,  repealed  four  years  later,  was  an  attempt 
to  cut  at  the  very  roots  of  the  growth  of  the  Dissenting  faiths  by  mak- 
ing it  impossible  for  them  to  educate  their  children.  Bolingbroke, 
who  had  himself  been  educated  by  a  Nonconformist  minister,  was 
impelled  by  no  religious  motive  ;  his  sole  aim  was  to  outbid  the 
cautious  Oxford  for  the  favor  of  Queen  Anne. 

The  Dismissal  of  Oxford  (27  July,  1714).  —  He  saw  that  the  time 
had  now  come  to  strike,  if  ever  he  were  to  secure  the  supremacy. 
The  Queen  was  failing  in  health,  and,  with  a  Tory  majority  both  in 


THE  END  OF  THE  STUART  DYNASTY  461 

Parliament  and  throughout  the  Kingdom,  it  was  essential  to  improve 
the  opportunity  while  she  still  lived  to  fill  every  position,  military 
and  civil,  with  trusted  followers  in  order  to  meet  the  Whig  reaction 
which  was  bound  to  come  with  her  death  and  the  accession  of  the 
Hanoverians.  He  has  been  accused  of  plotting  to  bring  in  the  Pre- 
tender, but  while  his  design  is  far  from  clear,  it  is  more  probable 
that  his  aim  was  to  secure  control  of  the  State,  ally  himself  with 
the  Jacobites,  and,  with  these  weapons  in  his  hands,  to  make  such 
terms  with  the  Hanoverians  as  would  place  him  at  the  head  of  the 
new  Government.  It  was  a  bold  stroke  for  fortune,  which  seemed 
for  a  moment  as  if  it  were  going  to  succeed.  On  27  July  Oxford  was 
abruptly  dismissed  from  office.  While  his  overthrow  was  due  largely 
to  the  intrigues  of  his  rival,  the  reasons  which  Anne  gave  to  the 
Council  have  a  curious  interest :  "  He  neglected  all  business,  she 
could  seldom  understand  him,  and  even  when  he  was  intelligible  she 
could  place  no  dependence  on  what  he  said.  He  never  came  punc- 
tually at  times  when  she  appointed.  When  he  did  come  he  was  often 
tipsy,  and  behaved  toward  her  with  .  .  .  disrespect." 

The  Death  of  Anne  and  the  Defeat  of  Bolingbroke's  Schemes 
(i  August,  1714).  —  Suddenly,  29  July,  the  Queen  was  stricken  with 
her  last  illness  and  Bolingbroke's  well-laid  plans  were  thrown  into 
confusion.  Had  the  Queen  only  lived  six  weeks,  he  calculated  that 
he  could  have  made  himself  master  of  the  situation.  Already  a 
strong  faction  had  developed  against  him,  and  the  crisis  forced  them 
to  act  quickly.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Privy  Council,  held  on  the  3oth, 
the  anti-Bolingbroke  combination  proved  strong  enough  to  propose, 
or  to  force  Bolingbroke  to  propose,  as  successor  to  Harley  in  the  Lord 
Treasurership,  Shrewsbury,  a  former  Whig  who  had  been  one  of  the 
seven  to  sign  the  invitation  to  William  of  Orange,  but  who  had  left 
England  early  in  William's  reign  and  lived  for  long  years  in  obscurity 
in  Italy.  Since  his  return  in  1710  he  had  been  a  trusted  councilor 
of  the  Queen.  Fortunately  for  the  cause  of  peace  and  the  Hanove- 
rians, he  now  showed  a  courage  and  decision  foreign  to  him  since  the 
Revolution  days.  At  the  bedside  of  the  dying  Queen  he  received  the 
white  staff  of  office  with  the  royal  command  to  use  it  for  the  good  of 
the  country.  At  once  he  took  measures  for  the  defense  of  the  King- 
dom and  the  securing  of  the  succession.  On  the  morning  of  i  August 
Anne  died,  and  that  afternoon,  the  heralds  went  about  London  and 
Westminster  proclaiming  George  as  King  of  Great  Britain.  Boling- 
broke's schemes,  whatever  they  were,  had  come  to  naught,  and  the 
last  of  the  Stuarts  had  ceased  to  reign. 


462     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 


FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Trevelyan;  Ranke  and  Cambridge  Modern  History.  I.  S. 
Leadam,  Political  History  of  England,  1702-1760  (1909).  J.  F.  Bright, 
History  of  England  (1889),  III,  a  clear  and  accurate  summary.  F.  W. 
Wyon,  History  of  Great  Britain  during  the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne  (2  vols., 
1876)  the  fullest  history  of  the  reign,  but  dry  and  somewhat  antiquated. 
Lord  Stanhope,  The  Reign  of  Queen  Anne  (1870)  a  careful  but  less  detailed 
account.  W.  E.  H.  Lecky,  History  of  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century 
(cab.  ed.,  7  vols.,  1907),  the  most  informing  general  work  on  the  period. 

Special.  W.  T.  Morgan,  English  Political  Parties  and  Leaders  during 
the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne  (1920),  a  scholarly  study.  W.  F.  Lord,  "Devel- 
opment of  Political  Parties  during  the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne,"  Transactions 
of  the  Royal  Historical  Society.  New  Series,  XIV,  1900.  G.  C.  Butler, 
The  Tory  Tradition  (Bolingbroke,  Burke,  Disraeli,  and  Salisbury,  1914). 

Army  and  Navy.  W.  Coxe,  Memoirs  of  Marlborough  (good  maps  in 
the  ed.  of  1818).  Fortescue,  British  Army;  Mahan,  Sea  Power;  Corbett, 
England  in  the  Mediterranean. 

Biography.  Hon.  H.  Elliot,  The  Life  of  Sidney,  Earl  of  Godolphin  (1888). 
T.  Macknight's  (1863)  is  still  the  best  life  of  Bolingbroke,  a  more  recent 
work  is  that  of  W.  Sichel  (1901),  C.  Collin's  (1888)  is  a  stimulating  sketch. 
E.  B.  Roscoe,  Barley,  Earl  of  Oxford  (1902).  S.  J.  Reid,  John  and  Sarah, 
Duke  and  Duchess  of  Marlborough  (1914). 

Contemporary.  Burnet,  Own  Times.  Swift,  The  Conduct  of  the  Allies 
(1711).  Bolingbroke,  Letters  on  the  State  of  Parties  at  the  Accession  of 
George  I. 

Scotland  and  Ireland.  Works  already  cited.  P.  H.  Brown,  The  Legis- 
lative Union  of  England  and  Scotland  (1914).  W.  L.  Matthieson,  Scotland 
and  the  Union,  1695-1747  (1905).  D.  DeFoe,  History  of  the  Union  between 
England  and  Scotland  (1787),  a  valuable  contemporary  account.  Lecky, 
Ireland  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  (3  vols.,  1873-4),  I. 

The  Church.  Hutton;  Wakeman;  and  Stoughton.  Abbey  and 
Overton,  The  English  Church  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  (1896),  the  au- 
thoritative work  on  the  period. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX 
THE  FIRST  HANOVERIAN,  GEORGE  I  (1714-1727) 

The  Peaceful  Reception  of  the  Hanoverian  Dynasty.  —  While 
the  people  were  "  gaping  and  staring  "  the  crisis  passed.  Boling- 
broke  and  the  other  Tory__  leaders  remained  inactive,  stocks  rose, 
and  Parliament,  when  it  met,  voted  a  reward  of  £100,000  for  the 
capture  of  the  Pretender,  who  found  the  prospect  so  discouraging 
that  he  did  not  venture  an  invasion.  The  arrival  of  the  new  King, 
1 8  September,  provoked  no  opposition  and  awakened  some  enthu- 
siasm. Already,  before  crossing  the  Channel,  he  dismissed  Boling- 
broke,  and  a  new  Whig  Ministry  was  constituted,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Charles,  Viscount  Townshend,  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Northern  Department.  Shrewsbury  resigned  the  office  of  Lord 
Treasurer  and  soon  relapsed  into  his  former  inactivity. 

The  New  King.  —  George  Lewis  inherited  the  crown  from  his 
mother  Sophia,  who  had  died  in  the  previous  June.  He  was  at  this 
time  fifty-four  years  old  and  had  been  Elector  of  Hanover  since  1698. 
The  early  life  of  the  future  King  had  been  an  active  one :  he  had 
fought  for  the  Emperor  against  the  Turks,  he  had  seen  active  service 
under  King  William,  he  had  joined  the  Grand  Alliance,  and  for  three 
years  commanded  the  Imperial  forces  on  the  Upper  Rhine.  He  had 
carefully  refrained  from  meddling  in  English  affairs ;  though,  after 
the  death  of  his  mother,  he  apparently  took  a  more  lively  interest  in 
the  succession  struggle. 

Personal  Traits  and  Favorites.  —  Even  as  a  young  man  he  was 
f  rigid_ajridsilent ,  qualities  which  clung  to  him  through  life.  He  was 
heavyand  awkward,  narrow  and  obstinate.  Yet  in  Hanover  he  was 
extremely  popular ;  for  he  loved  his  country  and  his  people  as  much 
as  he  was  capable  of  loving  anything.  So  he  started  for  his  new  King- 
dom "  without  elation."  Two  female  favorites  followed  in  his  train, 
—  the  fat  and  unwieldy  von  Kielmannsegge,  created  Countess  of 
Darlington,  and  the  tall,  lean  von  Schulenburg,  created  Duchess  of 
Kendal.  Both  were  rapacious  and  drove  a  thriving  patronage. 
In  addition,  there  were  two  German  councilors,  a  French  secretary, 


464     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and  two  black  servants  who  combined  to  fleece  the  people  and  added 
to  the  unpopularity  which  the  foreign  King's  uncouth  ways,  low 
common  tastes,  his  unconcealed  preference  for  his  native  land  and 
ignorance  of  the  English  language  and  customs,  was  bound  to  create. 
Yet,  after  all,  unheroic  and  parsimonious  as  he  was,  he  was  much 
to  be  preferred  to  his  Stuart  rival.  He  was  courageous,  just  and 
prudent,  painstaking,  frugal  in  his  expenses  and  punctual  in  his  pay- 
ments :  he  defended  the  country  from  invasion,  kept  the  peace  at 
home  and  abroad  and  formed  strong  alliances.  He  has  been  justly 
accused  of  guiding  his  foreign  policy  primarily  in  the  Hanoverian 
interests;  but  they  were  usually  to  England's  advantage  and  never 
to  her  detriment.  Moreover,  by  his  very  indifference  to  English 
domestic  concerns,  by  letting  Ins  Whig  Ministers  run  the  affairs 
of  the  country,1  he  contributed  greatly  to  foster  the  growth  of  Cabi- 
net and  party  government. 

The  Prospects  of  the  New  Reign.  —  Although  the  new  King  had 
been  brought  in  without  bloodshed  his  prospects  were  by  no  means 
unclouded.  The  energy  of  Shrewsbury  and  the  Council  had  dumb- 
founded the  Jacobites  and  the  army,  and  the  moneyed._classes_were 
^on^lyjja^overian ;  but  George's  ungualined  support  of  the  Whigsr 
the  exclusion  of  the  Tories  from  all  preferment,  together  with  the 
bitter  attacks  directed  against  them  for  their  actions  during  the  last 
years  of  Queen  Anne,  tended  to  force  even  the  more  moderate  into 
the  arms  of  the  Pretender.  Scotland  was  seething  with  discontent 
and  Ireland  was  only  held  down  by  crushing  laws  backed  by  military 
forces.  Abroad,  Prussia  and  Holland  were  the  only  Powers  upon 
which  the  Hanoverians  could  safely  count ;  France  was  still  smarting 
from  her  recent  humiliation,  while  Spain  was  her  ally.  The  Emperor 
felt  himself  defrauded  by  the  late  peace  and  was  not  on  good  terms 
with  George. 

Popular  Discontent  in  England.  The  Riot  Act  (1715).  —  No  sooner 
was  the  crisis  of  the  succession  passed  than  popular  discontent  began 
to  manifest  itself.  Riots  broke  out  at  various  places,  "  foreign  gov- 
ernment" was  denounced,  Dissenters  were  insulted,  their  chapels 
were  attacked,  and  Tory  pamphlets  poured  from  the  press.  Never- 
theless, the  Tory  Parliament  was  succeeded  by  one  in  which  the 
Whigs  were  in  the  majority,  a  majority  which  they  retained  for  nearly 
fifty  years.  The  elections  were  attended  with  the  usual  violence. 
In  view  of  the  recent  tumults,Ja  Riot  Act  was  passed  early  in  1715, 
providing  that  if  any  twelve  persons,  assembled  for  the  disturbance 
of  the  peace,  should  refuse  to  disperse  after  proclamation  read  by  a 

1  Except  at  rare  intervals  when  they  came  in  conflict  with  hie  foreign  policy. 


THE  FIRST  HANOVERIAN,   GEORGE  I  465 

magistrate,  they  might  be  treated  as  felons,  and  those  who  shot  them 
down  would  not  be  answerable  for  murderj 

The  Rising  of  1715.  —  Three  of  the  Tory  leaders  were^gipeached , 
including  golingbroke,  who  fled  the  country,  a  step  which  drew  down 
an  Act  of  Attainder  on  his  head ;  after  the  news  reached  him  in  France, 
he  openly  espoused  the  Stuart  cause,  became  Secretary  of  State  to 
the  Pretender  James^and  the  leading  spirit  in  the  famous  movement 
of  1715  to  restore  the  old  line  by  means  of  a  general  rising,  supported 
by  an  invasion  from  France.  [The  success  of  the  undertaking  de- 
pended upon  three  conditions : England  and  Scotland  should  rise 
together;  James  should  be  on  the  spot;  and  he  should  have  sub- 
stantial aid  from  abroacH  None  of  these  conditions  were  fulfilled ; 
the  movement  only  came  to  a  head  in  the  north  of  England  and  in 
Scotland,  and  resulted  in  hopeless  failure.  The  prompt  and  decisive 
measures  of  the  Government  prevented  a  rising  planned  in  the  south 
and  west  of  England,  fleets  were  set  to  guard  the  ports,  and  a 
small  expedition  sent  from  France  was  prevented  even  from  landing. 
The  next  blow  came  with  the  death  of  Louis  XIV,  i  September. 
Again  Bolingbroke  had  been  frustrated  by  a  death,  for  Louis 
was  an  ardent  champion  of  the  exiled  family,  and  was  burning 
to  retrieve  his  recent  defeat.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  great- 
grandson  Louis  XV,  a  sickly  child;  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  who 
became  Regent,  gave  no  countenance  to  the  Jacobite  leaders.  With 
no  prospect  of  a  rising  in  southern  England  or  of  support  from  France, 
Bolingbroke  sent  messages  to  prevent  the  Scots  from  taking  up  arms, 
but  it  was  too  late. 

The  Earl  of  Mar  Summons  the  Clans.  —  North  of  the  Border  the 
opposition  to  the  existing  Government  was  too  bitter  and  widespread 
to  be  satisfied  with  scheming,  grumbling,  drinking  toasts  to  the 
"  King  over  the  water,"  and  with  occasional  riots.  The  High- 
landers still  nursed  their  hatred  against  the  Campbells,  the  Epis- 
copalians and  the  Roman  Catholics  chafed  at  the  Presbyterian  regime, 
and  the  majority  of  Scotsmen  were  not  yet  reconciled  to  the  Union. 
The  leader_of_the  rising  was  the  Earl  of  Mar,  known  as  "Bobbing  John!,, 
from  the  readiness  with  which"  "EeTsrrif ted  from  one  party  to  the  other. 
Though  he  had  professed  loyalty  to  George  I  he  was  dismissed  from 
office,  whereupon  he  went  over  to  the  Jacobites.  When,  6  September, 
1715,  he  set  up  the  Stuart  banner  in  the  Highlands,  thousands  flocked 
to  join  him.  But  the  clansmen  could  only  be  relied  on  for  a  short 
dashing  campaign.  As  Mar  proved  dilatory  and  ineffective,  his  recruits 
began  to  dwindle,  while  the  forces  of  the  Duke  of  Argyle,  whom  the 
Government  promptly  sent  against  him,  swelled  in  numbers  each  day. 


466     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Preston  and  Sheriff  Muir  (13  November,  1715).  —  Meantime,  a 
small  detachment  from  Mar's  army,  reenforced  by  a  little  contingent 
of  Lowlanders  and  a  body  of  Jacobite  gentlemen  from  Cumberland 
and  Westmoreland,  crossed  the  Border  and  marched  aimlessly  south. 
At  the  fatal  Preston  they  were  hemmed  in  by  two  converging  Eng- 
lish armies  and  forced  to  surrender,  13  November,  1715.  On  the 
same  day,  the  armies  of  Mar  and  Argyle  met  at  Sheriff  Muir.  Though 
each  was  victorious  against  his  opponent's  left  wing,  Mar  ingloriously 
withdrew  his  forces  from  the  field.  Argyle,  content  with  having  stopped 
the  advance  of  the  rebels,  returned  to  his  headquarters  at  Stirling. 

The  Arrival  of  the  Pretender.  The  Final  Collapse.  —  While 
Mar's  forces  were  rapidly  melting  away,  and,  just  as  he  had  opened 
peace  negotiations,  the  Pretender  after  unavoidable  delays  arrived,  22 
December,  with  a  single  ship  and  attended  by  only  eight  gentlemen. 
Mar,  directly  he  heard  of  his  landing,  hastened  to  meet  him.  He  was 
proclaimed  King,  and  the  Jacobite  ladies  contributed  their  jewels  to 
make  him  a  crown.  But  he  was  in  a  desperate  position.  A  High- 
land army,  which  had  taken  the  Hanoverian  side,  was  closing  in  on 
him  from  the  north,  while  Argyle,  reenforced  by  6000  Dutch  troops, 
was  marching  up  from  the  south.  Nor  was  James  possessed  of  any 
personal  qualities  to  inspire  a  forlorn  hope.  Mar  speedily  realized 
that  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  get  him  out  of  the  country  as  soon 
as  possible,  so  they  speedily  embarked  for  France,  while  the  clans- 
men sullenly  dispersed  to  their  homes  across  the  snow.  James  retired 
first  to  Avignon  and  thence  to  Rome.  While  still  in  France  he  fool- 
ishly dismissed  Bolingbroke,  the  wisest  counselor  he  had,  who  ex- 
pressed a  wish  "  that  his  arm  might  rot  off  if  he  ever  again  drew  his 
sword  or  his  pen  "  in  his  cause. 

The  Septennial  Act  (1716).  —  It  was  not  because  of  its  popularity 
that  the  Whig  Government  succeeded  in  defeating  the  designs  of  the 
Jacobites,  and  such  little  popularity  as  it  enjoyed  was  bound  to  be 
diminished  by  the  repressive  measures  which  it  was  necessary  to 
employ.  Consequently,  the  Ministry  was  unwilling  to  run  the  risk, 
of  a  general  election  at  the  end  of  another  year.  This  was  the  real 
reason  which  led,  in  1716,  to  the  pasage  of  the  Septennial  Act,  extend- 
ing the  possible  duration  of  Parliament  from  three  to  seven  years. 
The  difficulty  might  have  been  met  by  a  temporary  measure;  but 
it  was  thought  wiser  to  justify  the  action  on  permanent  grounds.  The 
arrangement  under  the  Triennial  Act  was  open  to  serious  objections. 
It  was  too  great  a  strain  on  the  country  to  choose  representatives 
every  three  years  at  a  time  when  elections  were  long,  costly,  and 
usually  tumultuous.  Also  a  longer  term  was  necessary  to  protect 


THE  FIRST  HANOVERIAN,   GEORGE  I  467 

the  members,  on  the  one  hand  from  the  Crown  and  the  peers  who 
controlled  many  seats,  and,  on  the  other,  although  this  is  more 
questionable,  from  too  great  subservience  to  electors. 

George's  Journey  to  Hanover  (1716).  The  European  Situation. 
—  No  sooner  was  the  danger  from  the  Rebellion  over,  than  George 
determined  to  visit  his  Hanoverian  dominion.  The  restraining 
clause  in  the  Act  of  Settlement  —  one  of  the  chief  difficulties  in  the 
way  —  was  easily  repealed  without  an  opposing  vote,  for  the  Whigs 
were  anxious  to  please  the  King,  while  the  Tories,  by  making  it  pos- 
sible for  him  to  make  frequent  trips  abroad,  hoped  to  increase  his 
unpopularity.  Thereupon,  9  July,  1716,  George  started  for  Hanover, 
where  the  situation  which  he  had  to  face  was  very  disquieting. 
Among  the  European  Powers  he  had  only  two  sure  friends  and  many 
enemies,  active  or  passive. 

The  Triple  Alliance  (1716-1717).  —  The  desire  of  the  Regent  of 
France  to  secure  English  support  seemed  to  offer  the  best  prospect 
of  strength  abroad  and  peace  at  home.  An  alliance  with  France 
seemed  on  the  face  of  it  such  a  reversal  of  traditional  Whig  policy 
that  Townshend  naturally  hesitated ;  but,  after  all,  the  main  aim  of 
that  party  had  been  to  secure  the  Revolution  settlement  and  to  pre- 
vent the  French  from  securing  the  control  of  the  Spanish  colonies 
and  trade.  If  both  these  objects  could  be  secured;  by  a  diplomatic 
arrangement  with  the  Regent  there  was  no  reason  for  continued 
hostility  to  France.  Before  the  close  of  1716  a  treaty  was  signed  by 
the  British  and  French  —  in  which  the  Dutch  were  to  be  included  — 
^providing  that  the  Pretender  should  be  excluded  from  France,  and  that 
the  renunciation  by  Philip  of  the  French  throne  should  be  confirmed^  f. 
Thus  the  danger  in  the  south  was  in  a  fair  way  to  be  averted ;  bfiF 
the  situation  in  the  north  continued  threatening.  Particularly, 
Peter  the  Great  of  Russia,  anxious  to  secure  a  foothold  in  the  Empire, 
had  recently  poured  one  army  into  the  Duchy  of  Mecklenburg  and 
quartered  another  in  Denmark.  George  was  anxious  to  employ  the 
English  fleet,  which  had  been  sent  to  the  Baltic  in  July,  1715,  to  drive 
him  out,  but  Townshend  warmly  opposed  the  project.  He  also  with- 
held his  assent  to  the  Triple  Alliance  until  he  was  assured  of  the 
willingness  of  the  Dutch  to  join.1 

The  Cabinet  Crisis  of  1716-1717.  — The  remonstrances  of  George, 
backed  by  Denmark  and  the  Emperor,  finally  induced  the  Tsar  to 
recall  his  troops  without  war ;  but  the  attitude  of  Townshend  con- 
tributed to  a  split  in  the  Whig  Ministry.  Many  other  causes  were  at 
work  to  alienate  the  King  from  Townshend  and  his  supporters ;  for 
1  They  finally  signed  in  January,  1717. 


468     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

one  thing,  the  German  favorites,  whose  schemes  for  fleecing  the 
English,  Townshend  rudely  opposed,  threw  their  influence  against 
him ;  so  the  King  dismissed  him  from  office  of  Secretary  in  December. 
The  prevailing  Whig  sentiment  was  glowing  and  resentful.  They 
denounced  the  step  as  a  proof  of  "  the  ascendancy  of  Continental 
politics  over  English  concerns,"  and  the  period  from  1717  to  1720, 
during  which  his  successor,  Earl  Stanhope,  was  at  the  head  of  affairs, 
was  known  as  that  of  the  "  German  Ministry."  It  should  be  said, 
however,  that  he  managed  to  avert  danger  from  various  European 
combinations,  to  foil  the  Jacobites  in  their  attempts  to  launch  another 
invasion,  to  strengthen  British  alliances  abroad  and  to  give  his  country 
a  leading  place  in  the  councils  of  Europe. 

Stanhope's  Progressive  Legislation  (1717-1718).  —  In  spite  of 
discord,  however,  the  session  of  1717-1718  was  fruitful  in  wise  legis- 
lation. Among  other  measures,  Stanhope  carried  into  effect  a  scheme 
for  the  reduction  of  the  National  Debt  —  devised  by  Townsh end's 
brother-in-law  Walpole,  before  the  former's  dismissal  —  which'  marks 
the  beginning  of  the  English  Sinking  Fund.  In  1718  he  managed  to 
secure  the  repeal  of  the  Occasional  Conformity  Act  of  1711  and  the 
Schism  Act  of  1714.  At  the  same  time  he  tried  and  failed  to  do  away 
with  the  Test  and  Corporation  Acts;  however,  beginning  in  1727, 
the  custom  arose  of  passing  annual  indemnity  acts,  protecting  from 
punishment  those  who  accepted  office  without  taking  the  sacramental 
test ;  but  the  concession  was  churlish  and  unsatisfactory ;  for  it 
purported  to  relieve  only  those  who  "  through  ignorance  of  the  law, 
absence,  or  unavoidable  accident  "  failed  to  qualify.  Some  who  could 
allege  none  of  these  excuses  were  challenged,  others  were  too  scrupu- 
lous to  take  advantage  of  such  an  evasion  of  the  law ;  but  numbers  of 
Dissenters  were  admitted  to  office  in  this  way  till  the  final  repeal  of 
the  Test  and  Corporation  Acts  in  1828. 

The  National  Debt  and  the  South  Sea  Company.  —  On  the  whole, 
the  Ministry  seemed  in  a  very  strong  position  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  when  the  financial  crash,  known  as  the  South  Sea  Bubble, 
came,  and  overthrew  it  within  a  few  months.  The  National  Debt 
now  amounted  to  over  £50,000,000,  much  of  it  burdened  with  7  to 
8  per  cent  interest,  while  private  loans  could  be  secured  for  4  per 
cent.  In  view  of  the  peaceful  and  prosperous  condition  of  the  coun- 
try, the  Government  desired  to  cut  down  this  rate  of  interest  and  to 
reduce  the  principal  as  rapidly  as  possible.  There  was  the  great 
difficulty,  however,  that  a  considerable  portion  of  it  was  irredeemable, 
that  is,  it  ran  for  long  terms,  some  in  the  form  of  annuities,  and  could 
neither  be  paid  nor -the  interest  diminished  without  the  consent  of 


THE  FIRST  HANOVERIAN,   GEORGE  I  469 

the  creditors.  In  1711  Harley  had  funded  £0,500,000  of  the  floating 
debt  by  the  creation  of  the  South  Sea  Company,  which  assumed  the 
position  of  creditor  in  return  for  certain  trading  monopolies.  In 
1717  two  schemes,  devised  by  Walpole,  were  carried  into  effect  by 
Stanhope  for  reducing  the  interest  on  a  limited  ajmount  of  the  debt 
and  for  buying  up  the  debts  of  a  few  of  those  who  refused  to  accept 
a  lower  rate.  But  there  still  remained  over  £30,000,000  which  the 
Government  was  anxious  to  group  into  a  single  fund,  yielding  only  the 
market  rate  and  redeemable  at  will. 

The  Company  Takes  Over  the  Debt  (1720).  —  Since  the  South  Sea 
Company  desired  to  increase  its  capital,  an  arrangement  was  suggested 
whereby  the  holders  of  the  outstanding  debt  should  be  paid  in  shares 
of  the  Company.  Thus  the  Government  was  to  have  one  creditor 
—  a  joint  stock  company  —  instead  of  many.  It  was  to  pay  the 
company  5  per  cent  till  1727,  and,  from  that  date,  4  per  cent  until  the 
principal  should  be  finally  paid,  also  to  pay  a  liberal  annual  stipend 
for  handling  the  business.  The  plan  looked  so  tempting  that  other 
companies  clamored  for  a  share.  Accordingly,  they  were  given  a 
chance  to  bid.  The  Bank  of  England  proved  to  be  the  leading  com- 
petitor, but  the  South  Sea  Company  won  by  agreeing  to  pay  a  bonus 
of  £7,500,000.  Since  no  money  was  received  from  those  who  took 
stock  in  exchange  for  annuities,  funds  had  to  be  raised  to  pay  the 
bonus  as  well  as  to  satisfy  such  creditors  as  refused  to  accept  stock. 
At  first,  all  went  well,  most  of  the  annuitants  accepted  the  Company's 
terms,  and  over  £5,000,000  were  subscribed  in  cash  for  new  shares. 
But  the  arrangement  resulted  in  disaster.  In  the  first  place,  the 
Company  had  paid  for  more  than  it  got,  moreover,  it  burdened  itself 
by  the  creation  of  additional  blocks  of  stock  which  it  actually  gave 
away  to  influential  members  of  the  Government  and  Court  favorites, 
while,  worse  than  all,  the  project  fostered  a  fever  of  speculation  which 
was  taking  possession  of  the  country.  There  was  much  money  ac- 
cumulating with  few  legitimate  means  of  investing  it.  Before  this 
speculative  bubble  burst,  it  had  soared  to  dizzy  heights.  By  August, 
1720,  the  shares  of  the  Company,  which  stood  at  £130  during  the 
previous  winter,  had  risen  to  £1000.  In  spite  of  a  royal  proclamation 
against  "  mischievous  and  dangerous  undertakings  .  .  .  presuming  " 
to  raise  "  stocks  and  shares  without  legal  authority  "  all  sorts  of 
schemes  sprang  up  like  Jonah's  gourd,  and  the  offices  in  Change  Alley 
became  so  crowded  that  clerks  had  to  transact  business  in  the  streets. 
Some  were  legitimate  projects:  for  manufactures,  paving,  water 
works  and  the  like ;  but  most  cf  them  were  absurd :  for  fishing  up 
wrecks  from  off  the  Irish  coast;  making  salt  water  fresh;  securing 


470     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

oil  from  sunflower  seeds;  for  a  wheel  of  perpetual  motion;  and 
most  amazing  of  all,  for  "  an  undertaking  in  due  time  to  be  revealed." 
Before  long  it  was  estimated  that  £300,000,000  was  invested,  largely 
in  crazy  ventures. 

The  Bursting  of  the  South  Sea  Bubble.  —  People's  eyes  were  only 
opened  when  the  South  Sea  Company,  bent  on  monopolizing  all  the 
gain,  began  to  prosecute  certain  of  its  bogus  rivals.  It  won  the  suits, 
but  at  the  same  time  gave  a  shock  to  public  confidence  which  led  to 
its  own  downfall.  Shareholders  began  eagerly  to  offer  their  bonds 
for  sale,  and  speedily  came  to  realize  the  difference  between  paper 
promises  and  solid  gain.  By  September,  the  Company's  shares 
fell  to  £300,  when  news  from  France  brought  the  crisis  to  a  head. 
This  was  the  flight  of  John  Law,  a  Scotch  adventurer  who  had  set 
all  Paris  wild  with  his  financial  schemes,  particularly  his  "  Indian 
Company  "  for  controlling  the  trade  of  the  Mississippi.  The  rage 
of  the  disillusioned  speculators  flamed  out  against  those  to  whose 
promises  they  had  listened  all  too  readily.  "  The  very  name  of  a 
South  Sea  Man  "  grew  "  abominable."  Resentment  spread  to  the 
Court  iavorites,  to  the  Ministry,  even  to  the  King  himself,  and 
stocks  fell  to  £135. 

The  End  of  the  Stanhope  Ministry  and  the  Settlement  of  the  Com- 
pany's Affairs.  —  When  Parliament  met,  the  directors  of  the  Com- 
pany were  ordered  to  lay  a  full  account  of  their  proceedings  before  the 
Houses :  also  bills  were  passed  obliging  them  to  declare  on  oath  the 
value  of  their  estates,  prohibiting  them  from  leaving  the  Kingdom, 
and  offering  rewards  to  informers.  A  committee  of  inquiry  was  ap- 
pointed in  the  Commons,  while  several  of  the  directors  were  examined 
in  the  Lords.  The  excitement  was  intense.  Stanhope  in  the  midst 
of  a  speech  was  attacked  by  a  rush  of  blood  to  the  head,  and  died  the 
next  day.  Townshend  replaced  him  as  Secretary.  The  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  deeply  involved  in  the  recent  speculations,  resigned ; 
Walpole  was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy,  and  shortly  after  became 
First  Lord  of  the  Treasury  as  well.  The  committee  report  disclosed 
a  mass  of  corruption,  notably,  that  £500,000  of  fictitious  stock  had 
been  distributed  among  certain  Ministers  and  favorites.  Various 
resignations  and  removals  followed.  The  directors  suffered  heavily ; 
they  were  disabled  from  holding  office  or  from  sitting  in  Parliament, 
and  their  estates,  amounting  to  £2,000,000,  were  appropriated  for  the 
unfortunate  investors.  Petitions  poured  in  and  pamphlets  multi- 
plied in  which  they  were  denounced  as  "  monsters  of  pride  and  cov- 
etousness,"  "  cannibals  of  Change  Alley,"  and  not  a  few  demanded 
that  they  be  hanged.  Yet  the  people  were,  in  no  small  degree,  to 


THE   FIRST   HANOVERIAN,   GEORGE  I  471 

blame  for  their  eagerness  to  make  money ;  certainly,  in  spite  of  the 
bribery  of  those  in  high  places,  the  Government  had  never  guaranteed 
the  credit  of  the  Company.  Before  the  inquiry  was  completed,  Robert 
Walpole,  to  whom  all  eyes  were  turned,  had  proposed  a  scheme  for 
restoring  the  public  credit.  While  he  had  bought  South  Sea  stock 
and  had  sold  out  at  enormous  profit,  he  had  been  so  fortunate  as  to 
be  out  of  office  when  the  Government  had  made  its  arrangements  with 
the  Company.  By  his  advice,  the  bonus  which  the  latter  had  agreed 
to  pay  was  practically  remitted,  its  liabilities  were  settled,  and  what 
remained  of  the  capital  stock,  about  33  per  cent,  was  divided  among 
the  proprietors. 

The  Beginning  of  Walpole's  Ascendancy.  His  Strength  and 
Achievements.  —  Walpole  now  became  chief  Minister,1  a  position 
which  he  retained  for  over  twenty  years.  The  Tory  party  was  handi- 
capped by  being  more  or  less  identified  with  the  cause  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Pretender  and  rebellion;  but  the  Whig  ascendancy  would 
not  have  been  so  easily  maintained  had  it  not  been  for  the  great 
abilities  of  their  leader  as  an  administrator  and  as  a  party  and  parlia- 
mentary manager.  -Jle  was  not  a  man  of  ideals,  neither  was  he  strik- 
ingly brilliant  or  original,  but  he  was  essentially  sane  .and  efficient} 
His  services  to  his  country  were  many  and  great.  (^He  established 
the  Hanoverian  succession  on  a  secure  foundation ;  he  gave  England 
twenty  years  of  peace  and  prosperity ;  he  softened  the  bitterness  of 
political  and  ecclesiastical  faction,  and  raised  the  House  of  Commons 
to  the  leading  position  in  the  State.  Remaining  master  of  that  body, 
he  at  the  same  tune  gained  a  firm  hold  on  the  confidence  of  two 
successive  Kings,  an  achievement  all  the  more  remarkable  from  the 
fact  that  he  aimed  to  keep  clear  of  foreign  complications,  while  both 
George  I  and  George  II  were  primarily  interested  in  Continental 
affairs,  and  while  the  latter  had  a  consuming  ambition  for  military 
glory.  Walpole  was  so  economical  that  George  I  declared  that  he 
"  could  make  gold  from  nothing."  j\  typical  squire,  he  worked-for 
the  support  of  the  landed  gentry,  and  had  their  strong  support; 
but  he  held  the  commercial  classes  to  him  as  well,  by  his  knowl- 
edge of  trade  and  finance,  and  his  furtherance  of  their  interests.  He 
was  a  strict  party  disciplinarian  who  would  brook  no  opposition  in 
Cabinet  or  in  Parliament,  but  he  showed  a  deference  to  public  opinion 
rare  up  to  that  time,  and  which  marks  him  as  the  forerunner  of  the 
modern  Minister. 

His  Faults  and  Limitations.  —  Yet,  while  Walpole's  merits  and 
services  were  great,  they  were  counterbalanced  by  decided  faults  and 
1  Townshend  confined  himself  almost  solely  to  foreign  affairs. 


472     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

limitations,  some  of  which  were  typical  of  the  age  and  of  his  class. 
He  was  coarse  in  his  conversation  and  loose  in  his  private  life.  Al- 
though he  had  the  welfare  of  his  country  at  heart  and  was  faithful  to 
his  Sovereign  and  never  enriched  himself  at  the  public  expense,(he 
was  greedy  of  power,  he  was  unscrupulous  in  his  party  tactics,  and 
utterly  lacking  in  any  high  sense  of  honor";!  he  made  no  effort  to  se- 
cure the  passage  of  measures,  however  wormy,  that  might  endanger 
his  ascendancy,1  and  he  finished  his  career  by  offering  to  give  up 
his  cherished  policy  of  peace  in  order  to  remain  at  the  head  of  affairs. 
He  preferred  to  be  served  by  those  men  of  mediocre  attainments  and 
low  standards  of  conduct  who  obeyed  his  will,  and  repelled  gifted 
and  high-minded  men  who  might  become  his  rivals.  Then,  too,  his 
influence  on  the  younger  generation  of  statesmen  was  baneful:  he 
scoffed  at  ideals  of  purity  and  patriotism,  scornfully  labeling  those 
who  professed  them  as  "  Spartans,"  "  Romans,"  and  "  Saints." 
Patronage  was  to  be  regarded  as  legitimate  for  along  time  to  come,  and 
Walpole  used  it  openly  and  effectively;  but  the  extent  to  which  he 
employed  money  bribes  for  corrupting  members  of  Parliament  has 
never  been  proved.  In  all  likelihood,  however,  it  was  great.  Unfortu- 
nately, the  practice  did  not  begin  or  end  with  him.  Nevertheless, 
this  fact  remains  true  that,  during  the  long  period  of  his  ascendancy, 
he  discouraged  the  cooperation  of  the  nobler  spirits,  and  not  only  did 
nothing  to  raise  but  much  to  depress  the  already  low  state  of  public 
morality.  This  must  not  be  forgotten  in  giving  him  due  credit  for 
his  great  services  in  the  material  development  of  his  country. 

Death  of  George  I  (3  September,  1727).  — Aside  from  an  abortive 
project  to  coin  halfpence  for  Ireland  on  terms  which  the  inquiet 
genius  of  Swift,  in  his  famous  "Drapier  Letters,"  magnified  into  a 
great  oppression,  the  chief  problems  for  the  remainder  of  the  reign 
centered  in  foreign  affairs.  Spain,  bent  on  recovering  Gibraltar,  and 
infuriated  because  the  Infanta,  betrothed  to  Louis  XV,  had  been 
repudiated  for  the  daughter  of  the  deposed  King  of  Poland,  made  a 
strenuous  effort  to  come  to  terms  with  the  Emperor,  to  detach  him 
from  his  alliance  with  France  and  Great  Britain,  and  to  stir  up  the 
Jacobites.  George  succeeded  in  checkmating  these  moves,  but  the 
situation  remained  tense.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  he  died 
of  an  apoplectic  fit  on  his  way  to  Hanover,  3  June,  1727.  He  left  the 
country  united  at  home  and  powerful  abroad.  The  dangers  due  to 
disputed  succession  had  been  averted,  and  the  leading  position  which 
the  genius  of  William  and  Marlborough  had  secured  in  European 
affairs  had  been  not  only  maintained  but  increased.  England  was 
1  His  motto  was  quieta  non  movere,  do  not  stir  up  unnecessary  strife. 


THE  FIRST  HANOVERIAN,   GEORGE  I  473 

the  guiding  spirit  in  Continental  politics,  her  fleets  dominated  the 
Mediterranean  and  the  Baltic,  and  she  had  frustrated  the  menacing 
combination  of  Spain  and  Austria. 

The  Material  Bases  of  the  Hanoverian  Power.  —  The  power  of  the 
first  Hanoverian  King  rested  on  material  bases  —  the  Riot  Act,  the 
standing  army,  the  attachment  of  the  moneyed  classes,  and  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Whig  party,  with  a  vast  amount  of  patronage  at  its 
disposal  and  effectively  led  by  Walpole,  a  master  of  the  art  of  parlia- 
mentary management  and  corruption.  As  a  further  means  of  secur- 
ing its  tenure  of  power,  the  dominant  regime  made  every  effort  to  dis- 
credit its  Tory  opponents  by  identifying  them  with  Jacobitism  and  all 
its  dire  consequences  —  the  overthrow  of  the  existing  dynasty,  the 
restoration  of  Roman  Catholicism,  and  the  repudiation  of  the  National 
Debt.  George  recognized  that  he  owed  his  position  to  Whig  support. 
Partly  for  this  reason  and  partly  because  of  his  ignorance  of  the 
English  language  and  English  ways,  he  gave  the  Whig  leaders,  espe- 
cially Walpole,  practically  a  free  hand  in  matters  of  domestic  concern. 
His  Hanoverian  favorites,  while  they  enriched  themselves  at  the 
public  expense,  exercised  little  real  control  over  public  policy.  In 
consequence  of  the  attitude  which  the  King  felt  himself  forced  to 
adopt,  he  lost  the  advantage  of  playing  off  one.  party  against  another ; 
but  the  growth  of  the  Cabinet  and  the  power  of  Parliament  was 
greatly  fostered.  Although  the  King  was  strong  in  the  strength  of 
the  party  supporting,  him,  the  old  sentiment  and  respect  for  the 
Monarch  had  declined.  The  title  of  the  new  line  was  parliamentary 
and  the  idea  of  Divine  Right  was  fast  fading  away.  The  Whigs 
repudiated  it ;  the  Hanoverian  Tories  could  not  consistently  maintain 
it,  while  the  Jacobites,  its  most  enthusiastic  advocates,  refused  to 
acknowledge  the  reigning  Sovereign.  Furthermore,  there  was  no 
reverend  dignity  about  George  to  command  exaggerated  King  wor- 
ship. At  his  Court  all  pomp,  ceremony,  and  superstitious  reverence 
was  done  away  with ;  he  was  not  like  his  predecessors  served  on  the 
knee  at  meals,  and,  with  his  accession,  touching  for  the  "  King's 
evil "  ceased.  » 

The  Character  of  the  Age.  —  The  age  was  one  of  coarseness  in 
private  life  and  of  indifference  to  high  ideals,  and  there  was  much 
corruption  and  venality.  One  Lord  Chancellor  was  impeached  for 
financial  irregularities ;  three  members  of  the  Ministry  were  involved 
in  the  South  Sea  Scandals ;  favors  and  support  were  bought  and  sold ; 
many,  even  in  high  office,  engaged  in  the  treasonable  negotiations 
with  the  Pretender;  and  not  a  few  took  oaths  which  they  did  not 
believe  for  the  sake  of  getting  and  holding  places?  Yet  it  is  to  be 


474     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

doubted  whether  the  tone  of  patriotism  or  sense  of  public  obligation 
was  lower  than  during  the  past  two  reigns,  and  peace,  material  prog- 
ress, and  the  growth  of  enlightened  public  opinion  were  preparing  the 
way  for  better  things. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative  and  Constitutional.  See  works  cited  in  ch.  XXXVIII.  Also, 
C.  G.  Robertson,  England  under  the  Hanoverians  (1911);  Lord  Mahon 
(Earl  Stanhope),  History  of  England  from  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  to  the  Peace 
of  Versailles  (4th  ed.,  1853,  7  vols.). 

Biography.  W.  Coxe,  Memoirs  of  the  Life  and  Administration  of  Sir 
Robert  Walpole  (3  vols.,  1798).  J.  Morley  (Viscount),  Sir  Robert  Walpole 
(1889),  an  excellent  sketch. 

Special.  G.  B.  Hertz,  British  Imperialism  in  the  Eighteenth  Century 
(1908).  J.  F.  Chance,  George  I,  and  the  Great  Northern  War  (1909).  A.  W. 
Ward,  Great  Britain  and  Hanover  (1899).  Thackeray's  Four  Georges  is 
worth  reading  chiefly  for  its  literary  charm. 

Church.  Overton  and  Relton,  The  English  Church,  1714-1800  (1906). 
For  other  references  see  Chapter  XXXVIII  above. 

Selections  from  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  246-248.  Robertson, 
pt.  I,  XXV-XXVIII. 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE  ASCENDANCY  AND  FALL  OF  WALPOLE  AND  THE  OPENING  OF 
A  NEW  ERA  OF  WAR.  THE  FIRST  PART  OF  THE  REIGN  OF 
GEORGE  H  (1727-1748) 

George  II  as  Man  and  King.  —  George  II,  who  was  born  in  Han- 
over in  1683,  was  a  mature  man  when  he  accompanied  his  father  to 
England  in  1714.  Adapting  himself  with  considerable  readiness  to 
his  new  surroundings,  he  was  able  to  achieve  some  popularity  and  to 
attract  around  him  a  considerable  party  of  supporters  which  only 
widened  the  breach  already  opened  between  him  and  the  elder  George. 
The  new  King  was  a  dapper  little  man,  vain,  pompous,  and  fond  of 
the  show  of  power.  Also  he  was  madly  ambitious  to  shine  as  a 
general;  though,  while  he  fought  bravely  in  more  than  one  battle, 
he  never  showed  any  military  ability.  His  temper  was  very  gusty ; 
yet  he  was  very  methodical,  fond  of  detail,  and  had  considerable 
capacity  for  routine  business.  Though  avarice,  or  at  least  extreme 
thriftiness,  was  one  of  his  marked  traits,  he  died  comparatively  poor, 
which  has  led  to  the  conclusion  that  he  must  have  spent  much  on  his 
Hanoverian  dominions.  In  foreign  policy  he  was  an  opportunist 
without  consistency  of  purpose,  though,  in  general,  he  put  Hanoverian 
and_  Imperial  before  English  interests.  In  domestic  politics  he  was 
timid  and  cautious,  except  for  occasional  outburst,  of  choler.  Yet  his 
lack  of  political  courage  led  to  a  moderation  and  prudence  of  conduct 
which  had  a  most  happy  effect  on  the  growth  of  the  constitutional 
government ;  during  his  whole  reign  he  never  once  invaded  the  rights 
of  the  subjects,  or  sought  to  reassert  the  declining  royal  prerogative. 
Moreover,  in  the  midst  of  George's  faults,  two  virtues  stand  out 
conspicuously  —  petty,  spiteful,  and  ungracious  as  he  was,  he  was  abso- 
lutely a  man  of  his  word,  and,  though  he  gave  his  confidence  grudg- 
ingly, he  never  withdrew  it  from  a  Minister  who  proved  worthy. 

Queen  Caroline  (1683-1737).  —  In  1705  he  married  Caroline  of 
Anspach,  fondly  known  as  "  Caroline  the  Good."  Though  he  neg- 
lected and  abused  her,  she  gained  such  an  ascendancy  over  him  that 

475 


476     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

she  and  Walpole  came  to  be  regarded  as  "  the  King's  two  ears." 
Patient  and  gracious,  she  was  gifted  with  a  keen  sense  of  humor  and 
uncommon  tact ;  understanding  her  Consort  thoroughly,  she  realized 
that  he  could  be  easily  led  but  never  driven.  Her  death  in  1737  was 
a  sad  loss  to  the  country. 

The  Strength  of  Walpole's  Government.  —  Again  at  the  accession 
of  George  II,  the  Pretender,  who  nourished  hopes  from  a  change  of 
dynasty,  was  doomed  to  disappointment.  There  was  a  noisy  oppo- 
sition in  Parliament,  which  Bolingbroke  helped  to  organize,1  made 
up  of  discontented  Whigs,  Jacobites,  and  Hanoverian  Tories,  who 
called  themselves  the  "  Patriots  " ;  but  they  were  too  divided  in  their 
personal  and  political  interests  to  pull  strongly  together.  Outside, 
the  Government  was  fiercely  assailed  in  the  Craftsman  —  a  bril- 
liantly written  sheet  —  and  other  weekly  periodicals  as  well  as  in 
pamphlets  and  ballads,  though  to  little  practical  effect.  The  speeches 
of  the  Opposition  speakers  were  prevented  from  circulating  by  Parlia- 
ment's jealous  refusal  to  allow  its  debates  to  be  printed,  and  Walpole's 
peaceful,  businesslike  administration  made  for  prosperity  and  con- 
tentment among  the  influential  classes.  Moreover,  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle,  a  Secretary  of  State  for  thirty  years,  was,  in  spite  of  his 
apparent  fussy  ineffectiveness  and  his  absurd  timidity,  an  adroit 
political  manager,  and  by  his  vast  control  of  patronage,  pensions,  and 
boroughs,  held  Parliament  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand. 

Walpole  becomes  Prime  and  Sole  Minister.  —  Not  only  was 
Walpole  able  to  frustrate  attacks  in  Parliament,  but  he  managed  to 
make  himself  supreme  in  the  Cabinet,  thus  becoming  the  first  "  Prime 
Minister  "  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term,  though  the  name  was 
first  applied  to  him  by  his  enemies.  His  brother-in-law,  Townshend, 
who,  since  his  return  to  office  in  1721,  had  devoted  himself  exclusively 
to  foreign  affairs,  resigned,  16  May,  1730,  and  retired  to  his  estates. 
One  or  two  measures  of  reform  were  carried  in  the  years  immediately 
following.  In  1731  it  was  provided,  in  spite  of  stout  opposition 
from  many  lawyers  and  judges,  that  the  proceedings  in  the  courts  of 
justice  should  henceforth  be  in  English  instead  of  Latin.  "  Our 
prayers,"  urged  one  eloquent  advocate,  "  are  in  our  native  tongue, 
that  they  may  be  intelligible,  and  why  should  not  the  laws  wherein 
our  lives  and  properties  are  concerned  be  so  for  the  same  reason  ?  " 

Walpole's  Excise  (1733).  —  The  Government  was  at  theheightof  it? 
popularity  when  Walpole  introduced  an  excise  scheme  in  1733  which, 
in  spite  of  its  obvious  merits,  roused  such  a  howl  of  opposition  that 

1  Although  he  was  allowed  to  return  to  the  country  in  1723,  he  was  still  excluded 
from  the  House  of  Lords  and  lived  at  some  distance  from  London. 


THE  ASCENDANCY  AND   FALL  OF  WALPOLE  477 

he  bowed  to  the  storm  and  abandoned  the  measure.  j_As  a  means  of 
strengthening  himself  in  the  support  of  the  county  aristocracy  he 
reduced  the  land  tax  from  two  shillings  in  the  pound  to  one,  which 
obliged  him  to  resort^  to  various  substitutes.  A  measure  to  impose 
an  internal  tax  on  salt,  which  bore  rather  heavily  on  the  poorer  class, 
was  carried  by  a  small  majority.  When  this  proved  inadequate, 
Walpole  introduced  a  measure  providing  that,  in  the  case  of  tobacco 
and  wine,  the  customs  duty  at  the  ports  should  be  abolished  and 
that,  in  its  placeTan  excise  should  be  imposed  on  retail  traders.  At 
the  same  time,  goods  bonded  for  reexport  were  to  be  warehoused  free 
of  duty r\  The  plan  had  much  to  commend  it.  It  would  do  away 
with  smuggling  in  these  commodities,  which  prevailed  to  such  an 
extent  that  £500,000  a  year  was  lost  out,  of  a  possible  £750,000. 
Moreover,  prices  were  not  raised,  while,  by  the  warehousing  provision, 
London  would  become  a  free  port  and  the  center  of  the  world's 
markets. 

The  Opposition  and  Withdrawal  of  the  Measure.  —  At  once,  how- 
ever, the  Opposition  fomented  an  indignation  which  spread  through- 
out the  land.  The  excise  was  denounced  as  a  "  many-headed  monster, 
which  was  to  devour  the  people,"  *  and  as  a  'f  plan  of  arbitrary  power? 
The  number  of /"collectors  required  was  magnified  into  a  standing 
army  who  would  be  employed  as  creatures  of  the  Government  to 
control  elections,  while  the  right  to  enter  and  search  places  where 
goods  were  stored  was  condemned  as  an  inquisitorial  attack  on 
liberty.']  There  was  certainly  good  ground  for  objecting  to  the  increase 
of  placemen;  but  the  number  required  was  only  126,  and  they  were 
to  have  power  to  search  only  shops  and  warehouses,  not  private 
dwellings.  These  assurances,  however,  fell  on  deaf  ears.  During 
the  debates  crowds  surged  about  the  Parliament  House  threatening 
-and  yelling.  Pamphlets  multiplied,  and  petitions  poured  in  from  all 
quarters.  "  The  public  was  so  heated  "  that  rebellion  was  threatened. 
While  he  still  had  a  small  though  decreasing  majority  for  his  bill, 
JValpole,  yielding  to  the  popular  clamor,  quietly  withdrew  it";]  for  he 
regarded^  it  as  impolitic  to  cross  the  will  of  the  people,  even  for  their 
good.  I  Toward  his  colleagues  who  opposed  him  he  took  a  different 
attitude"7~depriving  them  of  their  offices  at  Court  or  of  their  com- 
missions in  the  army.!  Some  might  regard  this  as  a  "  monstrous 
piece  of  resentment, 'Him  t  Walpole,  by  thus  punishing  men  in  official 

1  So  late  as  1755  Dr.  Johnson,  in  the  first  edition  of  his  famous  Dictionary,  de- 
nned an  excise  as  "hateful  tax  levied  upon  commodities,  and  adjudged  not  by 
common  judges  of  property,  but  by  wretches  hired  by  those  to  whom  the  excise 
is  paid." 


478     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

position  who  opposed  a  Government  measure,  took  a  long  step  in  the 
direction  of  party  unity  under  the  chief  of  the  Cabinet. 

Quarrels  between  George  II  and  Prince  Frederick.  —  All  the 
while,  Walpole  had  to  face  scathing  attacks  from  the  Patriots,  who 
denounced  him  as  "  a  man  abandoned  to  all  notions  of  virtue  and 
honor  .  .  .  afraid  or  unwilling  to  trust  any  but  creatures  of  his  own 
making  .  .  .  with  a  Parliament  of  his  own  making,  most  of  their 
seats  purchased,  and  their  votes  bought  at  the  public  expense." 
However,  he  managed  after  great  exertion  —  spending,  it  is  said, 
£60,000  of  his  private  fortune  —  to  win  a  good,  though  decreased 
majority  for  the  Parliament  of  1735.  Bolingbroke  in  despair  left 
the  country.  Although  he  returned  later,  he  never  again  mingled 
actively  in  party  politics.  After  the  withdrawal  of  the  old  Tory 
chief,  the  Opposition  began  to  center  about  Frederick,  Prince  of  Wales, 
who  was  engaged  in  constant  quarrels  with  his  royal  father.  JThis 
estrangement  between  father  and  son,  unedifying  as  it  was,  was 
really  a  source  of  strength  to  the  dynasty,  for  many  of  the  Tories  who 
had  only  seen  a  way  to  power  through  the  Stuarts  now  began  to  fix 
their  hopes  on  Frederick." 

Troubles  with  Spain.  —  The  death  of  Queen  Caroline,  20  November, 
1737,  deprived  Walpole  of  his  stanchest  supporter.  He  kept  his 
office  over  four  years  longer;  but  his  peace  policy,  more  and  more 
fiercely  assailed,  at  length  broke  down.  Even  the  King,  while  he 
refused  to  accept  his  resignation,  constantly  thwarted  his  foreign 
negotiations  in  order  to  force  him  into  a  warlike  attitude.  In  the 
end  he  yielded  to  the  clamors  of  the  Opposition,  but  too  late  to  save 
his  place.  The  trouble  started  with  Spain.  There  were  several 
^causes  of  friction,  but  the  most  acute  and  important  concerned  trade 
relations,  rising  from  the  determination  of  the  English  to  break  down 
the  colonial  monopoly  to  which  the  Spanish  clung  so  jealously. 
Though  withdrawn  for  a  time,  the  commercial  concessions  made  to 
England  by  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  had  been  later  renewed ;  but  each 
nation  was  allowed  the  right  to  search  and  the  seizure  of  contraband 
goods.  While  the  Spanish  exercised  their  rights  with  rigor  and 
cruelty,  the  English,  to  the  total  disregard  of  treaty  obligations,  were 
guiltv^>f  shameless  smu^ling-  Fleets  were  constantly  putting  into 
Spanish- American  ports  under  pretense  of  refitting,  really  to  buy 
and  sell  goods.  Others  lay  off  shore  where  they  were  visited  by 
hosts  of  illicit  traders.  The  one  ship  allowed  by  the  Asiento  was 
moored  a  short  distance  from  the  coast  and  continually  loaded  and 
unloaded.  Cases  of  violence  and  indignities  which  English  seamen 
suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  coast-guard  were  indignantly 


THE  ASCENDANCY  AND   FALL  OF  WALPOLE  479 

emphasized,  while  the  violations  of  the  law  which  called  them  forth 
were  veiled  in  discreet  silence!*)  The  ungracious  delay  of  the  Court 
at  Madrid  in  redressing  actual  grievances  only  added  fuel  to  the 
flames. 

The  Case  of  Jenkins's  Ear  (1738).  —  Parliament  was  flooded  with 
petitions  from  the  merchants  demanding  redress.  Sailors  were  posted 
in  the  Exchange,  exhibiting  specimens  of  the  loathsome  food  they  had 
to  eat  in  Spanish  dungeons.  Some,  brought  before  the  bar  of  the 
Commons,  told  their  stories  in  minute  and  harrowing  detail.  While 
there  was  some  truth  in  what  they  said,  they  were  not  examined  under 
oath.  Moreover,  they  were  encouraged  by  partisan  zeal,  even  by 
bribes,  to  exaggerate  and  invent.  The  tale  of  a  shipmaster,  Robert 
Jenkins,  related  in  March,  1738,  aroused  the  chief  interest.  Accord- 
ing to  his  account,  his  ship  had  been  boarded,  9  April,  1731,  by  a  body 
of  the  Spanish  coast-guard,  and  the  captain  had  cut  off  one  of  his 
ears.  He  produced  as  evidence  the  severed  member,  which  he  had 
carried  wrapped  in  cotton,  ever  since.  In  reply  to  the  question  as  to 
what  he  had  done,  he  replied :  "  I  commended  my  soul  to  God  and 
my  cause  to  my  country."  While  this  stirring  phrase,  which  became 
famous,  was  very  likely  coined  for  him,  it  is  now  believed  that  he 
lost  his  ear  in  the  manner  he  described,  and  not  in  the  pillory  as  some 
have  hinted.  With  a  number  even  of  his  own  colleagues  against 
him,  Walpole  struggled  in  vain  to  stem  the  swelling  tide  of  anti- 
Spanish  opposition.  The  cry  of  "no  search  "  ran  "  from  the  sailor 
to  the  merchant,  from  the  merchant  to  the  Parliament,"  and  the 
Lords  carried  a  resolution  denying  the  right. 

Walpole  Forced  to  Declare  War  (23  October,  1739).  —  The  Prime 
Minister,  while  admitting  that  the  English  merchants  and  sailors 
had  grievances,  still  hoped  to  settle  them  by  treaty.  At  the  same 
time,  he  sought  to  put  pressure  on  the  Court  at  Madrid  by  prepara- 
tions for  war.  In  consequence,  the  Spanish  released  several  prizes 
and  captives,  and  signed  ^Convention  by  which  they  agreed  to  pay 
£95,000  damages  to  English  merchants.  When  it  became  known 
that  no  provision  had  been  made  to  limit  the  right  of  search,  to  pun- 
ish those  who  had  inflicted  cruelities  on  English  sailors,  or  to  settle 
other  outstanding  questions,  the  Convention  was  furiously  denounced?] 
Walpole  in  his  defense  declared  in  words  which  have  become  famous : 
"  Any  peace  is  preferable  even  to  successful  war."  In  spite  of  French 
efforts  to  mediate,  Walpole  finally  realized  that  he  must  either  de- 
clare war  or  resign.  So  he  framed  a  series  of  demands,  including 
absolute  renunciation  of  the  right  of  search,  immediate  payment  of 
the  £95,000  fixed  by  the  Convention,  and  an  express  acknowledgment 


480     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

of  British  claims  in  North  America.  When  the  Spanish  rejected 
the  ultimatum,  war  was  declared,  23  October,  1739. 

Walpole  and  the  War.  —  Regardless  of  the  prosperity  which  they 
had  enjoyed  during  the  long  years  of  peace,  the  English  people,  antici- 
pating much  plunder  and  an  easy  victory,  went  mad  with  joy.  "  They 
may  ring  bells  now,"  murmured  Walpole  ;  "  before  long  they  will  be 
wringing  their  hands."  He  foresaw,  as  the  country  at  large  did  not, 
the  dangers  involved  in  the  course  so  jauntily  entered  upon.  He 
knew  that  France  and  Spain  had  allied  themselves  in  a  Family  Com- 
pact in  1733,  and,  although  the  French  had  striven  for  peace,  they  were 
bound  sooner  or  later  to  make  common  cause  with  Spain.  More- 
over, the  Jacobites  were  again  active,  and,  as  events  soon  showed, 
were  to  prove  a  serious  menace.  While  the  responsibility  for  stir- 
ring the  national  resentment  to  a  war  fever  rests  with  the  Opposition, 
Walpole  must  be  blamed  for  yielding  that  he  might  cling  to  office. 
Possibly  he  felt  that,  if  a  conflict  were  inevitable,  he  was  more  capable 
of  bringing  it  to  a  successful  conclusion  than  any  other  man  of  the 
time  ; (still  there  is  no  doubt  that  love  of  power  warped  his  judgment, 
and  he  made  the  supreme  mistake  of  his  lif e  in  undertaking  to  carry 
on  a  war  which  he  believed  was  neither  just  nor  expedient.  In  vain 
the  once  domineering  Minister  made  concessions,  for  his  old  opponents 
and  the  "  Boy  Patriots  "  whom  they  had  trained  were  bent  on  driv- 
ing him  out.  Against  this  formidable  combination  he  had  to  fight 
practically  alone,  since  he  had  on  his  side  only  men  of  mediocre  at- 
tainments or  damaged  character.  Thus  he  paid  the  penalty  for  his 
jealousy  of  rivals  in  office. 

The  War  of  Jenkins's  Ear  (1739-1741).  —  Meantime,  19  July, 
1739,  three  months  before  the  war  was  formally  declared,  Admiral 
Vernon  was  sent  to  the  Spanish-American  waters  with  instructions 
"  to  destroy  the  Spanish  settlements  and  to  distress  their  shipping." 
On  21  November  he  took  by  assault  Porto  Bello  on  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama,  an  important  station  for  fitting  out  the  guarda-costas  or 
revenue  cutters.  But  his  triumph  was  offset  two  years  later,  when, 
with  a  great  fleet  and  a  large  army,  his  attempt  to  capture  Carta- 
gena, "  the  strongest  place  in  Spanish  America,"  resulted  in  disastrous 
failure. 

The  Opening  of  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession  (1740).  —  On 
20  October,  1740,  the  Emperor  Charles  VI  died.  Having  no  sons, 
he  had,  by  the  so-called  Pragmatic  Sanction,1  provided  that  his  Aus- 
trian lands  should  descend  to  his  eldest  daughter,  Maria  Theresa, 

1  A  term  of  various  meanings,  among  others,  an  arrangement  made  by  a  ruler 
for  settling  the  succession  of  his  family  lands. 


married  to  Francis,  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  England,  who  had 
pledged  herself  in  1725  to  accept  this  arrangement,  at  once  found  her 
conflict  with  Spain  merged  into  a  grave  European  complication,  the 
War  of  the  Austrian  Succession.  Various  male  members  of  the 
Hapsburg  House  set  up  a  claim  to  the  family  inheritance,1  but  at 
length  united  to  support  the  pretensions  of  Charles  Albert  of  Bavaria. 
At  the  same  time  a  new  Power  loomed  up  in  the  horizon.  Frederick, 
known  to  history  as  "  The  Great,"  who  had  succeeded  to  the  throne 
of  Prussia  the  previous  May,  advanced  a  claim  to  a  portion  of  the 
Austrian  province  of  Silesia  with  the  ultimate  intention  of  absorbing 
the  whole.  [^Frederick,  a  grim  and  ruthless  figure,  proved  to  be  a 
military  genius,  a  statesman  and  an  administrator  of  the  first  rank!) 
Strengthened  by  the  financial  resources  and  the  standing  army  built 
up  by  his  testy,  avaricious,  and  eccentric  father,  Frederick  William, 
he  succeeded  by  an  amazing  clarity  of  vision,  by  sleepless  vigilance, 
and  by  unremitting  perseverance  and  toil  in  perfecting  a  model  State 
of  the  despotic  type  and  forcing  it  into  the  front  rank  of  European 
Powers.  In  the  conflict  which  he  now  entered  he  allied  himself  with 
France,  Spain,  Bavaria,  and  Saxony,  and£the  first  two  Silesian  wars 
(1740-1742  and  1744-1745)  proved  to  be  significant  factors  in  the 
general  war  of  the  Austrian  Succession.?  Hard  beset  by  a  Prussian 
army  in  Silesia  and  by  a  combined  French,  Bavarian,  and  Saxon  army 
in  Bohemia,  the  young  Maria  Theresa  was  confronted  with  a  gloomy 
prospect.  At  Frankfort,  14  February,  1742,  Charles  Albert  was  elected 
Emperor  under  the  title  of  Charles  VII. 

The  Fall  of  Walpole  (1742).  — With  the  new  turn  of  affairs  on  the 
Continent  the  attacks  against  Walpole  increased  in  intensity.  While 
one  of  the  mainfcharges  against  him  was  that  he  had  made  himself 
"  prime  and  sole  Minister,"  various  unfortunte  events  for  which  he 
was  in  no  way  to  blame  added  to  his  unpopularity,  among  them 
Vernon's  failure  at  Cartagena  and  heavy  commercial  losses  due  to 
Spanish  attacks  on  English  shipping.]]  However,  he  fought  on  with 
amazing  resourcefulness,  keenness,  and  courage  until,  after  his  party 
had  been  defeated  by  sixteen  votes  in  a  petition  relating  to  a  dis- 
puted election,  he  was  finally  persuaded  that  his  retirement  was 
absolutely  necessary,  and  n  February,  1742,  he  resigned  all  his 
offices,  though  not  before  he  had  made  extremely  favorable  terms  for 
himself  and  his  family.  ^Ie  was  created  Earl  of  Orford  and  received 
other  marks  of  royal  favor ;  moreover,  during  the  three  remaining 
years  of  his  life  he  continued  to  exert  such  an  influence  on  public 

1  The  office  of  Emperor  was  elective,  but  for  centuries  the  head  of  the  House  of 
Austria  had  been  chosen. 


482     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

affairs  as  to  justify  in  some  measure  the  popular  outcry  that  he  was 
"  still  Minister  behind  the  curtain."  Material  as  were  his  interests, 
his  achievements  gave  him  a  leading  place  "  amongst  the  master 
workers  of  modern  Great  Britain."  Much  to  the  disappointment 
of  the  Tories,  who  clamored  for  an  administration  founded  "  on  a 
broad  bottom  of  both  parties,"  the  Whig  regime  rnn  firmed  with  g^ 
few  changes  in 


The  Course  of  the  War  (1742-1743).  —  England  now  plunged 
into  the  thick  of  the  Continental  struggle.  During  the  session  of 
1742  a  subsidy  of  £500,000  was  granted  to  Maria  Theresa,  £5,000,000 
was  voted  for  troops  and  supplies,  and  an  auxiliary  force  of  16,000 
men  was  sent  to  the  Netherlands.  While,  owing  to  the  lack  of  Dutch 
cooperation,  they  did  little  during  the  whole  year  but  quarrel  with 
the  inhabitants,  the  armies  of  the  Empress  gained  ground  against 
the  French  in  Bohemia  and  in  the  valley  of  the  Danube.  In  the  early 
summer  of  £742  Frederick  the  Great  concluded  a  peace  which  put  an 
end  to  the  first  Silesian  War  and  withdrew  temporarily  from  the  anti- 
Austrian  alliance.)  This  was  a  welcome  relief  to  Maria  Theresa, 
though  theTconcession  of  the  greater  part  of  Silesia^which  it  involved 
was  a  sore  blow  to  her  pride.  George,  anxious  alike  to  protect  his 
Electoral  dominions  and  to  emulate  William  of  Orange  as  the  head 
of  a  great  Continental  alliance,  was  eager  to  dash  actively  into  the 
fray.  Already,  before  his  fall,  Walpole  had  concluded  a  treaty  for 
subsidizing  a  force  of  6000  Hessians.  /Now  the  King  and  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  Northern  Affairs,  without  consulting  Parliament, 
arranged  to  take  16,000  Hanoverians  into  the  British  pay.  Parlia- 
mentary sanction  was  secured  only  in  the  teeth  of  the  bitterest 
opposition  ;  yet  the  step  had  the  advantage  of  stirring  the  Dutch 
to  furnish  a  contingent,  while  King  George  levied  6000  more  of  his 
Hanoverian  subjects  whom  he  paid  with  Electoral  money.] 

The  Battle  of  Dettingen  (27  June,  1743).  —  Toward  the  end  of  1742, 
he  sought  to  provide  against  a  possible  French  attack  by  defensive 
alliances  with  Prussia  and  Austria,  and,  in  February,  1743,  the  Eng- 
lish forces  in  the  Netherlands  started  east  and  south  with  the  object 
of  cutting  off  the  French  from  their  Bavarian  allies.  On  the  march 
they  were  joined  by  some  Austrian  forces  and  by  the  Hanoverians 
in  British  pay.  Halfway  between  Mainz  and  Frankfort  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  Main,  they  sat  down  to  await  the  Hessians  and  the  Han- 
overian reinforcements  which  had  been  levied  with  Electoral  money. 
Meantime,  a  French  army  had  also  crossed  the  Rhine  and  approached 
the  Main  from  the  south.  Strangely  enough,  neither  [France  nor 
England  had  as  yet  declared  war  on  one  another,  but  were  merely 


THE  ASCENDANCY  AND   FALL  OF  WALPOLE  483 

supporting  their  respective  allies^  fOn  27  June,  the  two  armies  fought 
a  desperate  battle  near  the  little  village  of  Dettingen.  In  spite  of 
the  valor  shown  by  George  II,1  who  had  just  joined  his  army  in  person, 
it  was  only  the  rashness  of  one  of  the  French  generals  that  enabled 
the  Pragmatic  2  forces  to  rout  the  enemy,  who  had  well-nigh  hemmed 
them  in,  and  to  cut  their  way  through.  Thus  the  battle  of  Dettingen 
was  "  a  happy  escape  "  rather  than  a  great  victoryTJ  An  Imperial 
force  succeeded  in  driving  across  the  Rhine  another  French  army  oper- 
ating in  Bavaria,  with  the  result  that,  by  the  end  of  the  campaign 
of  1743,  German  soil  had  been  completely  cleared  of  the  invader. 

England  and  France  as  Principals  in  the  War.  —  Impelled  by  fear 
and  hatred  of  her  ancient  rival,  France  now  drew  closer  to  Spain. 
By  the  Second  Family  Compact,  concluded  25  October,  1743,  she 
promised  to  assist  Spain^to  recover  Gibraltar  and  Minorca  and  to 
destroy  the  colony  of  Georgia^Jwhile  Spain,,  on  her  part,  agreed  to 
transfer  to  France  the  privileges  formerly  accorded  to  England  under 
the  Asiento^  The  whole  face  of  the  war  had  been  changed  by  the 
events  of  the  past  year.  {England,  first  coming  into  conflict  with 
Spain  over  trade  disputes  in  the  western  world,  had  been  drawn  into 
the  European  struggle  as  the  ally  of  Maria  Theresa,  for  the  purpose  of 
maintaining  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  and  the  integrity  of  the  Aus- 
trian lands.  Now  she  and  France  had  been  brought  face  to  face  as 
principals.  George,  "  greedy  for  glory,"  had  not  only  sent  con- 
tingents to  fight  the  French  but  had  actually  gone  in  person  to  lead 
them.  Maria  Theresa,  more  aspiring  still  and  thirsting  for  revenge 
against  the  Powers  who  had  combined  against  her,  was  determined 
to  secure  the  Imperial  crown  for  her  husband  Francis  and  to  extend 
her  territories.  So  far  as  France  and  England  were  concerned,  the 
area  of  the  conflict  was  not  confined  to  Europe,  but  spread  to  America 
and  India.  These  two  Powers  were  to  emerge  more  clearly  than  ever 
before  as  rivals  for  maritime  and  colonial  supremacy} 

The  Ministry  of  Henry  Pelham  (1743-1754).  —  Meantime,  New- 
castle, with  the  support  of  Orford,  succeeded  in  securing  for 
his  brother,  Henry  Pelham,  the  office  of  Prime  Minister,  which  he  re- 
tained until  his  death  eleven  years  later.  C"A  politician  without  any 
commanding  abilities,"  he  proved  to  be  a  capable  and  economical 
financier  as  well  as  an  excellent  parliamentary  manager!]  George  and 
his  Foreign  Minister  were  sharply  attacked  on  the  ground  that  they 
were  assuming  for  Great  Britain  an  increasing  burden  of  the  ex- 
penses of  the  War,  and  mainly  in  the  interest  of  Hanover,  but  the 

1  The  last  instance  where  an  English  King  led  his  army  in  person. 

2  So  called  because  they  were  fighting  to  maintain  the  Pragmatic  Sanction. 


484     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Opposition  was  momentarily  silenced  by  the  news  that  the  French 
were  preparing  another  expedition  in  favor  of  the  Pretender. 

The  Attempted  French  Invasion  and  the  Reciprocal  Declarations 
of  War  (1744).  —  Since  his  father  no  longer  cherished  any  illusions 
and  was  completely  discredited  by  repeated  failure  and  by  constant 
quarrels  with  his  followers,  the  hopes  of  the  Jacobites  centered  in 
"  Prince  Charlie."  The  young  Pretender  Jnow  in  his  twenty-fourth 
year,  was  handsome,  gracious,  dignified,  and  brave,  endowed  with 
all  the  charm  and  enthusiasm  of  youth.  However,  owing  to  a 
heavy  storm  and  to  the  vigilance  of  the  British  fleet,  an  invading  ex- 
pedition which  he  joined  in  1744  never  got  across  the  Channel.  The 
only  result  was  a  declaration  of  war  by  both  countries.  That  of 
Louis  XV  was  issued  4  March,  alleging,  as  its  chief  reason,  that  Eng- 
land had  broken  the  peace  by  her  expedition  to  Germany.  The 
English  replied  29  March,  asserting,  among  other  grounds,  the  vio- 
lation of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  aid  to  Spanish  privateers  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  the  attempted  invasion  of  England. 

The  Battle  of  Fontenoy  (1745).  —[The  Dutch  now  entered  the 
war,  and  the  campaign  of  1745  centered  in  the  Netherlands,  where 
the  French  with  a  greatly  superior  army  defeated  a  combined  force 
of  the  Austrians,  British,  and  Dutch  at  Fontenoy,  n  May,  and  before 
the  close  of  the  summer  was  practically  in  control  of  FlandersT]  These 
and  other  reverses  of  the  English  and  their  allies  were  offset  by  a  few 
gains,  chiefly  diplomatic.  Frederick  had  entered  the  war  again,  10 
August,  1744;  but  after  he  had  driven  a  combined  army  of  Aus- 
trians and  Saxons  from  Silesia  into  Bohemia,  the  English  Cabinet, 
holding  before  him  the  danger  of  French  ascendancy,  induced  him 
to  listen  to  terms.  In  return  for  the  cession  of  Silesia,  Frederick 
agreed  to  acknowledge  Maria  Theresa's  husband  as  Emperor.  By 
the  Peace  concluded  25  December,  1745,  the  Second  Silesian  War 
came  to  an  end. . 

The  Capture  of  Louisburg  (1745).  —  Meantime,  in  North  America, 
the  New  England  militia,  assisted  by  a  British  fleet,  had  gained  a 
brilliant  success  by  the  capture  of  Louisburg,  17  June,  1745.  This 
stronghold,  situated  on  Cape  Breton  Island,  had  been  fortified  by  the 
French  at  great  expense.  It  was  one  of  the  most  important  positions 
in  the  New  World,  for  it  commanded  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
it  controlled  the  North  American  fisheries,  and  had  served  the  French 
as  a  naval  base  both  for  their  operations  against  New  England  and 
for  securing  their  communications  between  France  and  Canada. 

The  Coming  of  Prince  Charlie  (25  July,  1745).  —  Encouraged  by 
the  reverses  of  the  English  and  their  allies  in  Flanders,  Prince 


THE  ASCENDANCY  AND  FALL  OF  WALPOLE  485 

Charlie,  2  July,  1745,  embarked  from  the  coast  of  France  and  sailed 
for  Scotland  in  a  final  attempt  to  recover  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 
Perhaps  the  most  romantic  episode  in  the  history  of  a  country  of 
valorous  and  desperate  exploits,  the  Rising  of  1745  *  was  undertaken 
in  the  face  of  every  chance  of  failure.  ^Unsupported  by  a  single 
European  Power  the  Young  Pretender  landed  on  the  west  coast  of 
Scotland,  25  July,  with  only  seven  companions,  trusting  alone  to  his 
personal  charm  and  his  family  name.  Of  the  Highland  clans  who 
responded  to  his  call  most  were  destitute  of  discipline,  torn  by  jeal- 
ousy, and  primarily  concerned  in  plundering  their  enemies.  In  the 
Lowlands,  while  there  was  some  enthusiasm  for  the  Stuart  name 
and  a  lingering  discontent  against  the  Union,  the  growing  commer- 
cial and  industrial  element  saw  tfiat  their  best  interests  were  bound 
up  with  the  existing  Government./  Moreover,  the  English  Jacobites, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  King  was  abroad  and  most  of  the 
British  army  was  absent  in  the  Netherlands,  made  little  or  no  effort 
to  organize  an  insurrection. 

His  Occupation  of  Edinburgh  (17  September),  Prestonpans  (21  Sep- 
tember). —  Having  won  over  a  few  of  the  western  chiefs,  Charles  raised 
his  standard,  19  August,  in  a  dreary  Highland  vale,  ^uch  was  the 
magic  of  his  presence  and  his  name  that  many,  from  a  glorious  but 
mistaken  loyalty  and  against  their  better  judgment,  flocked  to  join 
him^  Others  held  aloof,  waiting  upon  events.  Practically  unob- 
structed by  the  forces  of  Sir  John  Cope,  the  Hanoverian  commander, 
the  invader  hurried  to  Edinburgh.  On  the  way  he  was  joined  by 
Lord  George  Murray,  a  veteran  of  1715,  who  rendered  effective  service 
as  a  general,  but  added  another  element  of  discord  by  his  hot  temper 
and  overbearing  manner.  On  17  September,  after  overcoming  a 
feeble  opposition  to  his  advance,  Prince  Charlie  entered  the  panic- 
stricken  capital.  As  he  rode  through  the  town,  in  a  tartan  coat,  wear- 
ing a  blue  bonnet  surmounted  by  a  white  cockade,  he  was  welcomed 
with  raptures  by  the  Jacobites.  (After  a  brief  rest  he  marched  forth 
to  meet  Cope,  who  had  taken  ship  at  Aberdeen,  landed  at  Dunbar, 
and  was  on  his  way  westward.  The  two  armies  joined  battle,  21 
September,  near  the  village  of  Prestonpans.2  Cope's  forces,  unable 
to  withstand  the  terrific  onslaught  of  the  Highlanders,  were  routed 
completely  in  little  more  than  five  minutes.  Unable  to  rally  the  rem- 
nants, Sir  John  joined  hi  the  flight  across  the  Border.) 

The  Pretender  Invades  England  (31  October,  1745).  —  Charles 
was  for  pushing  on  at  once  for  London  while  the  Government  was  still 

1  It  has  been  immortalized  in  literature  in  Sir  Walter  Scott's  Waverley. 

2  Not  to  be  confused  with  Preston  in  Lancashire. 


486     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

unprepared,  but  his  advisers  urged  him  to  wait  for  reinforcements 
and  for  supplies.  {So  many  of  his  Highlanders  had  gone  home  with 
their  plunder  that  he  was  obliged  to  yield,  and  remained  in  Edinburgh 
gathering  recruits.  The  delay  destroyed  any  chance  of  success  that 
he  may  have  had.  George  II  returned  from  Hanover,  31  August, 
the  Dutch  were  called  on  to  furnish  6000  auxiliaries  that  they  were 
bound  by  treaty  to  supply,  the  militia  were  mustered  in  several  coun- 
ties, and  General  Wade  was  ordered  to  collect  an  army  at  Newcastle. 
The  mass  of  the  people  remained  indifferent;  but  the  Government 
made  itself  stronger  every  day.  Charles,  who  had  been  drilling  his 
motley  following  and  doing  his  best  to  hold  them  in  restraint,  began 
his  invasion  of  England,  31  October,  taking  the  western  route  to  avoid 
General  Wade.  Dressed  in  Highland  garb  the  Prince  marched  on 
foot,  sharing  the  hardships  of  the  common  soldier,  paying  for  all  he 
took  and  maintaining  admirable  discipline.  Yet  the  position  of  the 
invaders  grew  every  day  more  desperate.  Hanoverian  forces  began  to 
recover  control  in  Scotland;  regiments  from  Flanders  were  hurried 
to  England,  and  the  Dutch  auxiliaries  soon  arrived;  General  Wade 
was  advancing  through  Yorkshire;  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  a  son 
of  the  King,  had  collected  an  army  in  the  Midlands ;  a  third  force  was 
forming  just  north  of  London  for  the  defense  of  the  City,  while  fleets 
patroled  the  Channel  to  intercept  any  possible  aid  from  France. 

The  Retreat  to  Scotland.  —  Charles,  whose  courage  and  enthusiasm 
never  waned,  managed  to  elude  Cumberland  and  to  get  as  far  as  Derby, 
situated  only  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  miles  north  of  London. 
There,  Lord  George  Murray  and  the  other^eaders  insisted  on  turning 
back,  but  it  was  only  with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  they  persuaded 
Charles  against  pressing  on  to  certain  destruction.^  The  retreat  was 
a  striking  contrast  to  the  advance.  Discipline  was  relaxed,  and  the 
embittered  Highlanders  ruthlessly  plundered  the  countryside,  caus- 
ing the  hostility  to  the  "  wild  petticoat  men  "  to  grow  steadily  more 
intense.  Cumberland  started  in  hot  pursuit,  but  on  a  false  report 
that  the  French  were  preparing  to  land,  gave  up  the  chase.  The  re- 
treating army  succeeded  in  recrossing  the  border  and,  26  December, 
reached  Glasgow,  having  accomplished  the  extraordinary  feat  of  march- 
ing nearly  six  hundred  miles  in  fifty-six  days. 

The  Defeat  of  Culloden  (16  April,  1746). — Although  the  Pretender 
defeated  one  Government  force  on  the  Scottish  side  of  the  Border,  it 
did  him  no  good.  New  dissensions  arose,  the  clansmen  dispersed  with 
their  booty,  and^Cumberland  was  sent  to  take  command  in  Scotland. 
Again  Murray  persuaded  Charles  to  retreat^  this  time  to  the  High- 
lands, where  he  might  spend  the  winter  in  recruiting  and  preparing 


THE  ASCENDANCY  AND   FALL  OF  WALPOLE  487 

for  the  spring  campaign.  As  the  season  advanced,  the  suffering  of  his 
troops  became  pitiful.  The  district  where  they  were  quartered  was 
bleak  and  barren,  they  were  cut  off  from  the  richer  Lowlands  whence 
they  might  have  drawn  means  of  subsistence,  and  most  of  the  supplies 
from  France  were  intercepted.  Early  in  April, \pumberland,  who 
had  finally  got  his  army  in  fighting  shape,  marched  from  Aberdeen 
with  9000  well  armed  and  well  fed  troops  to  offer  battle.-^  At  Culloden/ 
Moor  about  five  miles  east  of  Inverness,  he  attacked,  on  the  i6th, 
Charles's  little  army  of  5000  which,  half-starved  and  nearly  blinded 
by  a  storm  of  wind  and  hail  which  blew  directly  in  their  faces,  were 
ill  fitted  for  effective  resistance.  CThe  army  of  the  Pretender  was 
destroyed,  his  cause  was  ruined > 

Cumberland's  Butchery  and  the  Flight  of  Prince  Charlie.  —  Cum- 
berland earned  his  name  of  "  The  Butcher  "  by  the  ferocity  with  which 
he  hunted  down,  slew  and  even  tortured  the  vanquished,  and  pillaged 
and  destroyed  their  property.1  Many  who  escaped  perished  from 
hunger  and  exposure.  Lord  George  Murray  made  a  vain  effort  to 
rally  the  clans ;  but  Charles,  thanking  them  for  their  zeal,  bade  them 
seek  safety.  Lord  George  himself  escaped  to  Holland.  For  five 
months,  from  April  to  September,  Charles  wandered  about  a  fugitive, 
sometimes  on  the  main  land,  sometimes  among  the  islands  off  the 
coast.  In  spite  of  a  reward  of  £30,000  offered  for  his  capture  no  one 
could  be  found  to  betray  him.  It  was  during  this  period  of  exposure 
that  he  contracted  the  habit  of  drunkenness  which  later  proved  his 
ruin.  At  length,  in  September,  he  was  shipped  out  of  the  country 
from  the  very  place  where  he  had  landed  fourteen  months  before. 
Unfortunately,  except  for  occasional  flashes  of  his  old  courage  and  gen- 
erosity, his  later  life  was  sad  and  inglorious.  Driven  from  France, 
he  wandered  about  Europe  and  finally  took  refuge  in  Italy.  He  died 
in  Rome,  31  January,  1788.  With  the  death  of  his  brother  Henry, 
Cardinal  of  York,  in  1807,  the  male  line  of  the  House  of  Stuart  be- 
came extinct. 

The  Transformation  of  Scotland  after  the  Union.  —  Happily,  the 
repression  of  the  rising  of  1745  and  the  measures  that  followed  com- 
pleted the  social  and  economic  transformation  of  Scotland  which  had 
been  going  on  since  the  Union.  Before  that  time  the  Highlands  had 
been  inaccessible  and  barbaric;  the  clans  formed  a  group  of  petty 
kingdoms,  each  under  an  hereditary  chief  who  knew  no  law  but  tribal 
law,  while  the  clansmen,  scorning  labor,  left  their  women  and  children 
to  gather  such  scanty  crops  as  their  barren  lands  afforded,  and  devoted 

1  Though  some  maintain  that  his  responsibility  for  the  cruelties  after  Culloden 
has  been  exaggerated. 


488     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

themselves  to  the  chase,  to  cattle  raids  and  fighting.  The  Lowlands, 
where  the  chief  industrial  energy  and  progressiveness  centred,  were 
handicapped  by  a  bare,  rugged  soil,  by  exposure  to  attack  from  the 
north  and  south,  religious  persecution  and  rigid  exclusion  from  Eng- 
lish markets.  The  period  following  the  Revolution  and  the  Union 
marked  a  turning  point  in  their  history.  <Presbyterianism  was  re- 
stored, schools  were  established,  and  with  the  removal  of  restrictions 
on  commerce,  trade  and  manufactures  began  to  flourish.)  The  High- 
lands remained  for  a  long  time  untouched  by  the  change,  in  spite  of 
various  innovations.  Parochial  schools  were  set  up  with  a  view  to 
rooting  out  the  Gaelic  tongue,  a  barrier  to  rapid  assimilation.  After 
1715  an  attempt  was  made  to  disarm  the  clansmen ;  but  the  inacces- 
sible character  of  the  country  proved  a  serious  obstacle  to  its  enforce- 
ment. In  1726,  however,  General  Wade  began  the  construction  of 
roads,  which,  completed  in  a  little  over  ten  years,  greatly  facilitated 
the  efforts  of  the  Government  in  dealing  with  the  disaffected  and  in 
opening  up  the  remote  districts  to  civilizing  influences. 

After  the  Rising.  —  The  crushing  of  the  Rebellion  completed  what 
the  rise  of  the  Lowland  industrial  class,  the  extension  of  education, 
and  the  new  roads  had  begun.  Many  powerful  chieftains  were  forced 
to  go  into  exile,  others  were  ruined,  so  that  ties  which  bound  them  to 
their  clansmen  were  naturally  weakened.  In  addition,  a  series  of 
^mportant  measures  were  passed  in  1746,  which  swept  away  the  last 
vestiges  of  the  old  clan  organization.  One  abolished  all  "  heritable 
jurisdictions,"  providing  £152,000  by  way  of  compensation.  Another 
made  the  Disarming  Act  a  reality  and  prohibited  under  severe  pen- 
alties any  but  soldiers  from  wearing  the  national  dress.^  English 
Ministers,  however,  wisely  enlisted  Highland  regiments  in  the  British 
service,  who  by  their  valiant  achievements  aroused  a  sense  of  national 
loyalty  which  went  far  to  soften  the  animosity  called  forth  by  the  pre- 
vious measures  of  repression.  Much  of  the  old  time  chivalry  and  ro- 
mance and  picturesqueness  passed  away  and  no  little  temporary  dis- 
tress resulted ;  for  the  old  chiefs  who  had  been  fathers  to  their  people 
were  often  replaced  by  rapacious  landlords  intent  on  squeezing  a 
profit  from  the  tenants.  But  by  the  extension  of  schools,  by  the  in- 
troduction of  improved  methods  of  agriculture  and  cattle  breeding, 
by  the  encouragement  of  the  fisheries  and  the  development  of  the 
linen  industry  and  stocking-weaving,  and  by  the  enforcement  of  law, 
thrift  and  security  came  to  prevail  over  disorder  and  poverty.  Natu- 
rally, the  growth  of  wealth  and  industry  was  small  compared  with 
that  of  the  Lowlands ;  but,  nevertheless,  it  was  striking.  Throughout 
the  country  much  that  was  sordid  and  miserable  remained,  while  the 


THE  ASCENDANCY  AND   FALL  OF  WALPOLE  489 

despotism  of  the  Church  .and  the  gloomy  Sabbath  tended  to  darken 
and  deaden  the  national  character ;  but  the  native  shrewdness  of  the 
Scot,  his  frugality  and  diligence,  led  him  to  achieve  great  things  at 
home  and  to  bring  him  to  the  front  ranks  wherever  he  went. 

The  Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (1748).  —The  recall  of  the  English 
troops  to  deal  with  the  rising  of  the  Scots  had  left  the  Allies  even  more  at 
the  mercy  of  the  French  in  the  Netherlands  than  they  had  been  before. 
On  the  other  hand,  Austria  had  been  relieved  by  the  withdrawal  of 
both  Prussia  and  Bavaria  from  the  war  and  by  the  death,  9  July,  1746, 
of  Philip  V  of  Spain,  whose  son  and  successor,  Ferdinand  VI,  was 
pacifically  inclined.  Bereft  of  two  allies,  languidly  supported  by  a 
third, (alarmed  at  the  increasing  debt,  unsuccessful  against  the  Aus- 
trians  in  Italy,  and  with  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Canada  threatened  by 
the  capture  of  Louisburg,  the  French  were  ready  to  listen  to  terms  of 
peace ;  but  the  English  demands  were  so  high  that  the  struggle  dragged 
on  for  more  than  a  year  longer,  during  which  French  gains  in  the 
Netherlands  were  about  balanced  by  British  successes  at  sea.  At 
length,  the  question  of  peace  was  referred  to  a  congress  called  to  meet 
at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  where  the  English  and  the  Dutch  finally  signed 
preliminaries,  30  April,  1748,  without  waiting  for  their  Austrian  allies. 
The  chief  terms  were :  (i)  The  mutual  restoration  of  all  conquests ; 
(2)  The  Asiento  was  to  be  revived  for  four  years ;  (3)  The  Protestant 
Succession  was  again  guaranteed  and  the  exclusion  of  the  Pretender 
and  his  family  from  France  confirmed ;  (4)  The  Emperor  Francis  was 
to  be  acknowledged  by  France  and  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  renewed ; 
(5)  Silesia  was  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  King  of  Prussia.  The 
Empress  Maria  Theresa  protested  bitterly,  and  at  first  refused  to 
confirm  the  preliminaries ;  but,  after  tiresome  negotiations,  a  defini- 
tive peace  was  finally  signed,  18  October.^ 

The  Results  of  the  War.  —^Curiously  enough,  the  issue  in  which 
England  and  Spain  had  originally  gone  to  war  —  the  right  of  search  — 
was  passed  over  without  mention,  while  England  and  France,  after  a 
tremendous  expenditure  of  men  and  money,  remained  in  much  the 
same  position  as  before.^  On  the  other  hand,  the  Austrian  lands  and 
the  Imperial  title  had  been  preserved  to  the  daughter  of  Austrian  Haps- 
burgs,  though  at  the  cost  of  Silesia ;  Holland,  already  seriously  weak- 
ened in  the  previous  struggles  with  France,  finally  ceased  to  be  a  great 
Power ;  while  Prussia,  destined  in  another  war  to  be  the  most  effective 
ally  of  Great  Britain  and  a  dominating  force  in  Europe,  had  made  her 
way  into  the  front  ranks  of  European  States.  It  was  onl^late  in  the 
struggle  that  England  had  asserted  the  maritime  supremacy  that  had 
once  been  hers,  and  which  she  was  soon  to  demonstrate  again  so 


4QO     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

signally.  On  land  she  had  been  beaten  "  on  every  spot  which  my 
lord  Marlboro  ugh  had  conquered."^)  When,  after  a  brief  interval  of 
repose,  the  conflict  was  again  resumed,  William  Pitt,  a  remarkable 
young  man  who  had  been  given  a  subordinate  place  in  the  Ministry 
in  1746,  was  to  show  that  his  country's  primary  mission  was  not  to 
devote  her  best  strength  to  fighting  France  in  the  Netherlands  and  in 
Germany,  but  to  bend  her  main  energies  to  mastering  her  great  rival 
on  the  sea,  in  America  and  in  India. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 
See  Chapter  XLI  below. 


CHAPTER  XLI 

THE   DUEL   FOR   EMPIRE.     THE    CLOSING   YEARS   OF 
GEORGE   ITS   REIGN    (1748-1760) 

The  Reform  of  the  Calendar  (1751).  —  The  Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
was  followed  in  England  by  several  years  of  political  tranquillity, 
during  which  two  notable  reforms  were  carried  through.  The  first 
was  the  reform  of  the  Calendar.  The  English  year  began  on  "  Lady 
Day,"  25  March,1  and  owing  to  an  ancient  astronomical  error,  her 
reckoning  was  eleven  days  wrong.  The  "  new  "  or  corrected  style 
had  been  brought  into  general  use  in  Europe,  in  1582,  by  Pope  Gregory 
XIII.  Only  Sweden,  Russia,2  and  England  clung  to  the  "  old  style," 
partly  from  conservatism,  partly  because  the  innovation  was  a 
"  Popish  "  measure.  In  England  the  change  was  proposed  by  Lord 
Chesterfield,  and  was  worked  out  with  the  aid  of  two  prominent 
mathematicians.  New  Year's  Day  was  changed  to  i  January,  and 
the  day  following  2  September,  1752,  was  called  the  i4th.  Al- 
though the  measure  was  easily  carried  through  Parliament,  the 
opposition  outside  was  for  some  time  intense:  "Give.  Us  back  our 
eleven  days  "  being  a  popular  cry  in  the  next  election. 

Lord  Hardwicke's  Marriage  Bill  (1753).  — The  other  measure  — 
the  Marriage  Act  of  1753  —  did  away  with  a  crying  abuse.  Hitherto 
marriages  could  be  celebrated  by  a  priest  at  any  time  and  place 
without  previous  noticp  or  registration,  and  without  the  knowledge 
and  consent  of  either  parent  or  guardian,  even  if  the  parties  were 
minors.  Consequently,  disreputable  parsons,  usually  prisoners  for 
debt,  did  a  thriving  business  in  joining  runaway  couples,  as  well  as 
young  heirs  and  heiresses  entrapped  by  unscrupulous  persons.  This 
nefarious  work  centered  chiefly  in  and  about  the  "  Fleet."  3  Almost 
every  neighboring  tavern  and  grog  shop  had  a  "  Fleet  parson  "  in 
its  pay.  In  one  period  of  four  months  nearly  3000  "  Fleet  marriages  " 
were  performed.  Once  joined,  the  tie  was  almost  indissoluble,  since 

1  The  Feast  of  the  Annunciation  of  the  Virgin  Mary. 

2  Russia  still  retains  it. 

3  A  celebrated  debtors'  prison  in  London. 

491 


49 2     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

divorces  could  only  be  secured  by  Act  of  Parliament.  Various  at- 
tempts to  remedy  the  evil  proved  ineffective  till  Lord  Hardwicke's 
celebrated  Act  of  1753,  which  provided  that,  except  in  the  case  of 
Quakers  and  Jews,  no  marriages  should  be  valid  which  were  not 
celebrated  according  to  the  Anglican  liturgy  by  a  priest  of  the  Church 
of  England.  Furthermore,  banns  must  be  published  in  the  parish 
church  for  three  successive  weeks.  The  only  alternative  was  a 
special  license  issued  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  very 
costly.  In  the  case  of  minors,  such  licenses  could  not  be  procured 
without  the  consent  of  parents  or  guardians.  Parsons  celebrating 
marriages  contrary  to  law  were  liable  to  transportation.  The  new 
arrangement  was  naturally  a  grievance  to  Dissenters ;  but  the  evils 
that  it  remedied  were  greater  than  the  hardships  it  caused,  and  the 
Act  continued  in  force  for  nearly  a  century. 

The  Newcastle  Ministry  (1754-1756),  and  the  Outbreak  of  the 
Seven  Years'  War  (1756-1763). — -The  death  of  Henry  Pelham,  6 
March,  1754,  put  an  end  to  the  prevailing  political  calm.  "  Now  I 
shall  have  no  more  peace,"  cried  the  old  King,  words  which  proved  all 
too  true.  Newcastle,  in  order  to  insure  the  maintenance  of  his  own 
power,  took  his  brother's  place  as  Prime  Minister.  Before  many 
months  a  new  war  was  to  break  out,  destined  to  settle  to  a  large  degree 
problems  "  which  had  long  been  ripe  for  solution,"  problems  "  which 
concerned  not  only  the  British  kingdom  but  all  the  civilized  and 
almost  all  the  inhabited  world: ^whether  France  or  England  was  to 
rule  in  India;  whether  the  French  manners,  language  and  institu- 
tions or  the  English  were  to  prevail  over  the  immense  continent  of 
North  America ;  whether  Germany  was  to  have  a  national  existence ; 
whether  Spain  was  to  monopolize  the  tropics ;  who  was  to  command 
the  ocean ;  who  was  to  be  dominant  in  the  islands  of  the  Spanish- 
American  waters;  what  power  was  to  possess  the  choice  stands  for 
business  in  the  great  markets  of  the  globe.N  The  Peace  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  which  had  settled  so  little  in  Europe,  did  still  less  toward 
denning  the  situation  in  India  and  America,  for  in  the  years  follow- 
ing the  inconclusive  treaty,  the  ambitious  activity  of  the  French 
came  to  menace  more  and  more  dangerously,  not  only  the  security, 
but  the  very  existence  of  the  English  in  both  these  vast  areas.  The 
situation  in  India  can  best  be  made  clear  by  a  brief  survey  of  its 
history. 

The  Beginnings  of  the  English  Activity  in  India.  —  Early  in  the 
sixteenth  century  the  district  now  known  as  India,  formerly  under  a 
number  of  independent  rulers,  was  conquered  and  united  by  a  line  of 
emperors  called  by  Europeans  the  Great  Moguls.  Rajahs  or  princes 


THE  DUEL  FOR   EMPIRE  493 

became  tributary,  while  other  districts  were  formed  under  appointed 
viceroys.  The  Mogul's  court  at  Delhi  was  a  center  of  great  magnifi- 
cence. The  decline  of  the  dynasty,  however,  was  rapid.  The  last 
great  ruler  died  in  1707,  and  his  successors  degenerated  into  mere 
figureheads.  Although  the  rajahs  and  viceroys  continued  nominally 
dependents,  it  was  they  who  came  to  wield  the  real  power.  Mean- 
time, the  Europeans  began  to  press  in.  First  came  the  Portuguese, 
then  the  Dutch.  Close  on  the  heels  of  the  latter  came  the  English. 
The  East  India  Company  received  its  first  charter  from  Elizabeth 
in  1600.  At  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Company 
had  three  separate  and  independent  settlements,  or  "  Presidencies,"  — 
at  Madras,  Calcutta,  and  Bombay.  Already,  the  Portuguese  and  the 
Dutch  had  ceased  to  be  formidable  rivals ;  but  a  new  competitor  had 
arisen  in  the  French.  During  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV  they  too  founded 
an  East  India  Company,  establishing  fortified  settlements  at  Chander- 
nagore  near  Calcutta,  and  at  Pondicherry,  about  eighty  miles  south- 
east of  Madras.  In  the  Indian  Ocean,  off  the  Island  of  Madagascar, 
they  acquired  two  fertile  islands,  one  of  which  —  the  Isle  de  France, 
now  Mauritius,  —  served  as  a  naval  base  for  India  as  Cape  Breton 
did  for  Canada. 

The  French  Strive  for  Supremacy  in  India.  Dupleix  and  Clive.  — 
In  1 754,f Dupleix,  formerly  Governor  of  Pondicherry,  a  remarkable 
man  with  a  consuming  ambition  to  establish  a  French  empire  in  India} 
acquired  supreme  control  of  his  country's  affairs  in  the  East.  Having, 
with  the  aid  of  an  able  commander,  made  himself  supreme  in  the 
southeastern  and  south  central  districts,  known  as  the  Carnatic  and 
the  Deccan,  he  seemed  in  a  fair  way  to  drive  the  British  out  of  India 
when  his  victorious  career  was  suddenly  checked  by  a  man  to  whom, 
more  than  any  other,  Great  Britain  owes  the  beginning  of  her  present 
Indian  Empire.  This  was  Robert  Clive  (1725-1774)  the  son  of  an 
impoverished  squire.  Owing  to  his  idle,  wayward  temper,  his  father, 
despairing  of  his  chances  of  a  career  at  home,  procured  for  him  a 
clerkship  in  the  East  India  Company.  Arriving  almost  penniless, 
he  was  frequently  so  depressed  that  he  more  than  once  attempted 
suicide.  However,  he  soon  secured  a  military  commission,  and  began 
his  fighting  career,  in  1751,  in  the  Carnatic,  where  he  early  distin- 
guished himself  in  a  series  of  brilliant  victories.  The  French  Company, 
who  cared  more  for  dividends  than  for  political  dominion,  finally 
gave  way  to  the  English  in  this  district,  and  Dupleix,  crushed  with 
grief  and  disappointment,  died  in  1763. 

The  French  and  English  in  North  America.  —  For  some  time,  how- 
ever, the  interest  of  the  English  Government  centered  chiefly  in  North 


494     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

America.  There  the  boundary  line  between  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia 
had  been  left  unsettled  by  the  late  peace,  while,  in  addition,  there 
was  a  large  ill-defined  territory  between  the  headwaters  of  the  Ohio 
River  and  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie  claimed  by  both  Great 
Britain  and  France.  More  serious  still,  the  French  determined  to 
establish  themselves  in  the  disputed  district  and  to  secure  the  control 
of  the  Mississippi  basin,  with  a  view  to  uniting  their  settlements  on  the 
St.  Lawrence  with  those  on  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  To  that 
end,  the  Marquis  Duquesne,  Governor  of  Canada,  was  instructed  to 
undertake  the  construction  of  a  chain  of  forts  in  the  Ohio  country.  'If 
the  French  succeeded  in  carrying  out  their  policy,  the  English  colonists 
would  be  confined  to  a  narrow  strip  of  territory  between  the  Appa- 
lachians and  the  Atlantic,  unable  to  expand  westward,  cut  off  from 
the  profitable  Indian  trade  beyond  the  barrier,  and  surrounded  on 
three  sides  by  their  greatest  rival  and  enemy.  By  way  of  protest, 
the  Governor  of  Virginia  sent  George  Washington,  then  a  young 
surveyor  who  had  been  active  in  opening  new  trade  routes  to  the 
Great  Lakes,  to  demand  that  they  withdraw  from  the  valley  of  the 
Ohio  country.  He  failed,  of  course.  Moreover,  in  1754,  when  the 
Virginians  undertook  to  construct  a  fortress  at  the  point  where  the 
Monongahela  and  Allegheny  rivers  unite  to  form  the  Ohio,  the  French 
drove  them  out,  built  a  larger  work  on  the  same  site  which  they  named 
Fort  Duquesne,  and  forced  back  across  the  Alleghanies  a  small  body 
of  Colonial  militia  which  Washington  led  against  them.  These 
struggles  to  secure  disputed  territory  brought  on  the  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  France,  which  resulted  in  the  latter's  expulsion 
from  the  mainland  of  North  America. 

Braddock's  Defeat  (1755).  —  While,  as  yet,  no  formal  declaration  of 
war  had  been  issued,  the  Commons,  early  in  1755,  in  response  to  a 
message  from  the  King,  voted  supplies  for  an  increase  of  the  forces 
on  land  and  sea.  On  9  July,  General  Braddock,  who  had  been  sent 
from  England  to  recover  Fort  Duquesne,  was  caught  in  ambush  almost 
ten  miles  from  his  destination  and  mortally  wounded.  Seven  hun- 
dred of  his  troops  were  shot  down,  while  the  rest  sought  safety  in 
flight. 

The  Plight  of  Newcastle.  —  Poor  Newcastle  was  perplexed  and 
vacillating  in  the  face  of  a  crisis  that  would  have  taxed  the  capacity 
of  a  more  spacious  and  decisive  mind.  It  was  necessary  to  defend 
the  British  Colonial  possessions  in  America,  to  protect  Hanover, 
and  to  secure  and  extend  alliances  with  the  Continental  Powers. 
To  make  it  all  the  harder  for  him  there  was  strong  opposition  in  the 
Ministry  and  the  Commons  to  treaties  which  were  negotiated  with 


THE  DUEL  FOR   EMPIRE  495 

various  German  States  for  the  purpose  of  securing  troops  in  return 
for  subsidies.  The  distracted  Premier  in  his  despair  turned  to  Pitt :  he 
offered  him  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  he  dangled  before  him  the  most 
glowing  prospects,  he  pleaded  and  even  wept,  but  Pitt,  who  had  no 
confidence  in  the  man  or  his  policy,  firmly  refused.  Newcastle  only 
succeeded  in  carrying  the  treaties  with  the  aid  of  Henry  Fox,  an  ami- 
able but  unscrupulous  political  adventurer,  whom  he  was  obliged  to 
bribe  with  a  Secretaryship  of  State  and  the  leadership  of  the  House 
of  Commons. 

The  Loss  of  Minorca  (June,  1756). — In  the  early  months  of  1756,  the 
nation  was  trembling  at  the  prospect  of  an  invasion  from  France,  but 
the  French  menace  was  intended  merely  to  cover  another  design  — 
the  capture  of  Minorca.  Yet  it  was  not  till  7  April,  just  three  days 
before  the  French  armament  sailed  from  Toulon,  that  the  English 
Ministers,  deceived  in  the  face  of  ample  warning,  finally  dispatched 
a  fleet  to  reenforce  Minorca.  The  Commander,  Admiral  Byng, 
was  the  last  person  to  choose  for  the  work  ahead  of  him :  while 
personally  brave  he  was  overcautious,  irresolute,  inclined  to  magnify 
difficulties,  and  reluctant  to  assume  responsibility.  However,  he 
engaged  the  enemy,  20  May,  and  though  slightly  worsted, he  succeeded, 
thanks  to  the  energetic  attack  of  his  rear  admiral,  in  driving  off  the 
investing  fleet.  Nevertheless,  he  became  very  despondent  and  held 
a  council  of  war  in  which  he  recommended  withdrawal  on  the  ground 
that  his  losses  were  great,  that  his  ships  were  in  bad  condi- 
tion, and  that  even  a  victory  would  not  enable  him  to  relieve  the 
fortress  besieged  by  the  forces  which  the  French  had  landed.  The 
council  agreed,  and  Minorca,  left  to  its  fate,  surrendered  in  June. 
The  news  was  received  in  England  with  a  storm  of  grief  and  indigna- 
tion. Though  the  Ministers  were  blamed  for  their  delay,  the  chief 
resentment  was  directed  against  Byng.  In  the  great  towns  he  was 
burned  in  effigy,  his  country  house  was  attacked  by  a  mob,  while 
Parliament  and  the  Ministers  were  overwhelmed  with  petitions  de- 
manding vengeance.  Newcastle,  hoping  to  divert  the  popular  wrath 
from  himself,  not  only  yielded  to  it  but  sought  to  excite  it  still  more. 
Byng  was  recalled  and  confined  at  Greenwich. 

The  Declaration  of  War  (175$).  The  Grouping  of  the  Powers.— 
Meantime,  England  had  declared  war,  iSMay ;  France  replied,  9  June, 
and  before  long  nearly  all  Europe  was  involved.  The  grouping  of 
the  Powers  was  different  from  that  in  the  previous  conflict;  for 
Prussia  now  appeared  as  an  ally  of  England,  and  Austria  as  an  oppo- 
nent. Austria,  finding  that  England  was  disinclined  to  go  to  war  to 
aid  her  in  recovering  Silesia,  had  turned  to  her  old  enemy  France. 


496     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Louis  XV  in  responding  to  her  overtures  was  influenced  by  various 
considerations :  for  one  thing,  a  combination  of  the  Catholic  against 
the  Protestant  Powers  appealed  to  him  in  the  light  of  a  grand  crusade, 
since  he  was  as  devout  as  he  was  debauched ;  moreover,  he  was  per- 
sonally embittered  against  Frederick,  who  had  unguardedly  referred 
to  him  more  than  once  with  great  contempt  and  had  openly  scoffed 
at  his  all-powerful  favorite,  Madame  de  Pompadour.  In  conse- 
quence, a  treaty  was  concluded,  i  May,  1756,  between  France  and 
Austria,  aiming  at  the  partition  of  Prussia.  Russia,  Poland,  Saxony, 
and  Sweden  joined  the  combination.  Frederick,  directly  he  suspected 
what  was  afoot,  made  advances  to  King  George,  with  the  result  that 
an  alliance  was  speedily  arranged. 

Frederick  and  the  Third  Silesian  War  (1756-1763).  —  Suddenly,  in 
August,  1756,  Frederick,  who  had  the  advantage  of  being  well  pre- 
pared, demanded  from  the  Austrian  Empress  a  statement  of  her  inten- 
tions, with  war  as  the  alternative.  When  he  received  an  evasive 
answer  he  poured  his  troops  into  Saxony.  Thus  began  the  third 
Silesian  War  which  was  coterminous  with  the  Seven  Years'  War 
(1756— 1763). l  Frederick  had  many  defeats  as  well  as  victories 
during  the  course  of  the  struggle,  and  was  so  despondent  at  times  that 
he  contemplated  suicide;  but  he  fought  on  with  rare  constancy  and 
ability,  and  his  activity  furnished  an  invaluable  diversion  to  the 
English. 

The  Resignation  of  Newcastle.  Pitt  a  Secretary  of  State. — The 
autumn  of  1756  was  marked  by  a  revolution  in  the  English  Ministry. 
Fox,  finding  that  Newcastle  gave  him  no  power  or  confidence  and 
tried  to  thrust  upon  him  responsibility  for  measures  in  which  he  had 
no  share,  resigned  his  Secretaryship  in  October.  After  trying  once 
more  to  win  over  Pitt,  and  after  a  vain  effort  to  find  a  Secretary 
sufficiently  strong  to  support  him  in  the  House  of  Commons,  New- 
castle resigned  very  reluctantly.  A  new  Cabinet  was  finally  con- 
structed, in  which  Pitt,  who  became  a  Secretary  of  State,  was  the 
real  power.  Among  other  things,  his  appointment  is  significant  from 
the  fact  that  he  was  the  first  English  statesman  forced  into  a  Cabinet 
position  by  pressure  of  public  opinion.  Beyond  his  family  con- 
nection with  the  Grenvilles  2  he  had  no  organized  following  in  the 
Commons  and  little  parliamentary  influence.  Indeed,  he  was  opposed 
to  party  connection  and  aimed  to  break  the  power  of  the  Whig  oli- 
garchy, to  call  to  the  service  of  the  State  the  best  men  irrespective 

1  Known  in  American  history  as  the  French  and  Indian  War. 

2  In  1754  he  had  married  Lady  Hester  Grenville,  sister  of  Richard  (Lord  Temple) 
and  George  Grenville. 


THE  DUEL  FOR  EMPIRE  497 

of  their  political  affiliations  and  to  bring  the  Crown  into  harmony 
with  Parliament,  which  in  its  turn  should  be  the  true  servant  of  the 
people.  Abroad,  he  wanted  to  build  up  the  British  Empire,  and  — 
but  only  as  a  means  to  that  end — to  make  Great  Britain  a  dominant 
power  in  Europe. 

Estimate  of  Pitt.  —  The  man  who  now,  at  the  close  of  his  forty- 
eighth  year,  first  had  a  chance  to  try  his  ability  on  a  large  scale  had 
hitherto  distinguished  himself  as  a(furious  critic  of  the  Administra- 
tion, as  an  orator  of  fiery  and  irresistible  eloquence,  and  as  a  man  who 
refused  to  enrich  himself  at  the  public  expense.  He  was  fully  con- 
scious of  his  ability,  but  his  ambition  was  for  public  service,  not  for 
private  advancement.^  The  people  whom,  as  no  other  statesman 
of  the  time,  he  loved  and  understood  made  him  their  idol.  Never- 
theless, when  he  felt  that  they  were  wrong  he  never  hesitated  to  cross 
their  will.  Yet  in  this  lofty  character  there  were  many  grave  faults 
and  inconsistencies.  Under  Walpole  he  clamored  for  war,  while  at 
the  same  time  opposing  the  maintenance  of  a  standing  army ;  also  he 
bitterly  attacked  the  policy  of  subsidizing  Hanover  and  other  German 
States,  though  afterwards,  in  order  to  obtain  office,  he  supported  the 
very  policy  he  had  unsparingly  condemned.  To  be  sure,  he  had 
high  motives  for  desiring  office,  he  had  a  right  to  alter  his  opinion, 
and  circumstances  had  changed ;  but  it  is  a  wonderful  tribute  to  his 
magnetic  influence  that  neither  this  change  of  front  nor  various  other 
inconsistencies  seriously  affected  his  moral  ascendancy.  Moreover, 
Che  was  vain,  artificial,  and  always  posing  for  effect,  and  so  irritable 
and  overbearing  that  it  was  almost  impossible  for  anyone  to  work 
with  him.^  But  his  temper  can  be  excused  from  the  fact  that  he  was  a 
lifelong  sufferer  from  gout  and  from  a  nervous  disease  frequently  so 
acute  as  to  amount  almost  to  insanity.  Yet,  after  all  has  been  said, 
he  was  tireless  in  his  country's  service,  her  greatest  War  Minister, 
one  of  the  great  builders  of  her  Empire,  a  true  friend  of  liberty,  and  a 
true  patriot  —  in  short  a  grand  heroic  figure  whose  character  and 
achievements  overshadow  his  blemishes. 

Pitt's  System.  —  Pitt  at  once  took  energetic  measures  for  carrying 
on  the  war.  Among  them  he  proposed,  regardless  of  the  charge  of  in- 
consistency to  which  it  exposed  him,  a  grant  for  the  defense  of  Hanover ; 
and  in  this  case  he  was  justified,  since  the  proposed  subsidies  were 
not  for  purely  German  objects,  but  as  a  measure  of  defense  against 
the  French  who  were  making  ready  to  attack  the  Electorate.  Pitt's 
great  combination  of  military  and  naval  strategy  —  known  as  his 
"system  "  —which  he  now  began  to  develop,  was  for  a  long  time 
misunderstood,  largely  owing  to  a  remark  which  he  once  made,  that 

2K 


498     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

he  would  "  conquer  America  in  Germany."  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
his  main  energies  were  devoted  to  beating  the  French  in  America 
and  to  securing  command  of  the  seas  in  order  to  prevent  them  from 
sending  reinforcements  and  supplies  to  their  colonial  forces.  ^His 
Continental  operations  were  designed  to  keep  the  enemy  occupied 
and  to  prevent  them  from  gaining  such  successes  as  would  counter- 
balance English  achievements  in  the  central  theater  of  the  war. )  While 
he  contented  himself  with  sending  abroad  subsidies  and  occasional 
contingents,  France,  by  virtue  of  her  position,  was  obliged  to  divide 
her  energies  between  the  European  war  and  the  colonial  and  mari- 
time struggle  with  Great  Britain. 

The  Execution  of  Byng  (14  March,  1757).  —  Byng  was  tried  by  court 
martial.  The  court,  while  acquitting  him  of  treachery  or  cowardice, 
rendered  an  opinion  that  he  had  not  done  his  utmost  to  raise  the  siege 
or  to  defeat  the  French  fleet.  According  to  the  Articles  of  War  they 
were  obliged  to  impose  the  death  penalty  for  neglect  of  duty,  though 
they  unanimously  recommended  the  Admiral  to  the  royal  mercy. 
The  public,  however,  demanded  a  victim  for  the  loss  of  Minorca; 
threatening  letters  were  sent  to  George,  and  glaring  posters  appeared 
with  the  jingle :  "  Hang  Byng  or  take  care  of  your  King."  Pitt  strove 
manfully  against  the  tide,  but  he  had  no  parliamentary  support  and 
had  not  yet  won  the  royal  favor.  So  the  public  had  its  way.  Byng, 
meeting  his  fate  with  manly  courageXwas  shot,  14  March,  1757^ 

The  Dismissal  and  Recall  of  Pitt.  —  The  King,  who  had  not  yet 
overcome  his  aversion  to  Pitt,  was  determined  to  get  rid  of  him  "  at 
any  cost."  The  die  was  cast  when  the  Duke  of(Cumberland  refused 
to  take  command  of  the  Electoral  army,  if  Pitt  continued  as  Secretary. 
As  a  result  the  latter  was  dismissed  in  April.  >  For  nearly  three  months 
the  distracted  country,  with  a  tremendous  war  on  its  hands,  remained 
without  a  Government.  At  length,  the  King,  much  to  his  disgust, 
was  forced  to  yield  to  public  opinion  and  consent  to  an  arrangement 
by  which  Pitt  came  back  as  Secretary  with  the  whole  charge  of  foreign 
affairs,  while  Newcastle  became  Prime  Minister,  devoting  himself  to 
the  congenial  task  of  managing  Parliament. 

The  Campaign  of  1757.  —  Pitt,  forced  to  "  borrow  the  majority 
of  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,"  was  to  achieve  glorious  things ;  but  on 
his  advent  to  office  in  June,  1757,  the  prospect  seemed  gloomy  enough. 
Everything  was  in  confusion,  the  debt  was  piling  up,  the  country  was 
in  constant  fear  of  invasion,  and  the  loss  of  Minorca  threatened  her 
supremacy  in  the  Mediterranean  and  her  commerce  in  the  Levant. 
Moreover,  the  military  events  of  the  year  were  almost  uniformly  un- 
successful. In  America  nothing  was  accomplished,  a  joint  land  and 


THE  DUEL  FOR   EMPIRE  499 

naval  expedition  sent  by  Pitt  against  the  coast  of  France  proved  a 
costly  and  fruitless  failure,  while  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  in  attempt- 
ing to  defend  the  Electorate  against  a  superior  force  of  French  invaders, 
met  with  a  reverse  that  marked  the  end  of  his  active  military  career. 
Frederick,  already  hard  pressed  by  the  Austrians  and  threatened  by 
the  Russians,  now  had  to  face  in  addition  two  French  armies  released 
from  the  west  by  the  recent  capitulation.  Nevertheless,  he  managed 
to  defeat  the  French  at  Rossbach  in  Saxony,  5  November,  and  then, 
with  amazing  energy  and  ability,  to  advance  into  Silesia  and  to  win 
an  overwhelming  victory  over  the  Austrians  at  Leuthen,  5  December, 
thus  bringing  to  a  triumphant  close  a  long  and  desperate  campaign. 

The  Campaign  of  1758.  Operations  in  North  America  and  Africa. 
—  In  1758  the  effect  of  Pitt's  system  first  began  to  bear  fruit.  He 
devised  elaborate  plans  to  carry  on  the  war  on  four  continents,  in 
America,  Africa,  India  and  Europe.  His  chief  energies  were  devoted 
to  America.  Three  forces  were  prepared.  The  main  attack  was 
directed  against  Louisburg  which,  together  with  the  whole  island,  was 
captured  before  the  end  of  July.  Most  conspicuous  for  bravery  and 
energy  was  General  Wolfe,  the  second  in  command,  whose  appoint- 
ment marked  one  of  Pitt's  most  daring  innovations,  splendidly  justified 
by  its  results  —  election  for  important  posts  on  the  basis  of  merit 
rather  than  seniority  or  influence.  A  second  force,  ordered  to  secure 
the  French  forts  commanding  Lake  George  and  Lake  Champlain  in 
order  to  open  the  way  for  an  attack  on  Canada,  failed  to  achieve  its 
purpose.  A  third  army,  sent  out  from  Philadelphia,  succeeded  in  cap- 
turing Fort  Duquesne,  thus  securing  the  "  key  of  the  great  West." 
The  next  year,  Fort  Pitt  was  erected,  a  name  which  survives  to-day  in 
the  great  manufacturing  city  of  Pittsburgh.  An  expedition  against 
the  French  possessions  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  secured  possession 
of  the  river  Senegal  and  the  Island  of  Goree. 

The  War  in  Europe  (1758).  —  Fleets  were  fitted  out  to  seal  up  the 
French  ports  and  to  guard  the  Channel.  During  the  summer,  two 
expeditions  were  sent  against  the  coast  of  France,  which,  though  they 
inflicted  little  actual  damage  on  the  enemy,  effected  their  purpose 
of  diverting  the  French  from  sending  reinforcements  to  Germany. 
Frederick's  victories  had  been  received  with  joy  in  England,  where  he 
was  hailed  as  the  "  Protestant  hero."  Parliament  voted  him  a  sub- 
sidy and  agreed  to  support  an  army  of  35,000  in  western  Germany, 
where  the  new  commander,  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Brunswick,  during 
the  year  fought  the  French  on  the  whole  with  success;  though  the 
poor  Hanoverians  suffered  pitifully  from  the  fighting  as  well  as  the 
marching  and  countermarching  through  their  territory.  Farther  east, 


500     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Frederick  managed  to  beat  back  an  invasion  of  the  Russians  who  got 
within  a  few  days'  march  of  Berlin ;  but  he  was  severely  handled  by 
the  Austrians  in  Saxony,  though  they  failed  to  profit  by  a  victory, 
14  October,  in  which  they  nearly  annihilated  his  army.  Even  Pitt 
was  appalled  by  the  increasing  cost  of  the  war,  but  the  people  loyally 
supported  him,  while  Newcastle,  though  with  a  sour  grace,  used  his 
influence  in  Parliament  to  secure  the  necessary  grants.  The  generous 
outlays  were  rewarded  the  coming  year  by  a  series  of  victories  rarely 
paralleled  in  history. 

The  Plan  of  Campaign  against  Quebec  (1759).  —  In  spite  of  elab- 
orate preparations  for  home  defense  against  a  threatened  French 
invasion,  Pitt  went  on  with  his  plans  for  the  conquest  of  North 
America.  A  fleet  was  dispatched  to  the  West  Indies,  which  captured 
Guadeloupe,  i  May;  but  Canada  was  the  main  object  of  the  cam- 
paign. Three  expeditions  starting  from  different  points  were  directed 
to  converge  on  Quebec,  the  stronghold  of  the  Province.  One  from  the 
west,  forming  the  left  wing  and  consisting  of  Colonial  forces  and  friendly 
Indians,  was  to  reduce  Niagara,  sail  across  Lake  Ontario,  and  pass  down 
the  St.  Lawrence  by  way  of  Montreal.  The  army  of  the  center  was 
to  start  from  New  York,  strike  again  at  Ticonderoga,  secure  Lake 
Champlain,  and  push  on  into  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  eastern  or  right 
wing,  composed  of  an  army  under  General  Wolfe  and  a  fleet  under 
Admiral  Saunders,  was  to  sail  up  to  Quebec  from  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  Lawrence.  Since  neither  of  the  two  other  expeditions  —  though 
they  gained  some  not  unimportant  successes  and  diverted  a  number  of 
French  troops  —  ever  reached  their  objective,  the  whole  task  of 
reducing  Quebec  rested  upon  Wolfe  and  Saunders.  Fortunately  for 
Great  Britain,  the  French  administration  was  corrupt  and  divided, 
and  the  country  was  too  exhausted  by  the  Continental  war  to  send 
adequate  forces  to  the  relief  of  Canada.  Montcalm,  on  the  news  of 
the  impending  attack,  concentrated  the  whole  French  defense  in  and 
about  Quebec,  which,  from  its  situation  on  a  steep  bluff  commanding 
the  St.  Lawrence,  was  one  of  the  strong  places  of  the  world.  While 
the  French  and  Canadians  had  the  advantage  of  position,  and  out- 
numbered x  the  British  as  well,  the  latter  were  better  drilled  and  or- 
ganized, and  were  backed  by  a  powerful  fleet.  Between  one  and  two 
thousand  of  the  defenders  were  gathered  in  the  city,  the  remainder, 
nearly  fourteen  thousand,  were  stationed  along  the  steep  and  strongly 
fortified  left  bank  of  the  rivqr  below  the  town. 

The  Capture  of  Quebec  (September,  1759).  —  From  July  to  Sep- 
tember they  successfully  withstood  all  attempts  of  the  British  to  over- 

1  Wolfe  started  with  an  army  of  about -8000. 


THE   DUEL  FOR   EMPIRE  501 

come  them  from  this  side.  At  length,  on  the  advice  of  his  subalterns, 
Wolfe  decided  to  move  his  forces  past  Quebec  and  attack  from  the 
other  side.  For  thirty  miles  the  river  bank  was  sheer  and  rocky  with 
only  an  occasional  break.  Montcalm ,  who  expected  that  the  attempted 
landing  would  be  made  some  miles  up  the  river,  had  disposed  his  chief 
forces  accordingly,  but  Wolfe  had  discovered  a  place,  only  a  mile  and 
a  half  along  the  bank,  which  led  to  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  a  plateau 
overlooking  the  city.  In  the  early  morning  of  13  September,  1759, 
he  crossed  from  the  southern  shore  with  four  thousand  men,  made 
his  way  up  the  almost  impassable  ascent  by  a  path  so  narrow  that  in 
places  two  could  not  walk  abreast,  and  gained  possession  of  the  bluff, 
which  was  guarded  by  a  garrison  of  only  two  hundred  men  who  fled 
and  left  the  invaders  in  possession.  Montcalm,  when,  from  his  camp 
below  the  city,  he  heard  the  sound  of  muskets,  hurriedly  mounted  his 
horse,  rode  toward  the  scene  of  action  and  hastily  summoned  his  forces ; 
but,  unable  to  contend  against  the  superior  discipline  of  their  adver- 
saries, they  wavered,  broke,  and  fled  within  the  walls  of  Quebec.  In 
this  conflict  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  which  decided  the  fate  of  New 
France,  both  commanders  were  mortally  wounded.  The  garrison 
yielded,  18  September.  However,  the  French  troops  outside,  who 
fled  to  Montreal,  were  able  to  hold  out  for  another  year.  The  news 
of  the  fall  of  the  stronghold  which  the  British  had  begun  to  believe 
impregnable  was  received  with  wild  exultation,  but  it  was  mingled 
with  mourning  for  the  loss  of  the  man  who  had  brought  the  conquest 
of  Canada  within  sight. 

The  French  Invasion  Frustrated.  —  Meantime,  Admiral  Rodney 
had  bombarded  Havre  and  destroyed  many  of  the  flat-bottomed  boats 
destined  to  transport  French  troops  to  England ;  in  August  another 
English  fleet  seriously  incapacitated  a  squadron  which  put  out  from 
Toulon ;  and  20  November,  at  Quiberon,  Admiral  Hawke  overcame  the 
Brest  fleet  —  an  achievement  which  was  a  marvel  of  daring  and  skill. 
Heedless  of  the  rocks  and  shoals  of  an  unfamiliar  coast  and  in  the  teeth 
of  a  heavy  storm  and  a  high  sea,  he  boldly  pursued  the  enemy  toward 
the  shore  and  with  the  loss  of  only  two  ships  he  took  or  sunk  five  of 
the  French  and  scattered  the  rest.  The  result  of  these  successes  was 
to  make  the  British  again  supreme  at  sea,  and  to  put  an  end  to  the 
French  prospect  of  a  general  invasion. 

The  War  in  Germany  (1759).  —  All  the  while,  Frederick  was  strug- 
gling for  existence  against  the  Austrians  and  Russians  who  were  press- 
ing in  upon  the  Saxon  and  Silesian  frontier.  In  spite  of  defeat  and 
despondency  he  held  his  ground,  leaving  Ferdinand  of  Brunswick  free 
to  deal  with  two  French  armies  in  western  Germany.  The  latter,  after 


502     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

some  preliminary  reverses,  gained  a  decisive  victory  over  the  combined 
forces  of  the  enemy  at  Minden,  i  August.  The  entire  destruction  of 
the  French  was  only  prevented  by  the  refusal  of  Lord  George  Sackville 
to  charge  the  broken  columns  with  his  cavalry,  which  had  been  held 
in  reserve  during  the  earlier  part  of  the  fight. 

The  "  Great  Year"  of  Victories  (1759).  —  All  together,  the  year  was 
unique  in  the  annals  of  British  military  achievement.  In  America, 
in  Africa,  in  India,  in  Europe,  by  land  and  sea,  wherever  her  forces  had 
been  engaged,  they  had  been  signally  victorious.  Almost  every  month 
had  brought  news  of  a  fresh  triumph.  Fortunately,  too,  British  trade 
and  manufactures  grew  and  flourished,  thus  enabling  the  country  to 
bear  the  enormous  burden  of  the  war.  Pitt,  who  by  his  genius  and 
his  industry  had  planned  the  campaign,  equipped  the  expeditions,  and 
selected  the  commanders,  had  breathed  into  the  nation  his  own  heroic 
spirit.  At  length  England,  as  Frederick  the  Great  joyfully  testified, 
"  had  borne  a  man."  Even  the  King  had  been  completely  won  over, 
while  the  Commons  loyally  voted  him  all  that  he  demanded. 

•  India  (1756-1760).  The  "  Black  Hole  "  of  Calcutta  (20  June,  1756). 
—  Meantime,  an  empire  was  being  won  in  India.  The  conquest  began 
in  Bengal  where  a  powerful  line  of  princes  ruled  independently  of  the 
Moguls  in  everything  but  name.  In  April,  i756,^Suraja  Dowlalrsuc- 
ceeded  to  this  great  inheritance.  He  was  only  nineteen,  feeble  in 
intellect  but  ferocious  in  temper  and  consumed  with  hatred  for  the 
Europeans.  When  the  Presidency  of  Calcutta  began  to  erect  new 
fortifications  against  the  French  he  led  forth  a  vast  army  and  took 
possession  of  Fort  William,  20  June.  That  very  night,  in  spite  of  his 
promise  that  the  lives  of  the  prisoners  should  be  spared,  145  men  and 
one  woman  were,  by  the  command  of  his  officers,  thrust  into  the  com- 
mon dungeon  of  the  fort,  known  to  the  English  as  the  "  Black  Hole  " 
of  Calcutta.  It  was  only  eighteen  feet  by  fourteen,  with  two  small 
windows  overhung  by  a  low  veranda.  After  a  night  of  indescribable 
suffering,  witnessed  by  the  guards  with  "  fiendish  glee,"  23  of  the  146 
were  found  alive  in  the  morning.  The  news  which  reached  Madras, 
1 6  August,  found  the  English  in  the  midst  of  a  struggle  with  the  French 
for  the  control  of  the  Carnatic.  After  a  quarrel  as  to  who  should  com- 
mand, Clive,  with  a  force  of  Europeans  and  Sepoys,1  was  dispatched 
north  in  a  British  fleet.  The  native  garrison  at  Calcutta  was  easily 
put  to  flight  and  the  settlement  abandoned  to  the  English,  2  January, 
1757.  Convinced  that  there  could  be  "  neither  peace  nor  trade  " 
until  Suraja  Dowlah  —  on  whom  no  dependence  could  be  placed  — 
was  disposed  of,  Clive  marched  from  Calcutta  with  3000  men,  of  whom 

1  Native  troops  in  European  service. 


THE   DUEL   FOR   EMPIRE  503 

only  a  third  were  English.  On  the  morning  of  23  June,  1757,  he  en- 
gaged the  enemy  at  the  village  of  Plassey,  and  before  nightfall  had  put 
to  flight  their  force  of  35,000  infantry  and  15,000  cavalry,  together 
with  forty  cannon  under  the  direction  of  Frenchmen  in  the  native  serv- 
ice. With  a  loss  of  22  slain  and  50  wounded,  Clive  had  won  Bengal 
and  laid  the  foundations  of  the  British  Empire  in  India.  Suraja 
Dowlah,  who  had  escaped  during  the  battle,  was  later  caught  and  exe- 
cuted. The  directors  of  the  East  India  Company  made  Clive  Gov- 
ernor of  Bengal,  in  which  capacity  he  showed  the  same  astonishing 
ability  that  he  had  shown  as  a  conqueror.  While  he  made  a  fortune 
for  himself,  and  while  vanity  and  instances  of  bad  faith  maybe  charged 
against  him,  he  was  subjected  to  unusual  temptations,  and  Chatham, 
mindful  of  his  achievements,  hailed  him  as  a  "  heaven-born  general." 

Winning  of  the  Carnatic  (1759-1761).— Meanwhile,  the  struggle  be- 
tween the  British  and  the  French  had  continued  in  the  southeast ;  but 
the  French  commander  alienated  the  natives  by  trampling  on  their 
caste  distinctions,  he  was  hampered  by  lack  of  funds,  and  grew  steadily 
unpopular  even  with  his  own  people.  The  arrival  of  a  British  fleet 
forced  him  to  raise  the  siege  of  Madras,  and  Colonel  Eyre  Coote,  who 
brought  reinforcements  of  troops,  by  a  series  of  successes  established 
British  ascendancy  in  the  Carnatic  before  the  end  of  1759.  One  place 
after  another  yielded  to  their  arms,  and  with  the  fall  of  Pondicherry 
in  January,  1761,  the  French  lost  their  last  stronghold  in  India.  In 
spite  of  restorations  of  territory,  made  in  1763,  they  were  never  able 
to  recover  their  lost  ground,  and  their  East  India  Company  soon 
became  extinct.  The  future  struggles  of  the  British  were  with  the 
natives  and  not  with  the  rival  European  powers. 

The  Completion  of  the  Conquest  of  Canada  (1760).  —  With  the  ap- 
proach of  spring,  in  1760,  the  condition  of  Quebec  became  critical; 
nevertheless,  the  English  commander  was  able  to  hold  off  a  French 
attacking  force  until  an  English  fleet  came  to  his  relief,  whereupon  the 
French  commander  withdrew  and  shut  himself  up  in  Montreal.  Three 
British  armies  were  sent  against  him  —  one  from  Quebec,  another 
from  Crown  Point,  and  the  third  under  General  Amherst  from  Oswego.  ^V^ 
Amherst,  who  acted  as  commander-in-chief,  managed  to  concentrate 
these  various  forces  so  brilliantly  and  effectively  that  Montreal,  sur- 
rounded without  hope  of  relief,  was  forced  to  capitulate,  8  September, 
1760,  and  the  British  conquest  of  Canada  was  finally  complete. 

The  Turn  in  the  Tide  of  Frederick's  Fortunes  (1760).  —  While  his 
ally  was  winning  empires  in  America  and  India,  Frederick  was  trying 
to  recover  from  his  reverses  and  to  hold  his  own  against  the  Austrians 
and  the  Russians.  Although  he  defeated  one  Austrian  army,  1 5  August,  • 


504     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

1760,  thereby  securing  Silesia,  he  was  unable  to  prevent  another  force 
from  joining  with  the  Russians  and  marching  on  Berlin,  which  they 
occupied  for  three  days.  Having  relieved  his  capital,  Frederick 
marched  into  Saxony,  which  the  Austrians  had  again  entered,  drove 
them  out  after  a  victory  at  Torgau,  3  November,  the  last  and  bloodiest 
battle  of  the  Third  Silesian  War,  and  closed  the  campaign  with  the 
feeling  that  the  tide  in  his  fortunes  had  turned.  Ferdinand,  though 
with  some  difficulty,  held  the  southern  and  western  frontier  against  two 
French  armies  which  together  amounted  to  200,000  men. 

The  Death  of  George  n£25  October,  1760).  —  In  the  midst  of  the 
triumph  of  English  arms,fGeorge_II  died,  25  October,  1760.  In  spite 
of  his  faults,  he  could  boast  that  during  a  reign  oLthirty- three  years 
he  had  .not,  in  a  single  instance,  violated  the  Constitution.!  To  what- 
ever cause  his  moderation  may  have  been  due,  the  result  was  happy 
for  England.  Curiously  enough,  Pitt,  the  man  who  had  begun  by 
earning  his  hatred,  crowned  his  reign  with  glorious  achievement. 
Though  George  gave  his  confidence  grudgingly,  he  gave  it  unreservedly, 
and,  from  1757  until  the  end  of  the  King's  life,  the  policy  of  the  country 
was  practically  Pitt's  policy.  With  the  accession  of  George's  grand- 
son a  momentous  change  was  to  come. 


FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative  and  Constitutional.  Leadam;  Robertson;  Bright;  Stan- 
hope; Lecky;  Cambridge  Modern  History;  Hallam;  and  Taylor. 

Biography.  Coxe's  and  Morley's  Walpole.  Hon.  Evan  Charteris, 
William  Augustus,  Duke  of  Cumberland,  1721-1748  (1913),  a  brilliant  schol- 
arly apology.  Lord  Rosebery,  Lord  Chatham,  His  Early  Life  and  Con- 
nections (1910),  to  1756,  scholarly  and  charmingly  written.  F.  Harrison, 
William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham  (1905),  a  brief  sketch.  Macaulay,  Critical 
and  Historical  Essays  (3d  ed.,  1853),  two  famous  essays  on  Pitt.  The  two 
great  biographies  of  Pitt  are  A.  von  Ruville,  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham 
(3  vols.,  1907,  Eng.  tr.)  and  Basil  Williams,  The  Life  of  William  Pitt  (2  vols. 
1913),  the  former  hostile,  the  latter  favorable.  Kate  Hotblack,  Chatham's 
Colonial  Policy  (1917),  a  valuable  contribution.  T.  W.  Riker,  Henry  Fox, 
First  Lord  Holland  (2  vols.,  1911).  P.  C.  Yorke,  The  Life  and  Correspondence 
of  Philip  Yorke,  Earl  of  Hardivicke  (3  vols.,  1913). 

Army  and  Navy.  Fortescue,  British  Army;  Mahan, .Sea  Power;  J.  S. 
Corbett,  England  in  the  Seven  Years'  War  (2  vols.,  1907) ;  Clowes,  Royal 
Navy. 

America.  Cambridge  Modern  History,  VII,  chs.  I-IV  (bibliography, 
753~779)>  India,  ibid.,  VI,  ch.  XV  (bibliography,  925-932).  For  further 
bibliography  on  America  and  India,  Robertson,  523,  and  Leadam,  515. 


THE   DUEL  FOR  EMPIRE  505 

Pitman,  F.  W.,  The  Development  of  the  British  West  Indies  (1917).  C.  M. 
Andrews,  The  Colonial  Period  (1912),  an  excellent  brief  survey. 

Contemporary.  John,  Lord  Hervey,  Memoirs  of  the  Reign  of  George  II 
to  the  Death  of  Queen  Caroline  (ed.  J.  W.  Croker,  2  vols.,  1848),  ill-natured 
and  to  be  read  with  caution.  Horace  Walpole,  Memoirs  of  the  Reign  of 
George  II  (ed.  Lord  Holland,  3  vols.,  1846). 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  no.  249,  and  Robert- 
son, pt.  I,  nos.  XXIX-XLIII. 


CHAPTER  XLH 

THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASCENDANCY. 
THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  III  (1760-1770) 

The  Significance  of  the  Reign  of  George  III.  —  The  accession  of 
George  III,  25  October,  1760,  marked  a  no  table /attempt  to  revive 
the  personal  power  of  the  Sovereign  and  a  consequent  setback  to 
the  progress  of  Cabinet  and  party  government  for  over  twenty  yearsO 
While  his  two  predecessors  had  seen  the  wisdom  of  leaving  the  Gov- 
ernment largely  in  the  hands  of  their  Whig  Ministers,  George  III 
bent  all  his  energies  to  break  the  power  of  the  dominant  oligarchy 
and  systematically  to  impose  his  will  upon  the  nation.  Another 
result  of  his  accession  was  the  Return  to -power  of  the  Tories,  after 
nearly  fifty  years  of  exclusion  from  ofnceTj  Events  had  been  working 
in  their  favor  for  some  years  before  George  III  ascended  the  throne. 
Although  the  Whigs  monopolized  office  and  power  and  controlled 
Parliament,  they  were  at  odds  among  themselves,  for  the  party  was 
split  into  various  factions,  each  dominated  by  one  of  the  great  fami- 
lies ;  moreover,  Pitt,  while  he  was  nominally  a  Whig  bound  by  a 
working  agreement  with  Newcastle,  hated  all  party  combinations. 
His  views  and  example  did  something  to  discredit  the  old  system, 
though  his  methods  and  aims  were  quite  the  opposite  of  those  of  the 
new  King.  [jMtt's  idea  was  to  call  in  the  best  men  of  both  parties, 
who  were  backed  by  the  people  and  voiced  popular  opinionyGeorge '  s 
was  to  put  in  office  only  those  who  would  serve  his  purpose  in  estab- 
lishing the  royal  ascendancy.]  Aside  from  the  disintegration  of  the 
Whigs,  other  causes  rendered  the  situation  most  favorable  for  the 
revival  of  a  strong  monarchy.  The  Stuart  rivals  of  the  Hanoverian 
line  had  been  hopelessly  discredited  by  the  failure  of  1745.  Further- 
more, though  George  III  had  no  share  in  them,  the  victories  of  Pitt 
had  aroused  a  tremendous  loyalty  and  national  enthusiasm  that  was 
bound  to  reflect  luster  on  the  Crown.  Finally,  while  the  first  two 
Georges  were  full  of  Hanoverian  prejudices  and  were  distrusted  in 
consequence,  their  successor  was  born  in  England  and  inspired  in  his 
subjects  the  confidence  that  he  was  a  typical  Englishman. 

506 


THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASCENDANCY  507 

George  III,  his  Personal  Traits.  —  George  III  was  now  twenty- 
two  years  old.  Owing  to  the  quarrels  of  his  father,  Prince  Frederick,1 
with  the  late  King,  the  boy's  early  years  were  passed  apart  from  the 
royal  court,  so  that  he  grew  up  "  full  of  prejudices  .  .  .  fostered  by 
women  and  pages."  fOtterly  ignorant  of  business  when  he  became 
KingTjhe  shook  off  his  slothful  habits  and  applied  himself  zealously 
to  his  duties.  His  favorite  occupation  was  agriculture,  which  gained 
for  him  the  popular  title  of  "  Farmer  George."  Perhaps  his  most 
admirable  quality  was  his  unquestioned-  bravery.  This,  together 
with  his  simplicity,  his  purity  of  family  life,  and  his  piety,  endeajed 
him  to  the  middle-class  Englishman.  Conscientious  he  was,  too,  and 
right  in  his  intentions ;  but  overestimating  his  own  wisdom  and  recti- 
tude, he  could  appreciate  no  point  of  view  but  his  own,  and  treated 
with  rudeness,  vindictiveness,  and  even  treachery,  all  those  who 
presumed  to  differ  from  him.  ^ 

His  Policy.  —  Patriotic  and  /high-minded  statesmen  who  were 
assertive  and  independent  were  kept  out  of  omceTj  while  those  who 
did  his  bidding,  however  incompetent  or  dissolute,  were  loaded  with 
royal  confidence  and  favor.^J  Economically  as  he  managed  his  house- 
hold, he  spent  such  vast  sums  in  the  bestowal  of  bribes  and  pensions 
that  he  was  always  in  debt.  His  money,  together  with  the  patronage 
and  the  boroughs  which  he  controlled,  was  lavishly  employed  in  main- 
taining a  strong  body  of  supporters  in  Parliament,  known  as  the 
"  King's  friends,"  though  they  were  not  admitted  to  the  circle  of  his 
personal  intimates,  who  were  all  kindly,  honest  folk.  Something, 
however,  must  be  said  for  George  by  way  of  extenuation.  His  mother, 
Augusta  of  Saxe-Gotha,  who  had  much  to  do  with  forming  his  mind, 
ceaselessly  drilled  him  in  the  traditions  of  a  petty  German  court,  and 
exhorted  him  to  "  be  a  King."  Her  closest  and  most  trusted  adviser, 
John,  Earl  of  Bute,  reenforced  her  teachings.  Bute  was  a  Scotsman, 
with  polished  manners  and  a  talent  for  intrigue ;  but  of  slender  ability, 
pompous,  haughty,  and  a  magnifier  of  royalty.  Under  their  guidance, 
George,  in  order  to  restore  the  influence  of  the  Crown,  used  the  Tories 
as  a  body  of  servile  henchmen,  instead  of  building  up  the  party  on  a 
strong  wholesome  footing  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  corrupt  Whig 
oligarchy ;  instgad  of  reforming  the  representative  system  and  the 
public  service,  [he  increased  parliamentary  and  official  corruption ;  he 
swelled  the  National  Debt,  made  serious  encroachments  on  the  liberty 
of  the  subjects,  and  lost  to  England  the  richest  and  most  flourishing  of 
her  colonies.!  In  the  final  estimate,  some  allowance  must  be  made  for 
the  fact  that  twice  in  the  first  half  of  his  reign  he  was  attacked  by 

1  He  died  in  1751. 


508    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

jits  of  insanity,  and  spent  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life  in  complete 
mental  darkness."]  , 

The  Opening  of  the  Reign  (i76o).-t-jGeorge's  first  aim  was  to  break 
up  the  coalition  between  Pitt  and  Newcastle,  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war  with  France  and  to  place  his  favorite  Bute  at  the  head  of  affairsTj 
The  Cabinet  was  torn  with  dissensions,  andfritt  was  so  high-handed 
that  he  had  not  a  single  stanch  supporter  in  the  whole  bodyT}  On 
the  other  hand,  he  was  still  the  popular  idol,  while  Bute 
partly  as  a  Scotsman  and  more  particularly  because  of  the  suspicion 
that  the  Princess  Dowager  was  too  much  under  his  influence.  Indeed, 
it  was  a  favorite  practice  for  the  City  mob,  at  almost  every  demon- 
stration during  the  next  few  years,  to  hang  a  petticoat  or  a  bonnet, 
together  with  a  jack  boot,  on  a  pole.  The  King  himself,  however,  was 
received  at  first  with  an  enthusiasm  unequaled  since  the  Restoration. 

The  Resignation  of  Pitt  (5  October,  1761).  — There  were  various 
indications  that  George's  efforts  to  bring  about  a  peace  would  soon 
prevail.  In  March,  1761,  Bute  became  Pitt's  colleague  as  Secretary 
of  State,  and  other  Tories  were  brought  into  office.  What  with  sub- 
sidies and  the  steadily  increasing  military  establishment,  the  debt 
was  piling  up  alarmingly;  increasing  difficulty  was  experienced  in 
filling  the  ranks,  and  riots  were  of  frequent  occurrence.  £Teace  nego- 
tiations had  been  opened,  but  Pitt  was  bent  on  utterly  destroying  the 
power  of  France.  His  opponents  argued  in  reply  that  such  a  result 
would  inevitably  bring  about  a  great  European  coalition  against 
England  in  the  interest  of  balance  of  power,  and  that  to  take  Canada 
from  France  would  remove  an  effective  means  of  retaining  a  hold 
on  the  North  American  colonies.  The  French,  who,  nevertheless, 
might  have  been  forced  to  accept  Pitt's  hard  terms,  were  encouraged 
to  resist  when  Spain  ranged  herself  on  her  side  and  presented  a  series 
of  demands  to  the  English  through  the  French  negotiators.  Pitt 
scornfully  refused  to  consider  any  claims  brought  before  him  in  such 
a  manner,  and  before  long  broke  off  negotiations  with  the  French  as 
well.  Suspecting  that  the  two  Monarchies  were  in  secret  alliance, 
and  that  Spain  was  on  the  point  of  joining  in  the  conflict,  he  made 
ready  to  strike  at  her  exposed  places,  while,  in  a  Cabinet  Council, 
held  2  October,  he  proposed  an  immediate  declaration  of  war  against 
Spain  before  she  could  complete  her  preparations.  Events  proved 
that  he  had  interpreted  the  situation  correctly ;  for,  15  August,  Charles 
III  and  Louis  XV  had  signed  a  new  Family  Compact  uniting  their 
countries  in  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance.  Only  one  of  his 
colleagues  agreed  with  Pitt ;  so,  after  a  series  of  stormy  discussions, 
he  resigned,  5  October.^ 


THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASCENDANCY  509 


The  End  of  the  Newcastle  Ministry  (1762).  —  Thus  the  King  and  his 
party  succeeded  in  overthrowing  the  great  War  Minister  in  the  full 
course  of  his  victorious  career.  Qsoon  after,  Spain,  having  completed 
her  arrangements,  openly  proclaimed  her  alliance  with  France,  and 
Great  Britain  was  forced  to  reply  by  a  declaration  of  war,  2  January, 
1762.  Thanks  to  Pitt's  preparations,  a  series  of  new  and  striking 
successes  followed.  On  14  August,  Havana  yielded  after  a  siege  of 
little  more  than  two  months,  and  the  capture  of  Manila  followed  in 
October.  Newcastle,  who  had  rejoiced  at  the  fall  of  Pitt  in  the 
hope  that  he  might  recover  his  lost  ascendancy,  had  been  speedily 
disillusioned.  The  King  and  his  followers  treated  him  with  studied 
rudeness  and  neglect.  When  they  ceased  even  to  consult  him  in 
questions  of  patronage,  the  veteran  old  place-monger  resigned,  May, 
[762,  seizing  as  a  pretext  tgute^s  refusal  to  continue  the  Prussian 
subsidy.  The  King's  favorite,  who  for  months  had  been  virtually 
Prime  Minister  jnow  openly  assumed  the  position. 

The  Bute  Ministry  (1762-1763),  and  the  Peace  of  Paris.  —  By  a 
lavish  use  of  bribery  and  intimidation  the  Treaty  of  Paris  was  carried, 
in  the  teeth  of  a  stout  opposition  by  the  Tories,  after  Pitt  and  the 
Whigs  had  led  the  country  to  victory.  At  home  and  abroad,  the 
dominant  party  was  accused  of  deserting  the  country's  German 
allies.  Bute,  however,  protested  that  Prussia  was  guaranteed  from 
danger  before  British  subsidies  and  troops  were  withdrawn  from 
Germany,  but  Frederick,  who  also  believed  that  the  new  Prime  Min- 
ister intrigued  with  Austria  behind  his  back,  was  so  infuriated  that  he 
became  hopelessly  alienated.  The  loss  of  his  support  was  seriously 
felt  in  the  crises  of  years  to  come. 

The-  Terms  df  Pea,ce.  —  By  the  definitive  peace,  signed  at  Paris, 
10  February,  1763  prance  withdrew  her  troops  from  Germany;  she 
restored  Minorca  ;  and  ceded  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  Cape  Breton, 
and  all  the  islands  in  the  river  and  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  together 
with  such  territories  as  she  claimed  east  of  the  MississippiJ  except 
New  Orleans.  She  also  gave  up(|everal  of  the  West  Indian  islands, 
as  well  as  her  African  possessions  on  the  Senegal.]/  [_Great  Britain,  on 
her  part,  restored  various  conquests,  she  granted  thq  French  certain 
fishing  rights  in  the  St.  Lawrence  and  off  the  banks  of  Newfoundland, 
ceding  two  islands,  on  condition  that  they  should  never  be  fortified, 
and  agreed  that  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  should  be  free  to 
both  countries.  She  also  ceded  Martinique  and  other  West  Indian 
islands._J  In  India  there  was  a  mutual  restoration  of  conquests  made 
since  1749,  though  the  French  were  forbidden  to  have  troops  or 
fortifications  in  Bengal  and  forced  to  agree  to  acknowledge  the  native 


510     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

princes,  in  the  Carnatic  and  the  Deccan,  whom  the  British  chose  to 
support.  Spain  ceded  to  Great  Britain  Florida,  together  with  all  her 
other  possessions  east  of  the  Mississippi,  in  return  for  which  France 
compensated  her  with  Louisiana  and  New  Orleans,  while  England 
restored  Havana,  but  reserved  the  right  to  cut  logwood  in  the  Bay  of 
Honduras.  Manila  and  the  Philippines  were  handed  back,  since 
the  news  of  the  conquest  did  not  arrive  until  after  the  signature  of 
the  preliminaries. 

— ^  The  Opposition  to  the  Peace  and  the  Resignation  of  Bute  (1763).  — 
I  These  terms  were  substantially  what  Pitt  had  rejected  in  1761,  so  that 
England  profited  nothing  by  another  year  of  victories^  She  had  made 
tremendous  gains;  but  she  had  ceded,  without  adequate  compensa- 
tion, territories  actually  held  at  the  end  of  the  war.  This  roused  a 
storm  of  protest  throughout  England;! Bute  was  hissed  and  pelted  as 
he  went  to  and  from  Parliament,  and  had  to  employ  a  bodyguard 
of  bruisers  and  butchers  to  protect  him/]  Numerous  abusive  libels 
appeared,  some,  it  is  said,  instigated  by  the  agents  of  Frederick  the 
Great.  Realizing^that  his  unpopularity  was  injuring  the  cause  of 
his  royal  master,  (Bute  resignedly  April,  1763.  LHe  had  accomplished 
the  King's  two  main  purposes  of  putting  an  end  to  the  war  and  break- 
ing up  the  Whig  connection^but  he  left  the  country  seething  with 
discontent  and  deprived  of  its  only  powerful  ally. 

The  Grenville  Ministry  (1763-1765),  and  John  Wilkes.  — £_Bute 
was  succeeded  by  George  Grenville  (1712-1770),  who  also  took  the 
office  of  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer.  He  -was  upright,  industrious, 
skillful  in  finance  and  well  versed  in  parliamentary  procedure ;  but  he 
was  narrow-minded,  utterly  lacking  in  tact  and  breadth  of  political 
outlookj  No  sooner  had  the  new  Minister  come  into  office  than  he 
became  involved  in  a  momentous  quarrel  with  John  Wilkes,  a  pro- 
fane and  profligate  man  of  fashion,  who,  because  of  his  wit,  his 
audacity,  and'  his  skill  in  meeting  the  ill-advised  attempts  of  the 
Government  to  suppress  him,  became  the  darling  of  the  populace. 
By  the  agitation  which  he  stirred  up,  at  least  two  important  prin- 
ciples in  the  progress  of  the  liberty  of  the  subject  were  established : 
that  general  warrants  r  were  illegal  and  that  the  House  of  Commons 
may  not  permanently  exclude  any  member,  not  legally  disqualified, 
whom  the  constituents  may  choose  to  elect. 

The  North  Briton  Review,  No.  45,  and  Its  Consequences  (1763- 
1764).  — f.Wilkes  had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in  founding,  June, 
1762,  the  North  Briton  Review,  a  journal  devoted  to  attacking  the 

1  That  is,  warrants  which  do  not  specify  the  persons  to  be  arrested  for  a  par- 
ticular offense. 


THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE   ROYAL  ASCENDANCY  511 

Governmentf]  In  the  famous  "  No.  45,"  which  appeared  23  April, 
1763,  a  speech  from  the  Throne  x  defending  the  recent  peace  was  vig- 
orously assailed,  together  with  the  whole  policy  of  the  past  few  months. 
While  the  personal  character  of  the  King  was  referred  to  with  respect, 
his  favorite  was  lashed  unmercifully.  George  III,  however,  was  in- 
furiated at  the  assertion  that  he  was  only  the  "  first  magistrate  of 
this  country  .  .  .  responsible  to  his  people  for  due  exercise  of  the 
royal  function  in  the  choice  of  his  Ministers,"  and  he  determined  to 
crush  the  man  who  sought  to  reduce  him  to  a  mere  figurehead  and 
who  presumed  to  assail  those  whom  he  had  selected  to  do  his  will. 
Accordingly,  a  general  warrant  was  issued,  directing  the  Arrest  of  the 
"  authors,  printers,  and  publishers  "  of  the  offensive  number,  as  well 
as  the  seizure  of  their  papers?]  Wilkes  was  apprehended  on  the  word 
of  the  publishers  and  lodged  in  the  Tower.  Protesting  on  two  grounds 
—  that  general  warrants  were  illegal,  and  that,  as  a  member  of  Parlia- 
ment, he  was  entitled  to  the  privilege  of  freedom  from  arrest  on  civil 
process  —  he  succeeded  in  bringing  the  case  before  the  Court  of  Com- 
mon Pleas,  where  the  Chief  Justice  decided  in  favor  of  his  parlia- 
mentary privilege.2 

The  End_pf  the  First  Stage  of  the  Proceedings  against  Wilkes 
(1764).  — |Wilkes  was  not  only  released  but  was  awarded  damages..' 
When  he  had  the  temerity  to  celebrate  his  triumph  by  printing  an 
annotated  edition  of  "  No.  45,"  the  Government  undertook  meas- 
ures of  systematic  vindictiveness :  [spies  were  set  upon  his  track; 
his  letters  were  opened  at  the  Post  Office,  and  the  Attorney-General 
brought  suit  for  libel  against  him  in  legal  formj  Parliament  met 
15  November,  1763,  and  though  the  case  was  still  pending,  the  Com- 
mons proceeded  to  vote  No.  45,  "a  false,  scandalous  and  seditious 
libel,"  and  to  order  it  to  be  burnt  by  the  common  hangman.  In  the 
Upper  House,  Lord  Sandwich,  one  of  Wilkes'  boon  companions,  sud- 
denly produced  an  obscene  parody  of  Pope's  Essay  on  Man,  entitled 
an  Essay  on  Woman,  and  a  blasphemous  version  of  the  Veni  Creator, 
which  the  Peers  at  once  voted  to  be  "  scandalous,  obscene,  and  im- 
pious libels."  Undoubtedly  they  were;  but  Wilkes  had  intended 
them  only  for  private  circulation  and  the  motives  of  his  opponents 
were  only  too  apparent.  The  popular  excitement  became  intense. 

1  For  some  time  it  had  been  the  practice  for*  the  chief  Ministers  to  prepare  the 
speech  from  the  throne,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact  Bute  had  been  the  author  of  the 
one  in  question. 

2  In  certain  other  suits  which  came  up  he  pronounced  the  momentous  opinion 
that  general  warrants  were  illegal.     They  had  hitherto  been  held  to  be  legal,  though 
regarded  as  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  and  subversive  to  the  liberty 
of  the  subject. 


512     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

The  London  mob  defeated  an  attempt  to  burn  No.  45,  substituting  a 
jack  boot  and  a  petticoat  in  its  place.  Wilkes  was  hailed  as  the 
champion  of  popular  liberty,  and  his  portrait  became  a  favorite  sign 
for  taverns.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Court  influence  was  so  strong 
that  Wilkes,  in  danger  of  his  life,  fled  to  FranceTj  In  his  absence  he 
was  expelled  from  the  Commons,  19  January,  1764,  and,  21  Febru- 
ary, the  Court  of  King's  Bench  passed  sentence  against  him  for  re- 
printing No.  45  and  for  writing  the  Essay  on  Woman.  On  his  failure 
to  appear  he  was  outlawed.  Four  years  later  he  was  destined  to  re- 
turn and  raise  a  new  issue. 

The  Beginning  of  the  Breach  with  the  Colonies.  The  Causes  of 
the  Revolution.  —  No  sooner  was  Wilkes  temporarily  out  of  the 
way  than  Grenville,  supported  by  George  III,  adopted  measures 
relating  to  the  American  Colonies  which  resulted  in  a  series  of  ex- 
plosions that  led  to  the  Revolutionary  War  and  the  consequent  dis- 
memberment of  the  British  Empire.  In  order  to  understand  the 
causes  for  this  crisis,  at  least  two  great  and  difficult  questions  have 
to  be  answered.  First,  what  was  the  situation,  political,  social  and 
economic,  in  the  Colonies?  and  what  was  their  attitude  toward  Great 
Britain  when  the  attempt  was  made  to  impose  the  new  policy  upon 
them?  Secondly,  what  measures  really  called  forth  the  resistance 
and  what  measures  or  causes  merely  contributed  ? 

The  Institutional  Divergence  between  the  American  Colonies  and 
Great  Britain. — The  answer  to  the  first  question  must  be  sought 
in  the  institutional  development  of  the  two  countries  from  the  first 
planting  of  the  Colonies  in  America.  This  will  show  that  two  sep- 
arate branches,  two  types  of  people,  had  grown  from  one  parent 
stock,  that  the  folk  dwelling  in  England  in  the  eighteenth  century 
and  those  settled  across  the  Atlantic  were  two  offspring  of  the  Eng- 
land of  the  seventeenth  century.  Those  who  migrated  carried  with 
them  the  tradition  of  the  opposition  to  absolute  Monarchy  and  an 
established  Episcopal  Church,  New  England,  particularly,  coming  to 
represent  the  "  dissidence  of  Dissent."  Those  who  remained  at  home 
turned  their  backs  on  the  extreme  results  of  the  Puritan  Revolution, 
and  even  restored,  in  a  modified  form,  both  Monarchy  and  Epis- 
copacy. Moreover,  growth  in  a  different  environment  tended  to 
accentuate  divergence  in  form  and  spirit  of  government,  and  the 
Americans  had  progressed  to  far  greater  lengths  in  the  direction  of 
democracy  and  equality. 

Differences  in  the  Theory  and  Practice  of  Representation.  —  Not 
only  was  the  right  to  vote  much  easier  to  acquire  in  the  Colonies,  but 
even  more  striking  was  the  difference  in  the  distribution  of  repre- 


THE   REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL   ASCENDANCY  513 

sentatives  and  in  the  theory  of  representation.  In  the  Colonies  it 
was  the  general  practice  for  a  member  of  the  assembly  to  represent 
his  town  or  district,  and  bribery  at  elections  was  practically  unknown ; 
in  England  corruption  prevailed  to  an  alarming  extent  and  the  great- 
est inequalities  existed.  Rotten  boroughs  with  scarcely  an  inhabit- 
ant returned  two  members  each,  while  many  flourishing  towns  sent 
none.  The  British  theory  was  that  everyone  was  virtually  repre- 
sented in  Parliament.  The  essential  thing  was  to  have  an  elective 
body  between  the  King  and  the  people,  and  it  was  contended  that  a 
Cornishman  was  just  as  truly  a  representative  of  Lancashire  as  if 
he  had  been  returned  from  that  county.  The  Colonists,  who  were 
used  to  a  different  system,  refused  to  accept  this  theory  of  virtual 
representation.  Furthermore,  they  were  in  a  different  situation.  In 
England  public  opinion,  voiced  in  petitions  and  public  meetings, 
counted  for  something  even  in  the  unrepresented  districts,  while  a 
handful  of  Colonists  three  thousand  miles  across  the  sea  could  do  little 
to  affect  the  course  of  British  legislation. 

Training  and  Preparation  for  Independence.  —  Thus  the  Eng- 
lishmen in  the  New  World  were  steadily  growing  apart  from  the 
Englishmen  in  the  Old.  Moreover, \_the  Colonists  had  received  a 
long  and  effective  training  in  self-government  in  their  town  meet- 
ings, in  their  county  administration  and  in  their  provincial  assemblies. 
Also,  hard  conditions  of  life  in  an  undeveloped  country  had  genera  ted 
courage,  resourcefulness,  and  independence  of  restraint/]  Their 
preachers,  saturated  with  the  revolutionary  doctrines  of  Milton, 
Locke,  and  other  advanced  thinkers  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
preached  and  taught  views  quite  at  variance  with  the  views  of  the 
men  in  power  under  George  III.  Then,  although  up  to  this  time 
there  had  been  no  common  grievance  to  call  forth  united  resistance, 
there  had  been  constant  friction  and  bickerings  between  the  Colonial 
assemblies  and  the  Crown  officials,  men  who  were  all  too  frequently 
either  incompetent  or  unscrupulous. 

The  Commercial  System.  —  Along  with  these  differences  in  po- 
litical theory  and  practice,  the  British  commercial  system  was  an 
equally — perhaps  a  more — rimportant  factor  in  preparing  the  way  for 
the  final  break.  As  in  the  case  of  the  other  European  Powers  of  the 
period,  the  British  policy  for  the  regulation  of  Colonial  trade  was  mainly 
one  of  selfish  and  jealous  exclusiveness.  The  aim  of  her  Navigation 
Acts  was  to  confine  the  carrying  trade  of  "  English  "  l  lands  to  ships 
built  within  the  British  Empire,  owned  by  the  people  thereof  and 
navigated  by  officers  and  crews  who  were  subjects  of  the  English 

1  This  term  included  the  Colonies. 
2L 


514     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

King.  Certain  Colonial  products,  such  as  tobacco  and  sugar,  known 
as  "  enumerated  goods,"  had  to  be  laid  on  the  shore  of  England  or 
pay  an  export  duty  from  the  province  where  they  were  produced! 
Furthermore,  with  few  exceptions,  European  goods  destined  for  the 
Colonies  must  pass  through  England,  the  prime  object  being  to  give 
to  English  merchants  the  profit  of  handling  the  wares.1  In  1733 
the  famous  "  Molasses  Act "  was  passed,  imposing  heavy  duties  on 
rum,  molasses,  and  sugar  imported  from  the  French,  Dutch  and 
Spanish  West  Indies  into  English  Colonies  on  the  American  conti- 
nent. This  Act,  had  it  been  enforced,  would  have  completely  stifled 
a  very  profitable  three-cornered  trade  by  which  the  New  Englanders 
shipped  lumber  and  fish  to  the  foreign  West  Indies,  exchanged  them 
for  rum  and  sugar  and  molasses,  and  with  West  Indian  rum  —  or 
with  New  England  rum  made  from  West  Indian  molasses  —  bought 
slaves  on  the  coast  of  Africa  which  they  sold  to  the  planters.  Re- 
strictive as  were  all  these  regulations,  they  were  to  some  de- 
gree counterbalanced  in  various  ways.  Colonial  industry,  especially 
shipbuilding,  was  promoted  by  the  share  the  Colonists  enjoyed  in 
the  carrying  trade  of  the  Empire.  Then  there  were  drawbacks  of 
duties  on  goods  reexported  from  England;  there  were  bounties  to 
encourage  the  production  of  certain  commodities,  and  special  priv- 
ileges and  exceptions  were  allowed.  For  example,  Colonial  tobacco 
had  enjoyed  a  monopoly  in  England  and  rice  could  be  shipped  south 
of  Cape  Finisterre  directly  from  the  Colonies.2  Owing  to  the  lax 
administration  prevailing  before  the  advent  of  Grenville,  they  manu- 
factured what  they  liked,  sent  ships  where  they  pleased,  and  pur- 
chased European  wares  more  cheaply  than  Englishmen  themselves. 
The  theory  of  trade  regulation  was  not  questioned,  because  it  was, 
at  least  so  far  as  New  England  was  concerned,  rarely  enforced  in 
practice;  but  it  was  a  potential  grievance.  The  Colonies  had  be- 
come economically  self-sufficing  and  were  in  a  position  to  resist 
when  the  restrictions  on  their  trade  became  a  reality. 

The  Seven  Years'  War  as  a  Factor  in  Provoking  the  Crisis.  — 
At  the  moment  when  the  constitutional  and  economic  develop- 
ment of  the  Colonies  was  reaching  its  maturity,  the  Seven  Years' 
War  came  to  precipitate  the  crisis.  It  gave  the  Colonies  a  sense 
of  unity  resulting  from  achievement  in  a  common  undertaking,  it 
stimulated  a  martial  spirit,  and,  by  transferring  Canada  from  France 
to  Great  Britain,  it  removed  a  serious  menace  to  the  safety  of  the 
Colonies,  and  thereby  one  of  the  most  powerful  bonds  which  might 

1  These  provisions  may  be  found  in  the  acts  of  1660,  1663,  1672,  and  1696. 

2  Also  they  had  the  advantage  of  the  English  naval  protection. 


THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASCENDANCY  515 

have  held  them  to  the  Home  Country.1  Moreover,  the  war  furnished 
the  occasion  for  the  new  British  policy  which  gave  the  impulse  to 
revolt.  The  Grenville  program  comprehended  three  measures:  the 
enforcement  of  the  Trade  and  Navigation  Acts,  a  Stamp  Act,  and  a 
Quartering  Act.  There  was  justification  for  them  all.  Not  only 
had  the  Colonists  openly  and  systematically  evaded  the  acts  regu- 
lating commerce,  but  they  had  actually  supplied  the  enemy  with 
goods  during  the  recent  conflict.  Furthermore,  a  formidable  rising 
of  the  Indians,  in  1763,  known  as  the  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  had 
shown  that  the  Colonies  were  in  real  danger.  The  English  Min- 
istry felt  that  the  Home  Government,  laden  as  it  now  was  with  a  debt 
of  £140,000,000,  should  not  bear  the  whole  burden  of  the  defense  of 
the  Empire,  and  intended  to  employ  the  money  to  be  raised  by  the 
stamp  tax  solely  for  Colonial  purposes.  On  their  part,  however,  the 
several  Colonies  had  made  considerable  contributions  toward  the 
French  and  Indian  War,  for  which  most  of  them  were  still  in  debt. 
Now  it  was  proposed  to  curtail  one  of  their  chief  means  of  livelihood 
and  at  the  same  time  to  subject  them  to  taxation  over  which  they 
had  no  control,  while  in  addition,  the  Act  for  quartering  troops  in 
their  midst  threatened  to  reduce  them  to  complete  dependence. 
Naturally  they  were  bound  to  resist. 

The  Question  of  Parliamentary  Supremacy  over  the  Colonies. 
—The  question  of  the  legal  right  of  the  British  Parliament  to  tax 
the  Colonies  was  hotly  debated,  and  provoked  sharp  differences  of 
opinion  both  in  America  and  in  England.  Franklin  drew  a  distinc- 
tion between  internal  taxes  and  import  duties ;  but  leading  patriots 
almost  from  the  start  refused  to  accept  it,  and  it  was  soon  discarded. 
Pitt's  distinction  between  import  duties  for  purposes  of  revenue  and 
for  regulation  of  trade  was  one  that  had  historical  justification ;  but 
it  was  impracticable.  Moreover,  the  shackling  of  the  trade  was  fully 
as  unjust  and  involved  fully  as  much  hardship  as  the  imposition  of 
revenue  duties.  The  theory  later  advocated  by  Edmund  Burke 
was  the  most  reasonable;  that,  while  Parliament  had  the  right  to 
tax,  it  was  inexpedient  to  exercise  it.  The  Colonies,  however,  not 
only  denied  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  them  but  even  called  in 
question  the  legislative  supremacy  of  that  body,  asserting  that  they 
were  the  peculiar  subjects  of  the  King.2  Here  was  another  instance 

1  This  result  had  been  predicted  by  many  far-seeing  thinkers.     Canada  would 
have  been  just  as  dangerous  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  except  that  after  it  became 
a  British  possession  there  was  a  chance  of  winning  the  Canadians  over  to  the  Co- 
lonial side. 

2  It  was  only  later  that  they  discovered  that  it  was  George  III  who  was  respon- 
sible for  most  of  the  measures  which  they  resented. 


516     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

of  the .  institutional  divergence  which  had  developed  between  the 
two  branches  of  the  English  race.  England  had  no  written  rigid 
Constitution ;  there  the  Constitution  was  the  whole  body  of  law  and 
custom  which  had  accumulated  through  the  ages :  the  Puritan  Rev- 
olution had  decided  that  Parliament  was  practically  omnipotent, 
and  since  1707  the  King  had  never  ventured  to  veto- a  bill.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Colonies  all  had  some  form  of  written  Constitution 
supreme  over  legislative  enactment  —  a  charter,  a  proprietary  grant, 
or  governor's  instructions — and  the  veto  was  a  reality.  While  they 
strove  to  extend  the  powers  of  their  assemblies  they  had  grown  up 
in  the  tradition  of  limited  legislative  powers.  The  Crown  lawyers, 
in  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  the  Parliament  over  the  Colonies, 
could  point  to  a  long  series  of  Statutes,  including  the  Navigation  Acts, 
which  applied  to  them.  Undoubtedly  Parliament  had  a  legal  right 
to  legislate  for  the  Colonies,  nor  was  its  claim  to  impose  taxes  strictly 
illegal,  though  contrary  to  custom.  George  III  and  his  supporters 
in  the  Ministry,  like  the  Stuarts  before  them,  failed  to  realize  the 
unwisdom  of  insisting  upon  legal  rights  in  the  teeth  of  popular  op- 
position. 

Summary  of  the  Causes  of  the  Revolution.  — \TKis  in  brief  was  the 
situation:  the  Colonies  were  ready  to  'break  away.  Politically 
they  had  grown  apart  from  Great  Britain,  they  were  prepared  for 
self-government  by  long  training  in  managing  their  local  concerns, 
and  they  had  been  estranged  by  frequent  quarrels  with  the  execu- 
tives sent  from  Home.  They  were  economically  self-sufficing,  and 
would  only  tolerate  the  selfish  and  exclusive  system,  framed  in  the 
interests  of  British  merchants,  so  long  as  it  was  not  enforced.  The 
first  attempt  to  make  it  a  reality  would,  no  doubt,  of  itself  have  pro- 
voked opposition.  It  happened,  however,  that  the  new  policy  was 
accompanied  by  an  inexpedient  innovation  in  taxation,  which  led 
to  the  first  outbreak  of  resistance^ 

Grenville's  New  Customs  Act  and  Provisions  for  Enforcing  Trade 
Regulations  (1764).  —  Up  to  the  close  of  the  Seven  Years'  War  dense 
ignorance  prevailed  concerning  the  Colonies,1  and  the  British  Gov- 

1  The  old  Privy  Council  was  the  final  authority  in  Colonial  affairs,  and  all  com- 
missions were  issued  in  the  King's  name  "except  those  of  the  customs  officials  in 
America";  but,  during  the  eighteenth  century,  various  Parliamentary  Statutes 
were  passed  relating  to  the  Colonies;  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Southern 
Department  came  to  exercise  much  control  over  Colonial  business,  while  inde- 
pendent departments  like  the  Treasury  and  the  Admiralty  acquired  an  increasing 
share  in  the  administration.  From  1696  to  1783  the  main  channel  of  communi- 
cation between  the  Colonies  and  the  British  Government  was  the  Board  of  Trade 
and  Plantations,  a  body  which  could  inquire,  inform  and  recommend,  though  the 


THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASCENDANCY  517 

eminent  had  never  seriously  regarded  them  as  revenue  producers. 
The  new  plan  of  imposing  upon  them  a  share  of  the  Imperial  burden 
had  been  contemplated  in  Bute's  administration ;  but  it  was  left  to 
Grenville  to  carry  it  through.  He  found  that  the  customs  revenue 
from  the  Colonies  amounted  to  less  than  £2000,  which  it  cost  nearly 
£8000  to  collect,  and  further,  that  nine  tenths  of  their  tea,  wine, 
sugar,  and  molasses  were  smuggled.  In  1763  the  old  Molasses  Act 
expired.  Regardless  of  petitions,  supported  even  by  the  royal  Gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts,  against  the  renewal  of  its  provisions.  Gren- 
ville passed  another  Act  imposing  several  new  duties.  The  duty  on 
molasses  was  reduced  one  half  and  new  bounties  and  concessions 
were  offered ;  but  all  this  was  to  no  purpose,  for  stringent  measures 
were  taken  to  prevent  smuggling,  and  the  principle  was  announced 
in  the  preamble  that  the  purpose  was  to  raise  a  revenue. 

The  Stamp  Act  Suggested  (1764).  — The  apprehension  thus  excited 
was  further  enhanced  on  the  news  of  the  design  to  quarter  10,000 
troops  in  the  Colonies.  The  East  India  Company  and  Ireland  pro- 
vided their  own  armies,  and  the  British  Government  felt  that  the 
Americans  should  do  the  same,  particularly  since  the  several  prov- 
inces were  extremely  reluctant  to  supply  militia  for  the  common  de- 
fense, especially  to  send  contingents  to  exposed  points  when  their 
own  particular  localities  were  free  from  danger.  To  help  defray  the 
expenses  of  this  standing  army  the  Stamp  Act  was  imposed.  It  was 
expected  to  yield  about  £100,000,  an  amount  less  than  one  third 
the  cost  of  maintaining  the  contemplated  military  establishment. 
There  is  little  doubt,  however,  that  if  the  Colonies  had  paid  their 
part  willingly  they  would  very  soon  have  been  called  upon  to  provide 
the  whole.  Moreover,  the  form  of  tax  was  a  decided  innovation. 
Hitherto,  internal  taxation  had  been  left  to  the  provincial  assemblies. 
Grenville  proposed  the  stamp  duties  in  1764,  but,  though  he  pre- 
ferred this  form  of  tax  as  the  fairest,  as  well  as  the  easiest  and  least 
expensive  to  collect,  he  gave  the  Colonists  a  year  to  suggest  a 
better  scheme. 

The  Passage  of  the  Stamp  Act  (22  March,  1765). — The  Colonies, 
however,  instead  of  suggestions,  framed  resolutions  and  addresses 
denying  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  them  at  all.  If  the  measure 
were  carried,  they  asserted,  "  it  would  establish  the  melancholy 

execution  of  its  policy  was  left  to  the  Ministers  and  to  the  Privy  Council.  The 
system  was  complex  and  decentralized.  Most  of  the  officials  had  no  end  of  business 
to  attend  to  besides  that  of  the  American  Colonies ;  many  were  negligent  or  igno- 
rant of  Colonial  conditions,  for  the  Board  of  Trade,  which  was  best  qualified  to 
furnish  information,  was  frequently  disregarded  or  overruled. 


518     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

truth  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Colonies  are  the  slaves  of  the  Britons 
from  whom  they  are  descended."  In  January,  1765,  the  measure,  so 
momentous  in  its  consequences,  was  carried  in  thinly  attended  session 
after  a  "  most  languid  debate,"  and  became  law,  22  March.  Un- 
fortunately, Pitt,  the  stanchest  champion  of  the  Colonial  cause,  was 
confined  in  bed  with  one  of  his  frequent  attacks  of  gout.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Stamp  Act,  all  newspapers,  bills,  policies  of  insurance, 
and  legal  documents  were  to  be  written  on  stamped  paper  to  be 
sold  by  officials  —  who  should  be  Americans  —  appointed  for  the 
purpose. 

The  Stamp  Act  Congress  and  the  American  Opposition  (1765). — 
When  the  news  reached  America,  where  public  sentiment  was  being 
worked  upon  by  skillful  agitators,  storms  of  protest  burst  forth,  and, 
7  November,  a  Congress  representing  nine  Colonies  met  in  New  York. 
Declaring :  "  that  it  is  inseparably  essential  to  the  freedom  of  a 
people,  and  the  undoubted  right  of  Englishmen,  that  no  taxes  be 
imposed  upon  them,  but  with  their  own  consent,  given  personally 
or  by  their  representatives,"  :  they  sent  petitions  embodying  their 
views  to  the  King  and  to  both  Houses.  But  the  opposition  did  not 
stop  with  peaceful  methods.  In  Massachusetts  there  were  wild 
outbursts  of  mob  violence,  an  unruly  example  that  was  followed  in 
many  other  Colonies.  The  merchants  entered  into  agreements  to 
import  no  more  goods,  to  cancel  orders  already  given,  and  to  pay  no 
debts  to  English  creditors  till  the  Act  should  be  repealed.  The 
lawyers  refused  to  use  the  stamped  paper  and  all  legal  business  came 
to  a  standstill.  On  i  November,  the  day  the  measure  was  to  have 
gone  into  effect,  shops  were  closed,  bells  were  tolled,  flags  were  hung 
at  half  mast,  newspapers  appeared  with  a  death's  head  in  place  of 
the  stamp  required  by  law,  and  copies  of  the  Act  were  hawked  about 
the  streets  with  the  inscription :  "  The  folly  of  England  and  the  ruin 
of  America."  Finding  that  it  was  hopeless  to  transact  business 
otherwise,  the  Governors  were  obliged  to  issue  orders  "  authorizing 
non-compliance  with  the  Act." 

The  Fall  of  Grenville  (July,  1765).  —  The  Opposition  had  been 
encouraged  by  the  fall  of  Grenville  in  July,  1765.  For  some  time 
George  had  wanted  to  get  rid  of  him.  HisfMinistry  was  weak  and 
unpopular  in  Parliament,  and  had  arousea  an  increasing  spirit  of 
dissatisfaction  among  the  people ;  also  he  had  proved  to  be  a  dis- 
appointment personally,  since  he  was  too  stubborn  to  suit  the  King's 
purposes  and  wore  him  out  with  constant  interviews  and  long  lec- 
tures.JHis  only  reason  for  continuing  to  put  up  with  him  was  the 

1  This  meant  in  their  own  provincial  assemblies. 


THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASCENDANCY  519 

dreadful  alternative  of  falling  into  the  clutches  of  a  Whig^  Ministry. 
Finally,  however,  Grenville  became  so  intolerable  thattG-eorge  dis- 
missed him  and  called  in  the  Whigs  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Marquis  of  Rockingham,  intending  to  submit  to  them  only  until  he 
could  make  another  arrangement]] 

The  Rockingham  Ministry  (1765-1766).  —  The  Rockingham  Min- 
istry was  a  "  mixture  of  wornout  veterans  and  raw  recruits."  Lord 
Rockingham,  the'ir  leader,  who  possessed  vast  estates  and  extensive 
influence,  was  lacking  in  knowledge  and  industry  and  was  a  bad  and 
reluctant  speaker;  but  he  was  modest,  amiable,  and  thoroughly 
upright.  Though  far  from  strong,  the  combination,  by  sheer  force 
of  character  and  united  devotion  to  the  public  service,  not  only  set 
a  noble  example,  but  [made  a  strong  fight  against  the  arbitrary  ambi- 
tion of  the  King  and  the"prevailing  corruption,  and  carried  through 
important  remedial  measures/]  ^repealed  the  Stamp  Act,  secured  the 
parliamentary  condemnation  of  general  warrants,  and  put  an  end  to 
the  practice  of  depriving  military  officers  of  their  command  for  politi- 
cal opposition^}  All  this  it  accomplished  in  the  teeth  of  the  constant 
and  underhanded  opposition  of  the  King,  and,  except  in  the  case  of 
the  Stamp  Act,  without  the  much  needed  help  of  Pitt,  who  refused 
to  join  them.  While  sympathizing  with  their  measures  he  was  op- 
posed to  government  by  an  aristocratic  Whig  connection  that  did 
not  rest  on  the  good  will  of  the  King  and  people. 

The  Advent  of  Edmund  Burke  (1765).  —  In  the  session  of  1765- 
1766  Edmund  Burke  made  his  first  appearance  in  Parliament.  The 
son  of  a  Protestant  Irish  attorney,  he  had  come  as  a  young  man  to 
London,  where  he  was  soon  recognized  as  a  writer  of  wide  learning, 
deep  discernment,  and  uncommon  power  of  literary  expression.  In 
1765  he  became  the(secretary  of  Rockingham,  through  whose  patron- 
age he  secured  his  seat.  Although  regarded  by  men  of  later  genera- 
tions as  the  most  profound  political  philosopher  of  his  time,  the  medi- 
ocrities and  placemen  who  then  made  up  the  House  of  Commons 
failed  to  appreciate  his  lofty  ideals  and  were  repelled  by  his  parti- 
sanship, his  stormy  temper,  as  well  as  by  his  persistent  and  overlong 
speeches,  which  emptied  the  House  so  regularly  that  he  was  known 
as  the  "  dinner  bell."  Nevertheless,  he  was  recognized  as  a  power 
to  be  reckoned  with,  and  there  were  times  when  the  sweep  of  his 
eloquence  rendered  him  irresistible*^  He  differed  from  Pitt  not  only 
upon  many  current  questions,  but  in  fundamental  principles  of 
policy.  For  example,  in  opposition  to  his  older  contemporary,  he 
believed  in  building  up  a  strong  permanent  party  independent  of  the 
Crown.  Moreover,  while  he  strove  against  abuse — advocating  im- 


520     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

proved  methods  of  election  and  leading  the  fight  against  placemen 
and  parliamentary  corruption  —  he  was  strongly  opposed  to  any  fun- 
damental alteration  of  the  machinery  of  the  Constitution.  Although 
the  mainstay  of  the  Rockingham  party,  he  never  held  a  seat  in  the 
Cabinet. 

The  Repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  (1766).  —  Burke  made  two  speeches 
on  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  which  "  filled  the  town  with  wonder," 
and  Pitt  championed  the  cause  of  the  Colonies  with  his  wonted  fire. 
He  rejoiced  that  the  Colonies  had  resisted  the  attempted  taxation 
and  insisted  that  the  Stamp  Act  be  "  repealed  absolutely,  totally, 
immediately."  Effective  as  were  these  speeches,  a  still  more  clinching 
argument  was  the  attitude  of  the  British  merchants  who  represented, 
in  strong  petitions,  that  the  interruption  of  American  trade  and  the 
non-payment  of  debts  had  already  involved  a  loss  of  £4,000,000.  In 
vain  did  the  King,  who  assured  Rockingham  that  he  was  for  repeal, 
seek  to  block  the  efforts  of  the  Ministry  by  secret  instructions  to  his 
agents  in  Parliament.  {^Unfortunately,  the  Bill  for  repeal  which 
passed  both  Houses  in  March,  1766,  was  coupled  with  a  Declaratory 
Act  —  to  which  the  Rockinghamites  gave  a  reluctant  consent  — 
maintaining  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  the  ColoniesT]  For  the 
moment,  however,  this  ill-advised  and  empty  assertion  did  nothing 
to  temper  the  joy  with  which  the  news  was  received  throughout 
England  and  America.  The  trouble,  however,  had  only  begun. 
Most  of  the  commercial  restrictions  stiU  remained,  and  the  Colonies, 
having  won  in  their  first  encounter,  were  bound  to  resist,  in  the  future, 
any  measures  that  touched  their  interests.  The  Ministry,  which,  by 
its  conciliatory  policy  might  have  won  their  confidence,  did  not  long 
survive ;  for  George  took  advantage  of  divisions  among  its  members 
to  turn  it  out  of  office  in  July. 

The  Graf  ton-Pitt  Ministry  (1766-1770).  —  The  new  Ministry  was 
formed  by  Pitt,  who  finally  consented  to  employ  his  great  talents  and 
popularity  in  defending  the  Crown  against  the  great  Whig  houses 
and  their  connections.  (Declining  to  take  the  Premiership  himself, 
he  chose  the  office  of  Lord  Privy  Seal  and  selected  as  a  figurehead 
the  Duke  of  GraftonI  one  of  his  admirers,  whose  only  other  merits 
were  his  friendship  Tor  America  and  the  fact  that  he  had  entered 
politics  from  a  sense  of  duty  rather  than  for  personal  or  factional 
ends.  Without  a  party  following,  Pitt  was  obliged  to  fill  the  remaining 
offices  in  such  a  haphazard  fashion  that  his  product  was  known  as  the 
"  Mosaic  Ministry."  Moreover,  he  dumbfounded  his  friends  by 
accepting  a  peerage.  In  ceasing  to  be  the  "  Great  Commoner,"  the 
Earl  of  Chatham  —  for  that  was  his  title  —  impaired  his  influence 


THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROYAL  ASCENDANCY  521 

with  the  people  and  shut  himself  out  of  the  Lower  House,  which 
was  the  only  proper  field  for  his  matchless  eloquence.  X-Tortured 
by  the  gout,  he  became  increasingly  irritable,  and  was  finally 
attacked  by  a  "  gloomy  and  mysterious  malady,"  probably  nervous 
prostration,  which  led  him  to  shun  all  public  business.  In  March, 
1767,  he  went  into  retirement,  whence  he  did  not  emerge  for  over 
two  yearsH 

The  Townshend  Acts  (1767).  —  In  the  absence  of  Pitt  the  chief 
/power  was  seized  by  the| Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Charles  Town- 
shend, who,  when  his  budget  for  the  year  1767  was  defeated  by  a  vote 
to  reduce  the  land  tax,  rashly  attempted,  instead  of  resigning,  to 
make  up  the  deficiency  by  duties  on  American  commerce?}  In  thus 
reopening  the  controversy  he  shares  with  Grenville  and  the  King  the 
responsibility  for  the  disastrous  results  that  followed.  Late  in  the 
spring[fie  carried  an  Act  imposing  port  duties  on  glass,  lead,  painters' 
colors,  paper,  and  tea,  legalizing  writs  of  assistance,  and  providing 
that  the  revenue  raised  under  the  Act  should  be  employed  in  main- 
taining civil  officials  independently  of  the  Colonial  assembliesTj  Any 
surplus  was  to  go  toward  the  support  of  troops.  Another  Act  aimed 
to  make  the  customs  service  more  effective  by  establishing  an  Ameri- 
can Board  of  Commissioners.  Before  it  passed,  Townshend  had  died, 
1767,  leaving  a  fatal  legacy  to  his  successors,  involving  principles 
most  dangerous  in  their  consequences  —  limitless  possibilities  of  tax- 
ation, coercion,  and  crippling  of  trade. 

The  Resistance  of  the  Colonies  and  the  Weakness  of  the  Grafton 
Ministry  (1766-1769). — The  hollowness  of  the  distinction  between 
internal  and  external  taxation  was  now  generally  evident,  and  the 
smoldering  embers  of  opposition  in  the  Colonies  again  burst  into 
flames.  Unfortunately,  Qjrafton's  Ministry  was  unfitted  either  for 
conciliation  or  vigorous  repression,  and  sorely  harassed  by  the 
attacks  of  opposing  factions,  he  weakly  allowed  the  Cabinet,  which 
had  only  sullenly  acquiesced  in  the  passage  of  the  Townshend 
Acts,  to  fall  more  and  more  under  the  royal  controlri  /  Town- 
shend was  succeeded  by  Lord  NortjTJa  favorite  of  the  King%  while, 
one  by  one,  the  Ministers  were  replaced  by  advocates  of  an  un- 
compromising policy.  In  the  Colonies  such  resoluteness  was  dis- 
played and  the  non-importation  agreements,  which  had  been  re- 
newed, worked  so  effectively  against  British  trade  that  the  Ministry 
proposed,  as  a  means  of  reconciliation,  to  remove  all  the  Town- 
shend duties  except  a  tax  of  threepence  per  pound  on  tea.  Graf- 
ton,  and  even  North,  wanted  to  do  away  with  the  duty  on  tea 
as  well,  but  they  were  overruled.  The  measure,  carried  in  1770, 


522     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

was  announced  to  the  Colonies  in  a  "  harsh  and  ungracious  "  circular 
letter. 

The  Middlesex  Election  (1768).  — The  situation  at  Home  was  also 
charged  with  trouble.  ("High  prices  and  hard  times  had  aroused  grave 
popular  discontent  which  manifested  itself  in  frequent  riots  and  strikes. 
The  general  election  of  1768  was  marked  by  more  buying  and  selling 
of  votes  than  ever  before,  and  those  in  the  past  had  been  corrupt 
enough.  The  most  notable  fact  in  the  election,  however,  was  the 
choice  of  John  Wilkes  as  a  member  from  Middlesex.  Returning  from 
abroad  only  a  few  weeks  before  the  election,  he  had  been  escorted  to 
and  from  the  polling  place  by  an  unruly  London  mob.  After  the 
votes  had  been  taken  he  submitted  to  the  authorities.  The  decree 
of  outlawry  was  reversed,  but  he  was  committed  on  the  other  charges  l 
to  the  King's  Bench  prison,  where  he  remained  till  April,  1770.  Dur- 
ing this  period  of  nearly  two  years  he  was  active  with  tongue  and  pen, 
and,  besides  contesting  a  significant  parliamentary  issue,  managed  to 
get  himself  elected  as  an  alderman  of  London]  In  February,  1769, 
the  Commons  decided  on  Wilkes'  expulsion.  So  far,  they  were  tech- 
nically within  their  rights,  for  they  were  the  sole  judges  of  the  validity 
of  election  returns.  On  his  reelection,  however,  they  overstepped 
their  authority  by  declaring  him  incapable  of  sitting  in  the  existing 
Parliament.  There  was  no  law  declaring  ineligibility  for  any  of  the 
charges  standing  against  him,  and  it  required  more  than  a  resolution 
of  either  House  to  make  one.  Finally,  on  the  fourth  election,  Colonel 
Luttrell,  the  Court  candidate,  though  receiving  a  minority  of  the  votes, 
was  awarded  the  seat.  The  King,  who  had  influenced  the  Commons 
partly  through  his  "  Friends  "  and  partly  by  working  on  their  jealousy 
of  privilege,  had  won  a  temporary  and  costly  victory.  He  had  defied 
the  rights  of  the  electors,  and  Wilkes,  who  in  the  beginning  was  sup- 
ported only  by  the  enemies  of  the  Court  and  the  more  turbulent  among 
the  masses,  became  the  popular  hero.  In  spite  of  annual  motions  in  his 
behalf,  he  was  never  admitted  to  the  Parliament  of  1768,  though  he 
continued  to  be  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  his  opponents.  In  1774  he  was 
returned  in  the  new  general  election  and  admitted  without  opposition, 
and  in  May,  1782,  he  finally  carried  a  motion  to  expunge  from  the 
Journal  the  record  of  his  incapacity  made  in  1769.  He  had  given  a 
decided  impulse  to  public  agitation  outside,  and  had  taught  the  Com- 
mons a  lesson  which  they  never  forgot  —  that  the  voice  of  the  elec- 
tors could  not  be  defied. 

The  "  Letters  of  Junius  "  (1769-1772).  — The  example  of  Wilkes 
in  the  North  Briton  had  greatly  stimulated  attacks  on  the  Government 
1  See  above,  page  512. 


THE   REVIVAL  OF  THE   ROYAL  ASCENDANCY  523 

in  the  newspapers.  These  were  usually  in  the  form  of  letters  signed 
by  a  fictitious  name,  preferably  that  of  a  patriot  of  antiquity.  The 
most  famous  are  the  "  Letters  of  Junius,"  which  have  survived  as  an 
English  classic.  The  first  to  attract  attention  appeared  in  the  Public 
Advertiser,  21  January,  1769,  and  the  series  did  not  come  to  an  end 
till  21  January,  1772.  They  owe  their  influence  to  three  facts:  the 
men  and  the  times  which  they  attacked,  their  wonderful  style,  and 
the  mystery  of  their  authorship.  Junius,  to  be  sure,  had  no  firm  grasp 
of  general  principles  or  liberal  progressive  views,  having  no  sympathy, 
for  example,  either  with  the  American  cause  or  with  parliamentary 
reform ;  but  he  had  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  political  situation, 
he  saw  clearly  the  weakness  and  the  vices  of  the  men  in  power  and  ex- 
posed them  with  fiendish  skill.  A  man  who  wrote  what  Junius  did 
naturally  could  not  disclose  his  identity;  but  he  realized  fully  that 
the  effect  which  he  produced  was  greatly  enhanced  by  the  baffling 
secrecy  in  which  he  wrapped  himself.  While  fully  fifty  names  have 
been  suggested  as  possible  authors  of  the  letters,  the  weight  of  evidence 
points  most  conclusively  to  Sir  Philip  Francis,  who  in  early  life  was  an 
amanuensis  to  Pitt. 

The  End  of  the  Graf  ton  Ministry  and  the  Advent  of  Lord  North  (1770). 
—  Chatham,  emerging  from  his  seclusion  in  July,  1769,  at  once  threw 
himself  into  opposition  against  the  Ministry  which  he  had  constructed 
in  its  original  form.  He  vehemently  denounced  its  American  policy 
and  its  attitude  toward  the  Middlesex  election,  in  which,  he  main- 
tained, the  Commons  had  betrayed  their  constituents  and  violated  the 
Constitution.  |When  Grafton,  finding  his  situation  hopeless,  resigned, 
28  January,  if 70^  George  at  once  offered  the  vacant  rjlace  to  Lojd 
North,  who  continued  to  hold  the  Chancellorship  of  the  Exchequer  as 
well.  North  was  neither  a  statesman  nor  an  orator  of  the  first  rank ; 
but  he  was  an  admirable  gentleman,  gifted  with  a  ready  wit  and  with 
excellent  tact.  Unfortunately,  owing  to  indolent  docility  and  undue 
fondness  for  the  King,  he  allowed  George  to  persuade  him,  against  his 
better  judgment,  into  measures  so  disastrous  as  to  make  his  Adminis- 
tration one  of  the  most  inglorious  in  English  history^  Again  and  again 
he  begged  to  resign,  only  to  yield  when  George  begged  him  not  to  desert 
him.  In  the  face  of  bitter  attack  he  placidly  slept  on  the  Treasury 
Bench,  and  made  no  effective  effort  to  check  the  blundering  and  cor- 
ruption for  which  he  was  officially  responsible.  After  a  decade  of  tire- 
less and  scrupulous  efforts,  George  III  had  made  his  personal  power 
supreme,  and  as  long  as  North  remained  in  office  the  King  ruled  as 
well  as  reigned ;  but  his  policy  proved  so  fatal  in  its  results  that  he 
was  at  length  obliged  to  resign  the  conduct  of  affairs  to  a  Minister 


524     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

responsible  to  public  opinion.     One  result,  however,  he  achieved,  —  he 
broke  the  power  of  the  Whig  oligarchy  beyond  hope  of  recovery. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Horace  Bleackley,  Life  of  John  Wilkes  (1917) ;  Sir  W.  P.  Treloar,  Wilkes 
and  the  City  (1917). 

For  further  references,  see  ch.  XLIII. 


CHAPTER  XLIII 

THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  END  OF  THE  PERSONAL 
ASCENDANCY  OF  GEORGE  III  (1770-1783) 

The  North  Ministry  and  the  Ascendancy  of  the  King  (1770-1782). 
—  Contrary  to  expectation,  North's  Ministry,  described  as  a  "forlorn 
hope,"  remained  in  power  longer  than  all  the  previous  Ministries  of 
the  reign  combined.  George  III  to  a  large  degree  directed  the  policy 
of  the  Government,  and  his  extensive  use  of  patronage  and  corruption, 
the  activity  of  his  "  Friends,"  together  with  the  adroitness  of  North 
as  a  party  leader  and  the  dissensions  between  the  Rockingham  and 
Chatham  Whigs,  enabled  him  to  maintain  a  "  crushing  and  docile 
majority  "  in  Parliament. 

The  Grenville  Election  Act  (1770).  — Nevertheless,  the  Opposition 
succeeded  in  carrying  one  or  two  measures  of  reform.  First  in  im- 
portance was  a  Bill  introduced  by  Grenville  for  trying  disputed  elec- 
tions. Formerly  such  cases  had  been  tried  by  a  committee  of  the  whole 
House,  with  the  result  that  they  had  been  invariably  decided  in  favor 
of  the  candidate  whose  party  had  a  majority  in  the  Commons,  quite 
regardless  of  the  rights  of  the  electors.  According  to  the  new  arrange- 
ment forty-nine  members  were  chosen  by  lot :  from  them  each  party 
removed  one  member  alternately  until  the  number  was  reduced  to 
thirteen,  and  then  added  one  member  each.  The  body  of  fifteen  thus 
constituted  was  sworn  to  act  impartially  and  to  render  its  decisions 
independently  of  Parliament.  As  each  party  would  naturally  seek 
to  exclude  the  abler  men  among  its  opponents,  the  method  of  reduction 
was  kncwn  as  "  knocking  the  brains  out  of  the  committee,"  but  the 
Act,  limited  at  first  to  seven  years,  worked  so  well  in  practice  that 
in  1774  it  was  made  permanent.1 

The  Struggle  over  the  Reporting  of  Debates  (1771). — In  the  session 
of  1771  the  Commons  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  the  press  over 
the  question  of  reporting  debates.  In  view  of  the  growing  strength 
of  public  opinion,  it  was  unwise  to  attempt  to  keep  its  proceedings 

1  It  remained  in  force  till  1868,  when  the  duties  were  handed  over  to  the  judges. 

525 


526'    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

secret,  and  it  was  only  natural  that  erroneous  and  unfair  accounts  of 
what  was  said  and  done  should  be  spread  abroad  in  print.  The  matter 
came  to  an  issue  when  the  House  of  Commons  sought  to  arrest  some 
offending  printers,  whom  the  Lord  Mayor  and  aldermen  of  London 
undertook  to  protect.  The  result  of  the  struggle  was  really  another 
step  in  the  direction  of  the  freedom  of  the  press,  for,  although  the 
House  still  maintained  that  publication  of  debates  was  a  breach  of 
privilege,  no  further  attempt  was  made  to  punish  the  reporters  or 
printers.  The  great  progress  of  the  press  as  a  political  factor  is  one 
of  the  most  significant  features  of  this  period :  next  to  the  failure  of 
George's  American  policy  it  played  the  most  important  part  in  putting 
an  end  to  the  personal  ascendancy  of  the  Monarchy,  which  he  had 
succeeded  in  reviving. 

The  Royal  Marriage  Act  (1772).  — With  his  exalted  ideas  of  royalty, 
it  was  a  keen  distress  to  George  III  when  two  of  his  brothers  married 
below  their  station.  To  prevent  such  indiscretions  for  the  future, 
which  would  inevitably  lower  the  prestige  of  the  kingly  family  and, 
in  case  of  a  secret  alliance,  might  bring  confusion  to  the  succession,  he 
procured  the  passage  of  the  Royal  Marriage  Act.  It  provided  that 
no  descendant  of  George  II  under  twenty-six  years  of  age  could  con- 
tract a  valid  marriage  without  the  consent  of  the  Sovereign,  nor  after 
that  age,  except  by  the  sanction  of  Parliament.  While  working  hard- 
ship to  individuals,  the  Act,  which  remains  substantially  in  force  to- 
day, has  proved  beneficial  from  the  public  standpoint. 

The  Boston  Massacre  (5  March,  1770).  — Meantime,  early  in  1770, 
the  first  blood  had  been  shed  in  the  controversy  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  American  Colonies.  For  some  time,  the  more  unruly  elements 
in  Boston  had  been  annoying  the  British  troops  until,  on  the  evening 
of  5  March,  they  were  provoked  into  firing  upon  their  tormentors. 
Whoever  was  to  blame,  the  "  Boston  Massacre  "  excited  the  fiercest 
indignation  throughout  the  Colonies.  Yet  when  the  soldiers  were 
brought  to  trial,  leading  patriots  volunteered  to  defend  them,  and  all 
were  acquitted  except  two  who  received  light  sentences. 

The  Hutchinson  Letters  (1773-1774).  —  Although  the  Government 
paid  little  attention  to  the  Colonies  for  three  years,  the  unrest  there 
grew  steadily.  Extremists  were  active ;  mobs  were  frequent,  loyalists 
were  roughly  handled,  in  some  cases  tarred  and  feathered;  revenue 
officers  were  obstructed  in  the  performance  of  their  duties;  and  in 
1773  Colonial  committees  of  correspondence  were  formed  which,  in 
conjunction  with  local  committees  organized  the  previous  year,  fur- 
nished a  complete  system  of  machinery  for  united  revolutionary  action. 
Early  in  this  year,  Benjamin  Franklin,  who  was  acting  as  agent  for 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  527 

Pennsylvania,  Massachusetts,  and  two  of  the  other  Colonies,  procured 
certain  confidential  letters  written  by  Hutchinson  l  to  a  former  secre- 
tary of  Grenville,  in  which  the  methods  which  the  British  Government 
should  employ  in  dealing  with  the  Colonies  were  very  frankly  discussed. 
He  sent  them  to  Massachusetts  to  be  handed  about  among  a  few  of 
the  leading  patriots,  on  condition  that  they  should  not  be  published 
or  even  copied.  Nevertheless,  they  soon  found  their  way  into  print, 
were  circulated  throughout  the  Colonies,  and  aroused  the  greatest 
indignation.  Franklin,  who  had  occasion  to  appear  before  the  Privy 
Council,  29  January,  1774,  was  denounced  by  Wedderburn,  the  Solici- 
tor-General, in  terms  of  studied  insult.  The  Council  roared  with  laugh- 
ter while  Franklin  stood  without  moving  a  muscle.  His  methods  of 
procuring  the  letters  may  have  been  questionable ;  but,  since  he  was 
an  old  and  eminent  man,  the  treatment  which  he  received  was  bound 
to  turn  him  into  an  uncompromising  opponent  of  the  English  Govern- 
ment, and  to  affect  hosts  of  sympathizers  in  the  same  way. 

The  Boston  Tea  Party  (16  December,  1773).  —  Meantime,  the  Gov- 
ernment, by  an  ill-advised  attempt  to  assist  the  East  India  Company 
whose  affairs  were  in  a  bad  way,  opened  the  breach  still  wider.  Among 
other  measures  of  relief  it  was  provided  that  a  large  amount  of  tea 
which  the  Company  had  on  hand,  should  be  sent  from  England  free  of 
duty  and  subject  only  to  a  tax  of  threepence  per  pound  at  the  Ameri- 
can ports.  Since  the  tea  sold  in  England  was  burdened  with  duties 
aggregating  a  shilling  a  pound,  the  Colonists  were  greatly  favored  over 
the  home  consumer.  It  has  commonly  been  said  that  what  they  ob- 
jected to  was  the  principle  of  taxation  involved,  and  that  North  would 
have  done  wisely  to  impose  the  duty  at  the  time  of  export,  leaving  the 
Company  to  reimburse  itself  by  a  proportional  increase  of  price  on 
the  sale  of  the  goods  in  America ;  however,  it  has  recently  been  shown 
that  the  objection  was  not  so  much  to  the  tax  as  to  the  fact  that  the 
tea  was  consigned  to  friends  of  the  Government,  and  that  the  resistance 
was  instigated  mainly  by  the  English  and  American  merchants,  who 
resented  being  discriminated  against  in  order  that  a  great  monopoly 
might  be  benefited.  Toward  the  close  of  the  year  1773,  consignments 
of  East  India  tea  were  shipped  to  Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and 
Charleston.  On  the  night  of  16  December,  a  body  of  men,  disguised  as 
Indians,  boarded  the  vessels  which  had  recently  arrived  in  Boston  and 
emptied  three  hundred  and  forty  chests  into  the  harbor.  The  ships 
for  New  York  and  Philadelphia  returned  without  landing  their  cargoes, 
while  the  consignment  for  Charleston  was  stored  in  the  custom  house, 
whence  it  was  sold  later. 

1  He  had  been  Governor  of  Massachusetts  Bay  since  1771. 


528    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Acts  of  1774.  —  The  action  at  Boston,  following  upon  the  heels 
of  the  printing  and  circulation  of  the  Hutchinson  letters,  determined 
George  III  to  make  an  example  of  the  town  and  at  the  same  time  to 
impose  such  coercion  upon  Massachusetts  as  would  break  its  spirit 
and  check  further  resistance.  To  that  end,  four  "  penal  laws  "  were 
passed  in  1774.  The  firsLcjosejlthe  harbor  of  Boston  and  transferred 
the  port  to  Salem  until  the  losses  of  the  East  India  Company  should 
The  second  amended  the  charter  of  the  Province,  in^ 


creased  the  power  of  the  Governor,  transferred  to  the  Crown  the  nom- 
ination of  councilors,  and  provided  that  town  meetings,  regarded  as 
"  nurseries  of  sedition,"  should  not  be  held  without  the  Governor's 
consent.  The  third  enacted  that  all  persons  charged_ssdtk_a_£apital 
offense  in  executing  the  law  in  Massachusetts  should  be  taken  to  Nova 
Scotia  or  to  England  for  trial.  The  fourth  was  a  new  Quartering  Act. 
The  so-called  "  Quebec  Act,"  passed  the  same  year,  extended  the 
boundaries  of  Canada  to  the  Mississippi  on  the  west  and  to  the  Ohio 
on  the  south,  granted  freedom  of  worship  to  Roman  Catholics,  and 
allowed  them  to  be  tried  by  French  law  in  civil  cases,  though  in  criminal 
matters  the  English  law  was  to  prevail.  It  provided,  further,  that  the 
Governor-General  should  be  assisted  by  a  legislative  council  appointed 
by  the  Crown  ;  there  was  to  be  no  representative  assembly,  and  taxa- 
tion was  reserved  to  the  British  Parliament.  The  measure,  designed 
to  deal  with  problems  and  promises  arising  from  the  Peace  of  1763, 
was  a  wise  and  just  one,  for  it  gave  the  Canadians  —  nine  tenths  of 
whom  were  French  —  what  they  expected  and  desired,  and  they  showed 
their  satisfaction  by  remaining  loyal  throughout  the  ensuing  war. 
The  American  Colonies,  however,  were  furious,  for  it  seemed  to  them 
a  design  to  cut  them  off  from  the  western  lands  which  they  claimed, 
and  to  extend  "  Popery  "  and  arbitrary  government  to  their  very  doors. 
The  First  Continental  Congress  (5  September,  1774).  —  The  Min- 
istry had  calculated  that  the  leaders  would  be  intimidated  by  a  show 
of  force  and  that  the  other  Colonies  would  not  support  Massachusetts. 
On  the  contrary,  the  repressive  measures  of  1774  called  forth  a  deter- 
mined and  united  opposition  from  north  to  south  and  led  swiftly  to 
the  final  crisis.  On  5  September  a  Congress  met  at  Philadelphia  in 
which  all  the  thirteen  provinces,  except  Georgia,  were  represented. 
Doubtless  the  majority,  while  insistent  on  redress  of  grievances,  hoped 
that  some  means  of  averting  the  conflict  might  be  arranged.  Owing, 
however,  to  the  activity  of  the  aggressive  party,  the  Congress  took  a 
series  of  decided  steps.  It  approved  the  "  Suffolk  Resolves  "  l  looking 
toward  armed  resistance  in  case  of  necessity  ;  it  demanded  the  revo- 
1  So  called  because  they  were  passed  in  Suffolk  County,  Massachusetts. 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  529 

cation  of  a  number  of  recent  laws,  notably  those  of  1744 ;  it  drew  up  a 
declaration  of  rights;  it  framed  general  non-importation  and  non- 
exportation  agreements ;  it  sent  a  petition  to  the  King  and  an  address 
to  the  English  people,  after  which  it  adjourned  till  May. 

The  Attitude  in  Parliament  and  in  the  Ministry.  —  Chatham,  who 
had  risen  from  a  sick-bed  in  time  to  lift  his  voice  against  the  last  of 
the  repressive  Acts  of  1774,  rejoiced  in  the  "  manly  wisdom  and  calm 
resolution  of  Congress."  Yet  he  was  anxious  to  avert  a  rebellion, 
foreseeing  that  France  and  Spain  would  seize  the  opportunity  to  avenge 
their  defeat  in  the  Seven  Years'  War.  Moreover,  both  he  and  Burke 
were  insistent  on  regulation  of  trade,  failing  to  realize  that  the  Colonies 
would  now  oppose  that  as  strenuously  as  they  had  resisted  the  attempts 
to  tax  them.  A  few  of  the  Ministers,  including  North,  were  also  in- 
clined to  conciliation,  though  they  were  ready  to  do  the  King's  will, 
while  Parliament  was,  since  the  general  election  of  1774,  more  than 
ever  under  royal  control.  Nevertheless,  the  Opposition  in  Parliament 
kept  up  a  zealous  but  futile  agitation  against  coercion.  Both  Chat- 
ham and  Burke,  early  in  1775,  introduced  conciliation  schemes  which 
failed  to  pass,  and  numerous  petitions  from  the  commercial  towns  were 
"  shelved."  On  20  March,  North,  with  the  consent  of  the  King,  did 
move  a  resolution,  providing  that  if  any  Colony  would  pay  its  quota 
toward  the  common  defense  and  the  expenses  of  the  civil  administra- 
tion no  taxes  would  be  imposed  except  for  regulation  of  trade.  Though 
it  carried,  it  came  too  late. 

The  Outbreak  of  War ;  Lexington  and  Concord  (19  April,  1775).  — 
Already  Massachusetts  had  been  declared  in  rebellion.  Soon  after, 
on  19  April,  occurred  the  memorable  skirmishes  of  Lexington  and 
Concord  which  opened  the  war  that  lasted  until  American  independ- 
ence was  secured.  The  result  was  due  to  the  courage  and  persistence 
of  a  resolute  minority.  Many  were  opposed  to  fighting  at  all.  Others, 
who  in  the  beginning  put  their  hand  to  the  plow,  later  sought  to 
turn  back.  Spread  through  the  Colonies  there  was  a  large  and  in- 
fluential body  of  loyalists  numbering  from  a  third  to  a  half  of  the 
population.  In  a  minority  in  New  England,  it  formed  a  majority  in 
the  Middle  Colonies  and  fully  equaled  the  patriot  party  in  the  South. 
In  England,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  the  King  and  his  agents  not 
only  controlled  Parliament  but  were  supported  by  the  bulk  of  the 
nobility  and  landed  gentry,  the  clergy  of  the  Established  Church  and 
the  legal  profession.  The  opposition  was  confined  to  the  merchants, 
the  Dissenting  preachers  and  the  laboring  classes. 

Comparative  Strength  of  the  Combatants.  —  The  troops  who  en- 
listed on  the  Colonial  side  were  mostly  raw,  insubordinate,  and  unwilling 


530    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

to  serve  for  any  length  of  time  away  from  their  own  neighborhoods. 
The  total  population  was  less  than  three  million  souls,  funds  were 
scanty,  and  the  supply  of  arms,  ammunition,  clothes,  and  provisions 
was  lamentably  inadequate.  The  Colonists  had  to  contend  against 
a  wealthy  country  with  a  population  fully  three  times  their  own, 
against  trained  armies  and  a  navy  reputed  to  be  invincible.  Owing, 
however,  to  recent  economies  and  dishonest  contractors,  both  arms  of 
the  service  were  reduced  in  numbers  1  and  faulty  in  equipment.  Then 
the  British  undervalued  the  fighting  capacity  of  the  Americans  and 
the  obstacles  to  be  overcome.  The  country  which  was  to  be  subdued 
was  three  thousand  miles  off  and  extended  over  a  thousand  miles  of 
seacoast.  There  could  be  no  theater  of  war,  for  the  vast  stretch  of 
country  was  cut  into  pieces  by  many  and  great  rivers,  and  reached 
back  to  a  region  of  trackless  forests.  It  was  difficult  to  conquer  and 
impossible  to  hold.  The  Colonies  were  hardy  and  resourceful,  they 
had  a  widely  extended  militia  system2  and  they  had  a  Commander 
whose  greatness  of  character  and  devotion  to  duty  have  rarely  been 
equaled.  The  British  generals  proved  singularly  ineffective,  and 
confined  their  attention  mainly  to  taking  and  holding  the  leading  sea- 
board towns,  when  their  best  chance  of  success  lay  in  tracking  down 
and  destroying  the  opposing  army.  The  issue  was  only  decided, 
however,  when  France  and  Spain  finally  threw  their  weight  in  the 
scale  against  Great  Britain. 

The  Meeting  of  the  Second  Continental  Congress  (10  May,  1775). 
Washington,  Commander-in-Chief.  —  The  Continental  Congress 
assembled  at  Philadelphia  for  its  second  meeting,  10  May,  1775.  It 
assumed  executive  powers,  rejected  North's  plan  of  conciliation,  and 
provided  for  the  organization  into  a  Continental  Army  of  the  troops 
which  had  flocked  to  the  blockade  of  Boston  after  the  Lexington 
fight.  Doubtless  their  most  important  step  was  the  appointment  of 
Washington  as  Commander-in-Chief,  15  June;  for  to  him  more 
than  to  any  other  single  man  is  due  the  triumph  of  the  American 
cause. 

1  The  British  array  at  the  opening  of  the  war  numbered  less  than  40,000.    George 
had  tried  unsuccessfully  for  some  time  to  increase  this  establishment.     When  a 
larger  force  became  imperative  he  hired  German  mercenaries,  a  step  against  which 
both  the  English  and  the  American  Whigs  protested  bitterly.     Much  more  repre- 
hensible was  the  employment  of  Indians.     They  proved  of  little  value  in  regular 
fighting;  for  they  fled  to  the  woods  at  moments  of  danger  when  they  were  most 
needed,  and  were  guilty  of  massacring  defenseless  women  and  children  in  lonely 
exposed  settlements.    Though  to  a  less  degree,  the  Americans  were  not  free  from 
blame  in  the  employment  of  Indians. 

2  Though  its  efficiency  was  weakened  by  the  custom  of  short  term  enlistments. 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  531 

Bunker  Hill  (17  June,  1775).  The  Siege  of  Boston.  —  Before 
he  arrived  in  Boston  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  had  occurred,  17 
June,  in  which  the  bravery  of  the  British  troops  and  the  stupidity 
of  their  generals  were  alike  conspicuous.  It  was  a  defeat  for  the 
Americans  with  all  the  moral  effects  of  a  victory.  The  siege  of  Bos- 
ton continued  for  nine  months,  though  the  American  Commander 
found  the  greatest  difficulty  in  holding  his  ill-assorted  forces  to- 
gether during  the  winter.  Howe,  who  had  superseded  Gage  in 
October  and  was  "  equally  incompetent,"  was  finally  forced  to  evac- 
uate the  town,  17  March,  1776.  Thence  he  sailed  to  Halifax,  where 
he  waited  for  reinforcements  in  order  to  attack  New  York.  King 
George,  who  was  disappointed  on  his  hope  that  the  Southern  Colonies 
would  remain  loyal,  finally  sent  an  expedition  against  the  Caro- 
linas ;  but  an  attempt,  in  June,  to  reduce  Charleston  was  heroically 
repulsed,  and  the  British  Commander  Clinton  sailed  to  New  York  to 
join  Howe.  For  three  years  the  South  was  left  free  to  send  help 
to  the  North. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  (4  July,  1776).  —  By  the  be- 
ginning of  1776  the  idea  of  separation  had  become  very  strong  in  the 
Colonies,  which  hitherto  had  been  fighting  mainly  to  secure  redress 
of  grievances.  The  change  of  sentiment  was  due  to  various  causes, 
among  them  the  employment  of  German  troops  and  the  discovery 
that  King  George,  and  not  the  Ministry  or  Parliament,  was  respon- 
sible for  the  coercive  policy  of  the  past  few  years.  More  influential 
than  all  else,  however,  was  a  pamphlet  by  Thomas  Paine  entitled 
Common  Sense.  Paine  was  a  radical,  and  later  a  freethinker,  who 
had  come  to  America  from  England  in  1774,  and  had  been  warmly 
welcomed  by  Franklin.  On  4  July,  1776,  Congress  at  Philadelphia 
adopted  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  was  printed  the 
following  day  and  signed  by  such  members  as  were  present,  2  August. 

The  Campaign  of  1776.  —  In  spite  of  the  Whig  Opposition  the 
Government  made  vigorous  preparations  for  the  campaign  of  1776. 
The  military  operations  of  this  year  centered  about  New  York. 
Howe,  with  his  Halifax  forces,  his  reinforcements  and  the  troops  of 
Clinton,  had  an  army  of  25,000,  to  which  Washington,  who  had  hur- 
ried from  Boston,  could  only  oppose  19,000  ill-equipped  and  half- 
trained  men.  He  was  driven  successively  from  Long  Island,  from 
Manhattan  Island,  then  over  the  Hudson  into  New  Jersey  and 
finally  across  the  Delaware.  It  was  only  Howe's  incapacity  and 
his  own  energy  that  prevented  his  "  disorderly  mob  "  from  being 
utterly  crushed.  Suddenly,  however,  he  revived  the  dying  hopes 
of  his  countrymen  by  recrossing  the  Delaware  on  Christmas  night 


532     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and  capturing  a  Hessian  force  at  Trenton.  Neither  Commander 
attempted  anything  further  till  spring.  In  England,  the  situation 
was  far  from  satisfactory ;  for  it  was  impossible  to  procure  sailors  ex- 
cept by  impressment  and  extravagant  bounties,  and  expenses  were 
so  heavy  that  another  loan  had  to  be  raised  and  new  and  burden- 
some taxes  imposed. 

Burgoyne's  Campaign  (1777).  —  The  British  plan  of  campaign 
for  1777  was  suggested  by  General  Burgoyne.  He  was  to  lead  an 
army  down  from  Canada,  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain  and  the  Hud- 
son, and  to  effect  a  junction  at  Albany  with  Howe,  who  was  to  march 
up  from  New  York.  Had  the  plan  succeeded,  New  England  would 
have  been  isolated,  and  the  British  would  have  been  able  to  con- 
centrate their  efforts  against  the  Middle  and  Southern  provinces. 
The  cooperation  of  Howe  was  essential,  in  order  to  prevent  the  Ameri- 
cans from  thrusting  an  army  in  between  and  crushing  Burgoyne  before 
the  junction  could  be  effected.  Howe,  as  usual,  did  the  wrong  thing ; 
he  decided  to  proceed  first  against  Philadelphia,  trusting  that  he  could 
return  in  time  to  cooperate  with  Burgoyne.  Obliged  to  take  the  long 
route  by  Chesapeake  Bay  and  forced  to  fight  a  battle  with  Wash- 
ington, whom  he  defeated  at  Brandywine,  it  was  27  September  before 
he  occupied  Philadelphia.  He  spent  another  month  in  opening  up 
the  Delaware  in  order  to  secure  his  communications  with  New  York, 
and  then  passed  the  winter  restfully  in  Philadelphia  while  his  troops 
and  officers  wasted  their  time  in  idleness  and  social  diversions.  Wash- 
ington, who  had  been  repulsed  4  October,  in  an  attempt  to  enter  the 
town,  went  into  winter  quarters  at  Valley  Forge..  His  troops,  half 
starved  and  almost  barefoot,  seemed  on  the  verge  of  dissolution; 
but,  during  those  gloomy  months,  they  were  drilled  into  an  effective 
fighting  machine  by  Baron  Steuben,  a  German  officer  who  had 
adopted  the  American  cause.  Meanwhile,  events  had  happened 
which  turned  the  tide  of  the  war. 

The  Failure  and  Surrender  of  Burgoyne.  —  Burgoyne's  first  move- 
ments had  promised  well.  George  on  receipt  of  the  news  is  said  to 
have  rushed  into  the  Queen's  rooms  crying :  "I  have  beat  them  ! 
beat  all  the  Americans  "  ;  but  his  rejoicing  proved  premature.  The 
invaders  had  a  rough  country  to  travel  over,  they  found  it  difficult 
to  procure  supplies,  and  a  strong  American  force  was  collected  to 
meet  them  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Hudson.  Defeated  in  a  series 
of  engagements,  and  surrounded  by  a  force  outnumbering  his  own 
by  four  to  one,  Burgoyne  surrendered  to  General  Gates  at  Saratoga, 
17  October,  1777.  The  miscarriage  of  the  British  campaign  of  1777 
determined  France  to  throw  her  weight  in  the  scale,  Spain  followed 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  533 

later,  and  the  conflict  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies  was 
enlarged  into  another  great  European  struggle. 

The  French  Alliance  (1778).  —  For  some  time,  the  French  and 
Spanish  Governments  had  been  secretly  providing  the  Americans 
with  money  and  supplies,  and  many  Frenchmen,  chief  among  them 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  had  volunteered  for  service  in  the  Conti- 
nental Army.  Benjamin  Franklin,  who  went  as  diplomatic  agent 
to  France  in  December,  1776,  was  warmly  welcomed  by  the  circle 
who  were  beginning  to  interest  themselves  in  those  problems  of  re- 
ligious and  political  philosophy  which  heralded  the  approach  of  the 
French  Revolution.  The  French  Government,  however,  had  no 
enthusiasm  for  the  American  cause;  its  aim  was  to  revenge  the  hu- 
miliation it  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Pitt  and  to  recover  as  much 
as  possible  of  the  Colonial  trade  and  possessions  it  had  lost.  On  6 
February,  1778,  a  formal  treaty  of  alliance  was  concluded  with  the 
United  States  l  by  which  it  was  agreed  that,  in  case  of  war  between 
France  and  Great  Britain,  neither  party  would  make  peace  without 
the  other,  or  until  the  independence  of  the  United  States  should  be 
acknowledged.  This  alliance  proved  a  godsend  to  the  Ameri- 
can cause.  It  created  an  effective  diversion  against  Great  Britain ; 
it  opened  French  ports  to  American  privateers ;  it  brought  increased 
money,  supplies,  munitions  of  war,  powerful  fleets,  and  finally  an 
army.  At  last  the  steadfastness  of  Washington  and  those  who  sup- 
ported him  was  to  be  rewarded. 

The  Party  Situation  in  England.  The  Death  of  Chatham  (1778). 
—  The  American  disaster  encouraged  the  Opposition  to  renewed 
attacks  against  the  Government.  Their  force  was  greatly  weakened, 
however,  by  a  sharp  difference  in  policy.  Chatham,  though  continu- 
ing to  urge  extreme  concessions,  stopped  short  at  independence,  while 
the  Rockingham  party  were  now  ready  to  grant  even  that.  North, 
who  had  carried  on  the  war  for  years  against  his  better  judgment, 
after  begging  the  King  in  vain  to  allow  him  to  resign,  finally  intro- 
duced and  carried  a  conciliation  bill  conceding  practically  all  that 
Chatham  had  advocated.  Commissioners  were  sent  to  America,  but 
Congress,  now  backed  by  France,  would  listen  to  no  terms  which 
did  not  include  recognition  of  independence,  and  when  the  com- 
missioners appealed  to  the  people  in  an  ill-advised  manifesto,  they 
met  with  a  well-merited  rebuff.  The  Government  in  its  straits  had 
already  made  overtures  to  Chatham,  who  might  have  had  some  in- 
fluence with  the  revolutionists,  but  he  would  take  no  steps  without 
an  "  entire  new  Cabinet."  George  III  replied  stolidly  that  "  no 
1  The  name  assumed  by  the  Colonies  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 


534     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

advantage  to  the  country  nor  personal  danger  to  himself  would 
make  him  stoop  to  the  Opposition."  Stiff-necked  as  he  was,  George 
cannot  be  wholly  blamed,  for  the  Opposition  was  bitter,  it  rejoiced 
unpatriotically  at  the  American  successes,  and  obstructed  his  mili- 
tary plans.  The  majority,  to  be  sure,  had  laudable  reasons  for  de- 
siring the  failure  of  the  King's  war,  some  because  they  thought  it 
unrighteous,  others  because  it  would  break  down  the  royal  ascend- 
ancy, force  upon  the  Crown  a  Ministry  of  the  people,  and  put  an  end 
to  the  regime  of  corruption.  Naturally,  though,  George  could  not 
see  this ;  moreover,  many  supported  his  policy  from  a  sincere  feeling 
that  the  greatness  of  England  depended  upon  the  retention  of  the 
Colonies  even  by  force.  Chatham,  broken  by  illness,  appeared  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  7  April,  1778,  and  made  his  last  speech,  which  was 
an  earnest  plea  against  conceding  American  sovereignty  and  yield- 
ing to  the  claims  of  France.  In  the  midst  of  the  debate  he  fell  in  a 
fit  and  was  taken  home,  where  he  died  n  May.  Thus  passed  the 
"  great,  illustrious,  faulty  being  "  who  had  achieved  so  much  for 
England.  His  death  made  for  a  partial  unity  in  the  ranks  of  the 
Opposition. 

The  Military  and  Naval  Events  of  1778-1779.  —  Clinton,  who  had 
succeeded  Howe  as  Commander-in-Chief,  evacuated  Philadelphia, 
18  June,  1778,  and  hastened  to  New  York  to  meet  an  expected  French 
attack.  In  July  a  French  fleet  arrived,  but,  after  failing  in  an  attack 
on  Newport,  without  attempting  anything  further,  departed  for  the 
West  Indies,  where  during  the  naval  operations  of  1778-1779  the 
advantage  lay  with  them.  Meantime,  the  center  of  the  war  had 
shifted  to  the  Southern  Colonies.  In  November,  1778,  Clinton  sent  a 
British  force  to  Georgia,  which  captured  Savannah,  overran  the  whole 
Province,  and  opened  the  way  for  an  invasion  of  South  Carolina  be- 
fore the  close  of  the  year.  •  On  12  April,  1779,  Spain  joined  France 
in  an  alliance  against  Great  Britain,  and  declared  war  16  June.  Her 
first  step  was  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  Gibraltar,  which,  however, 
was  ably  defended  by  General  Eliott  during  a  memorable  three  years' 
siege.  All  the  while,  American  privateers  were  proving  increas- 
ingly troublesome  to  British  commerce,  which  the  combined  French 
and  Spanish  fleets  strove  in  vain  to  destroy. 

The  Gordon  Riots  (1780).  —  Suddenly  in  war- weary  England  a 
wave  of  anti-Roman  Catholic  fanaticism  swept  over  the  country. 
In  1778  a  bill  had  been  passed  "  enabling  Roman  Catholics  who 
abjured  the  temporal  jurisdiction  of  the  Pope  to  purchase  and  in- 
herit land,  and  freeing  their  priests  from  liability  to  imprisonment." 
A  similar  measure  for  Scotland  was  defeated,  owing  to  a  violent  popu- 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  535 

iar  outcry  which  manifested  itself  in  riots  at  Glasgow  and  Edin- 
burgh. This  encouraged  a  number  of  bigots  in  England  to  form  a 
Protestant  Association  under  the  presidency  of  Lord  George  Gordon, 
a  half-crazed  scion  of  a  noble  Scottish  house.  On  2  June,  1780,  he 
marched  to  Westminster  at  the  head  of  60,000  persons  bearing  a  mon- 
ster petition  demanding  the  repeal  of  the  Act  of  1778.  The  firm  re- 
fusal of  Parliament  led  to  a  furious  uprising,  and  from  the  2d  to  the  7th 
mob  violence  reigned  in  the  City.  Some  who  took  part  were  honest 
fanatics,  but  the  majority  were  the  criminal  and  disorderly  class  more 
bent  on  plunder  than  the  safeguarding  of  religion.  The  authorities 
seemed  paralyzed,  peaceful  citizens  were  obliged  to  wear  blue  cock- 
ades and  to  join  the  cry  "  No  Popery  !  "  to  protect  their  lives  and 
property.  The  man  who  finally  rose  to  the  occasion  was  King 
George,  who  declared  that  there  was  at  least  one  magistrate  who  would 
do  his  duty.  By  a  royal  Order  in  Council  the  King's  troops  and  the 
militia  were  called  out,  and  dispersed  the  rioters.  Smaller  riots  took 
place  in  Bristol,  Hull,  and  Bath,  but  the  Government  stood  by  its 
Relief  Acts.  The  whole  affair  is  a  curious  example  of  belated  bigotry 
and  of  the  weakness  of  the  public  authorities. 

The  Armed  Neutrality  (1780).  —  In  1778,  France  had  adopted  a 
novel  principle  in  maritime  law,  namely,  that  the  goods  of  neutral 
Powers  trading  with  belligerents  were  exempt  from  seizure,  provided 
they  were  not  contraband  of  war.  Holland,  because  of  her  great  carry- 
ing trade,  welcomed  this  innovation,  as  did  Frederick  the  Great; 
for  he  saw  that  it  would  weaken  Great  Britain,  who -had  always  exer- 
cised freely  the  right  of  seizure  of  ships  engaged  in  commerce  with 
her  enemies.  Early  in  1780,  Catherine  of  Russia  was  induced  to  issue 
a  declaration  asserting,  in  addition  to  the  above  principle,  that  only 
specified  goods  were  contraband  and  that  blockades  to  be  binding 
must  be  effectual.  On  the  basis  of  this  declaration  —  accepted  by 
France,  Spain,  and  the  Americans  —  Denmark,  Sweden,  Prussia, 
and  the  Emperor  joined  her  in  a  league  of  "  armed  neutrality." 
While  Great  Britain  found  it  necessary  henceforth  to  deal  cautiously 
with  neutral  ships,  since  she  was  dependent  upon  the  Baltic  Powers 
for  naval  stores,  the  league  proved  rather  an  "  armed  nullity  "  in 
practice.  Moreover,  the  British  gained  rather  than  lost  by  adding 
Holland  to  the  list  of  their  opponents,  20  December ;  for  her  navy 
was  not  strong,  and  since  she  was  no  longer  a  neutral,  her  commerce 
and  her  colonies  could  be  attacked  with  impunity. 

The  War  in  1780-1781.  The  Southern  Campaign.  —  Early  in 
1780,  Clinton  went  south  in  person  and  attacked  Charleston,  which 
surrendered  12  May.  Leaving  Cornwallis,  who  soon  overran  the 


536     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

greater  part  of  South  Carolina,  he  returned  to  New  York,  for  another 
French  fleet  was  under  way,  laden  with  troops  to  assist  Washington. 
The  year,  however,  was  a  gloomy  one  for  the  Americans  in  the  North 
as  well  as  in  the  South.  Washington's  army  had  spent  the  winter 
of  1779-1780  at  Morristown,  exposed  to  rigorous  weather  and  "  con- 
stantly on  the  point  of  starving  "  ;  a  French  squadron,  which  arrived 
in  July  with  6000  troops  under  the  command  of  Rochambeau,  was 
blockaded  in  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  by  a  British  fleet  and  did  noth- 
ing ;  the  paper  money  issued  by  Congress  had  so  depreciated  that  a 
hundred  dollars  in  bills  was  only  worth  one  of  gold,  and  France  was 
so  nearly  bankrupt  that  her  chief  Minister,  Vergennes,  suggested  a 
truce.  For  the  remainder  of  the  war  the  decisive  fighting  was  in  the 
Southern  Colonies  and  on  the  sea.  In  December,  1780,  General 
Nathanael  Greene,  who,  though  he  lost  battles,  had  a  genius  for  winning 
campaigns,  was  sent  to  the  Carolinas,  where  with  the  help  of  guer- 
rilla leaders  he  managed  to  check  the  British.  In  May,  1781,  Corn- 
wallis  after  a  series  of  Pyrrhic  victories  marched  into  Virginia  to  join 
a  British  force  which  Clinton  had  sent  to  that  Province.  Before 
the  end  of  the  year,  the  forces  which  he  left  behind  had  abandoned 
everything  in  the  Carolinas  except  Charleston. 

The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis  (19  October,  1781).  —  It  was  a 
time  when  "  some  splendid  advantage  was  essentially  necessary 
...  to  revive  the  expiring  hopes  and  languid  exertions  of  the 
country,"  when  the  "  poor  old  currency  was  breathing  its  last  gasp." 
Assured  of  the  cooperation  of  Admiral  de  Grasse  —  who  had  eluded 
the  British  Admiral  Rodney  and  reached  the  American  coast  in 
August,  1781  —  Washington  and  Rochambeau  now  arranged  a  joint 
movement  against  the  British.  Washington  wanted  to  strike  at  Clin- 
ton in  New  York,  but  yielded  to  the  French,  who  preferred  to  direct 
their  efforts  against  Cornwallis  in  Virginia.  Cornwallis  —  who  had 
marched  north  against  the  wishes  of  Clinton,  his  superior  officer,  and 
who  was  at  odds  with  him  in  consequence  —  concentrated  his  forces  at 
Yorktown,  on  a  tongue  of  land  between  the  mouths  of  the  York  and 
James  Rivers  where  he  could  be  easily  bottled  up.  Admiral  Graves,  who 
sailed  south  in  pursuit  of  the  French  fleet  from  Rhode  Island,  found 
de  Grasse  blocking  the  Chesapeake  and  was  so  roughly  handled  that 
he  went  back  to  New  York  to  refit.  Cornwallis,  cut  off  from  all 
help  from  the  sea,  surrendered  to  Washington  and  Rochambeau,  19 
October,  1781.  On  that  same  day,  Graves  had  again  left  New  York 
bearing  on  board  a  relieving  army  under  Clinton,  but  finding  that 
they  were  too  late,  they  turned  back.  The  catastrophe  at  York- 
town  sealed  the  fate  of  the  war. 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  537 

The  Resignation  of  North  (20  March,  1782).  —  The  King  received 
the  news  with  his  accustomed  fortitude,  and  stubbornly  insisted  on 
continuing  the  fight,  but  North  now  gave  up  all  hope.  Various 
reverses  followed ;  the  peace  party  grew  to  be  overwhelming  in  Parlia- 
ment and  throughout  the  country.  The  Opposition  combined  forces 
against  the  Government ;  and,  20  March,  North,  after  barely  escaping 
a  vote  of  want  of  confidence,1  announced  his  resignation.  Although 
they  had  acted  together  for  the  moment,  there  were  still  two  parties 
in  the  Opposition.  Lord  Shelburne  led  the  old  Chatham  Whigs 
opposed  to  party  connection  and  American  independence,  while 
Rockingham,  backed  by  Burke  and  Charles  James  Fox,  stood  for  both 
of  these  policies.  As  the  lesser  of  two  evils,  George  invited  Shelburne 
to  form  a  Ministry.  When  he  refused,  George  was  finally  forced  to 
accept  Rockingham  as  Prime  Minister,  though  he  declined  to  negotiate 
with  him  personally.  Shelburne  was  made  Secretary  for  Home  and 
Colonial  Affairs  and  Charles  James  Fox  became  Foreign  Secretary.2 

The  Second  Rockinghani  Ministry  (March- July,  1782),  and  Its 
Work.  —  The  new  Ministry,  in  spite  of  the  royal  attempts  to  thwart 
its  efforts,  accomplished  much  during  its  brief  tenure  of  power.  Con- 
tractors were  excluded  from  the  House  of  Commons  and  revenue 
officers  were  deprived  of  the  right  to  vote,  while  Burke,  after  having 
tried  for  years,  succeeded  in  carrying  a  measure  of  economical  re- 
form, which  saved  the  country  £72,000  a  year  by  the  abolition  of 
useless  offices.  This  Ministry  also  opened  the  peace  negotiations 
and  granted  legislative  independence  to  Ireland. 

The  Irish  Situation.  —  Although  the  material  condition  of  the 
people  had  improved  during  the  century,  Ireland  was  in  a  pitiable 
state  at  the  opening  of  the  reign.  It  was  governed  as  a  subject 
country ;  it  was  excluded  from  the  benefits  of  the  Navigation  Acts 
and  from  all  commerce  that  might  compete  with  that  of  England. 
Greedy  agents  and  middlemen  crushed  the  peasantry  with  heavy 
rents  and  burdens,  while  the  great  landlords  were  mostly  absentees. 
Arable  lands  were  turned  into  pasture  and  rights  of  common  were 
disregarded.  Intense  poverty  and  suffering  were  the  result.  Re- 
ligious grievances  were  equally  acute.  Although  the  worst  provi- 
sions of  the  penal  laws  were  not  enforced,  Roman  Catholics  were 

1  Already,  6  April,  1 780,  the  Opposition  had  succeeded  in  carrying  a  resolution 
in  the  Commons  that:   "the  influence  of  the  Crown  has  increased,  is  increasing, 
and  ought  to  be  diminished." 

2  The  former  combined  the  functions  of  the  old  Secretary  of  State  for  the  North- 
ern Department  and  the  Secretary  for  American  and  Colonial  Affairs,  created  in 
1768.    The  latter  took  the  place  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Southern  De- 
partment. 


538     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

excluded  from  office,  from  the  practice  of  law,  and  the  army.  The 
poor  were  called  upon  to  pay  tithes  for  the  support  of  the  Anglican 
Establishment,  whose  clergy  were  indifferent  to  their  interests  and 
whom  they  hated  as  cordially  as  they  loved  their  own  ignorant  and 
devoted  priests.  Parliament  represented  exclusively  the  Protestant 
aristocratic  minority,  and  abuses  in  corruption  and  patronage  flour- 
ished rankly.  In  1761,  a  secret  organization,  known  as  the  White- 
boys,  from  the  white  smocks  which  they  wore,  began  to  manifest  the 
widespread  resentment  against  enclosures  and  tithes  by  nocturnal 
raids  in  which  they  maimed  the  cattle  and  resorted  to  other  violence. 
Their  advent  marks  the  beginning  of  secret  associations  and  armed 
risings  in  Ireland. 

The  Independence  of  the  Irish  Parliament  (1782).  —  Forced  by  the 
Irish  leaders,  Grattan  and  Flood,  who  took  advantage  of  the  American 
War  to  press  their  demands,  Lord  North,  in  1778,  removed  a  few  of 
the  restrictions  on  trade,  and  would  have  gone  further  but  for  the 
opposition  of  the  English  manufacturing  interests.  Another  bill  was 
passed  enabling  Catholics  to  secure  leases  for  nine  hundred  and 
ninety-nine  years,  and  even  to  inherit  lands,  provided  they  were  not 
converts.  As  a  means  of  receiving  further  concessions,  non-importa- 
tion agreements  were  formed;  but  another  method  proved  more 
effective.  The  war  had  necessitated  the  removal  of  the  Irish  garri- 
sons. To  supply  their  place  hi  defending  the  country  from  attack  and 
internal  disorder,  the  Irish  Protestants1  organized  into  bodies  of 
volunteers.  While  thoroughly  loyal,  they  were  masters  of  the  situa- 
tion and  insisted  on  their  demands.  In  consequence,  the  English 
Parliament,  at  North's  instigation,  removed  a  number  of  the  remain- 
ing trade  shackles  in  1779-80.  About  the  same  time  a  bill  was 
passed  freeing  the  Irish  Dissenting  Protestants  from  the  sacramental 
test  for  office-holding.  Grattan  now  began  an  eloquent  and  earnest 
demand  for  legislative  independence.  This  was  finally  granted  by 
the  Rockingham  Ministry  in  May,  1782. 

The  Revival  of  British  Sea  Power  (1782). — The  British  still  occu- 
pied New  York,  Charleston,  and  Savannah,  and  now  their  navy, 
which  had  at  length  been  brought  into  shape,  showed  itself  worthy 
of  its  high  traditions.  On  12  April,  1782,  Rodney,  having  returned 
to  the  West  Indies  after  an  absence  on  sick  leave,  engaged  de  Grasse, 
who  was  planning  to  join  the  Spanish  in  an  attack  on  Jamaica.  The 
"  Battle  of  the  Saints,"  so  called  because  it  was  fought  off  the  Isle 
des  Sair.tes,  is  notable  for  the  successful  employment  of  a  form  of 

1  Many  of  the  Catholics  would  have  joined  them,  but  they  were  prevented  at 
first  by  the  old  law  forbidding  them  to  bear  arms. 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  539 

tactics  common  in  the  Dutch  wars  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Re- 
cently revived,  it  was  destined  to  be  used  with  great  effect  in  the 
next  war  with  France.  The  form  of  fighting  most  in  vogue  during 
the  interval  had  been  to  engage  the  enemy  ship  by  ship,  van  to  van, 
center  to  center,  and  rear  to  rear.  By  the  new  maneuver,  known  as 
"  breaking  the  line,"  the  British  ships  would  force  a  gap  somewhere  in 
the  enemy's  line,  isolate  a  portion  of  her  ships  and  overwhelm  them 
by  force  of  numbers.1  At  The  Saints,  the  French  line  was  cut  in  two 
places  and  the  attack  directed  against  her  center,  de  Grasse  was 
captured  together  with  five  of  his  ships,  Jamaica  was  saved,  and  a 
serious  blow  struck  at  the  French  navy.  In  September,  Eliott  met  a 
final  attack  on  Gibraltar  with  admirable  skill  and  daring,  though  the 
siege  was  not  finally  raised  till  February,  1783,  after  the  close  of  the 
war. 

Lord  Shelburne  (1737-1805)  and  Charles  James  Fox  (1749-1806). 
—  The  Rockingham  Cabinet  worked  together  in  securing  domestic 
reforms  and  granting  legislative  independence  to  Ireland ;  but  a  split 
came  over  its  chief  problem  —  the  peace  negotiations.  This  was  due 
to  the  strained  relations  between  the  two  remarkable  men  who  dom- 
inated all  the  others.  The  Earl  of  Shelburne  was  a  progressive 
thinker  quite  in  advance  of  his  time  in  many  of  the  policies  which  he 
advocated.  In  spite  of  his  great  abilities  and  broad  outlook  —  pos- 
sibly to  some  degree  because  of  them  and  to  his  undisguised  con- 
tempt for  parties  as  well  —  he  was,  perhaps,  the  most  unpopular  and 
distrusted  public  man  of  his  time.  Charles  James  Fox  was  the  son  of 
Henry  Fox,  Lord  Holland.  At  first  he  was  chiefly  noted  for  his 
extravagance,  his  dissipation,  and  for  his  reckless  but  brilliant  opposi- 
tion to  all  liberal  measures;  but,  in  1774,  he  left  the  Tory  party 
largely  for  personal  reasons  and  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life,  mostly 
in  opposition,  as  an  ardent  champion  of  popular  liberty.  Joining 
the  Rockingham  Whigs,  he  came  under  the  influence  of  Burke,  and 
ranged  himself  against  the  war  against  the  Colonies  as  well  as  most 
of  the  other  policies  of  the  King.  He  was  violent  in  his  attacks  on 
the  Government,  sometimes  even  forgetting  loyalty  to  his  country 
in  the  zeal  with  which  he  defended  first  the  American  and  later  the 
French  Revolution;  also,  he  was  deficient  in  qualities  of  statesman- 
ship and  was  a  bad  party  manager.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was 
unusually  gifted  as  a  debater,  with  the  rare  power  of  stripping  away 
all  superfluities  and  penetrating  directly  to  the  heart  of  a  question ; 

1  It  is  no  longer  believed  that  Rodney  was  responsible  for  the  revival  of  this  form 
of  fighting.  Howe  was  among  the  first  to  take  it  up,  while  Rodney,  who  belonged 
to  the  old  school,  opposed  it  for  some  time. 


540     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

moreover,  notwithstanding  his  hot  partisanship,  his  nature  was 
generous,  lovable,  and  noble;  he  was  the  chivalrous  defender  of  the 
unfortunate  and  waged  unselfish  war  upon  religious  intolerance  and 
political  oppression. 

Opening  of  the  Peace  Negotiations.  —  Aside  from  personal  differ- 
ences, Shelburne  and  Fox  represented  opposing  policies.  Fox  wanted 
to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  Americans  immediately,  in 
order  to  detach  them  from  the  French  alliance,  while  Shelburne 
wished  to  make  the  acknowledgment  of  independence  one  of  the  con- 
ditions of  a  joint  treaty  with  the  Allies,  as  a  means  of  obtaining 
better  terms.  The  question  was  complicated  from  the  fact  that,  so 
long  as  Shelburne's  view  prevailed,  he  remained  in  charge  of  the 
American  negotiations  as  Colonial  Secretary,  while  as  soon  as  the 
United  States  were  acknowledged  as  an  independent  Power,  all  diplo- 
matic dealings  with  them  would  pass  to  Fox  as  Foreign  Secretary. 
Then  the  agent,  whom  Fox  named  to  treat  with  Vergennes  at 
Paris,  complained  that  he  was  hampered  by  the  representative  whom 
Shelburne  had  sent  to  treat  informally  with  Franklin,  and  that  the 
Colonial  Secretary  was  concealing  information  from  the  Cabinet, 
whereupon  Fox,  furiously  indignant,  proposed,  30  June,  1782,  the 
recognition  of  American  independence  forthwith.  When  he  was 
outvoted  in  the  Cabinet  he  threatened  to  resign.  The  very  next  day 
Rockingham  died,  and  George  III,  seizing  the  chance  to  break  the 
power  of  the  party,  appointed  Shelburne  head  of  the  Ministry. 

•The  Completion  of  the  Peace  Negotiations  (1782-1 783). — Itwasnow 
possible  to  continue  the  peace  negotiations  without  friction.  Shel- 
burne, however,  soon  came  round  to  Fox's  policy  of  detaching  the 
Americans  from  the  French  alliance,  and,  to  that  end,  acknowledged 
the  independence  of  the  United  States,  27  September,  1782.  Less 
than  two  months  later  the  American  commissioners,1  30  November, 
without  consulting  the  French  Minister,  signed  preliminaries  of 
peace,  on  condition  that  a  final  treaty  should  be  concluded  after 
terms  had  been  arranged  between  Great  Britain  and  France.  Owing 
to  the  conditional  nature  of  the  arrangement,  the  commissioners 
cannot  be  fairly  charged  with  violating  the  terms  of  the  alliance  of 
1778.  On  the  other  hand,  suspecting  with  good  reason  that  France 
was  backing  Spain  in  an  effort  to  restrict  American  boundaries  to  the 
narrowest  geographical  limits,  and,  on  her  own  account,  was  anxious 
to  exclude  the  new  country  from  Newfoundland  fisheries,  they  had 
not  observed  their  instructions  from  Congress  to  negotiate  only  in  har- 
mony with  the  French  Government.  The  definitive  treaty  of  peace 
1  Franklin  was  joined  by  John  Jay  in  July  and  by  John  Adams  in  October. 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  541 

between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  was  signed  at  Paris, 
3  September,  1783.  France  and  Spain  signed  their  treaty  with  the 
British  at  Versailles  on  the  same  day. 

The  Treaty  of  Paris.  —  The  chief  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris 
were  the  following:  (i)  The  independence  of  the  United  States  was 
formally  acknowledged  and  the  boundaries  of  the  new  country  de- 
fined. (2)  The  United  States  was  to  have  the  right  to  fish  off  the 
banks  of  Newfoundland  and  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  as  well  as 
the  right  to  cure  fish  on  certain  specified  shores.  (3)  The  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  was  to  be  open  to  both  countries.  (4)  The  restitu- 
tion of  confiscated  estates  of  loyalists  was  to  be  recommended  by 
Congress  to  the  several  States. 

The  Treaty  of  Versailles.  —  France  received  certain  of  the  West 
India  Islands  and  restored  some  that  she  had  conquered.  Her  rights 
in  the  Newfoundland  fisheries  were  defined ;  she  received,  in  full 
sovereignty,  the  islands  of  St.  Pierre  and  Miquelon,  where  she  had 
been  allowed  to  dry  fish,  and  her  commercial  establishments  in  India 
were  restored.  Spain,  in  return  for  certain  concessions,  retained 
Minorca  and  West  Florida,  which  she  had  recently  conquered,  and 
Great  Britain  ceded  East  Florida  back  to  her. 

The  Defeat  of  the  King.  —  The  United  States,  although  she  emerged 
from  the  contest  poor  and  exhausted,  had  gained  almost  everything 
for  which  she  had  striven.  Great  Britain  had  lost  the  most  valuable 
of  her  Colonies,  but  it  was  years  before  any  change  was  manifest  in 
the  principles  or  practice  of  her  colonial  system,  either  administrative 
or  economic.  Nevertheless,  at  subsequent  crises  in  her  constantly 
increasing  Empire  she  showed  that  she  had  not  forgotten  the  costly 
lesson  which  she  had  learned.  The  more  immediate  result  was  at  once 
evident.  George's  system  of  personal  government  had  broken  down, 
and,  though  he  soon  shook  himself  free  from  the  hateful  domination 
of  the  Whigs,  he  never  succeeded  in  reviving  his  ascendancy. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  William  Hunt,  Political  History  of  England,  1760-1801 
(1905);  also  Robertson ;  Bright;  Stanhope;  Lecky,  and  Cambridge  Modern 
History. 

Constitutional.  T.  E.  May  (Lord  Farnborough) ,  Constitutional  History 
of  England  since  the  Accession  of  George  III  (3  vols.,  the  edition  of  1912, 
ed.  by  Francis  Holland,  continues  the  work  to  1911),  the  best  work  on  the 
period ;  the  arrangement  is  topical  and  not  chronological. 

Biography.  The  lives  of  Chatham  cited  in  Chapter  XLI  above.  Sir  G.  O. 
Trevelyan,  The  Early  Life  of  Charles  James  Fox  (1880) ;  goes  to  1774,  an 


542     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

admirable  picture  of  the  life  of  the  period.  J.  Morley  (Viscount),  Burke, 
A  Historical  Study  (1867),  the  best  estimate  of  Burke's  political  position. 
Morley's  Edmund  Burke  (1879)  is  a  brilliant  and  valuable  sketch.  Lord 
Edmund  Fitzmaurice,  Life  of  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  (Marquis  of  Lansdowne) 
(3  vols.,  1875-6,  new  ed.,  1913)  while  aiming  to  place  Shelburne  ina  favorable 
light,  is  a  distinct  contribution. 

Contemporary.  Horace  Walpole,  Letters  (16  vols.,  ed.  Mrs.  P.  Toynbee, 
1903-5) ;  Walpole  is  the  acknowledged  prince  of  English  letter  writers. 
His  Memoirs  of  the  Reign  of  George  III,  1760-1772  (4  Vols.,  ed.  G.  F.  R. 
Barker,  1894)  and  Journals  of  the  Reign  of  George  III,  1771-83  (2  vols., 
ed.  Doran,  1859)  are  gossipy  and  Whig  in  sympathy,  but  are  the  records 
of  a  keen  observer.  N.  W.  Wraxall,  Historical  and  Posthumous  Memoirs, 
1772-1784  (89)  (ed.  H.  B.  Wheatley,  2  vols.,  1884),  garrulous  and  amusing. 
Correspondence  of  George  III  with  Lord  North,  1768-83  (2  vols.,  1867,  ed. 
W.  B.  Donne)  excellent  for  illustrating  George  Ill's  system  of  personal  gov- 
ernment. Mme.  D'Arblay,  Diary  (7  vols.,  1854,  new  ed.,  A.  Dobson),  a 
graphic  but  adverse  picture  of  life  at  the  court  of  George  III.  The  Letters 
of  Junius  (2  vols.,  1904). 

The  American  Revolution.  For  bibliography  see  Hunt,  465-6;  Cam- 
bridge Modern  History,  VII,  780-788.  The  latter  work,  chs.  V-VII,  con- 
tains a  good  brief  account  of  the  causes  and  course  of  the  Revolution. 
E.  Channing,  History  of  the  United  States  (1912),  vol.  Ill,  the  best  general 
work  on  the  period.  John  Fiske,  American  Revolution  (2  vols.,  1891)  is  a 
very  readable  popular  treatment.  Sir  G.  O.  Trevelyan,  The  American 
Revolution  (4  vols.,  published  1899-1912)  is  a  brilliant  piece  of  writing 
marked  by  the  Whig  sympathy  for  the  American  cause,  which  may  be  used 
to  supplement  the  Tory  standpoint  of  Hunt.  Carl  Becker,  The  Eve  of  the 
Revolution  (1918),  a  very  suggestive  contribution.  For  special  phases 
of  the  subject  see  :  G.  L.  Beer,  Commercial  Policy  of  Great  Britain  toward  the 
United  States  (1893)  and  British  Colonial  Policy  (1907) ;  H.  E.  Egerton, 
British  Colonial  Policy  (new  ed.,  1913) ;  A.L.  Cross,  The  Anglican  Episcopate 
and  the  American  Colonies  (1902) :  C.  H.  Van  Tyne,  The  Loyalists  in  the 
American  Revolution  (1902). 

Military  and  Naval.  Fortescue,  British  Army;  Clowes,  Royal  Navy; 
Mahan,  Sea  Power. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  250-254.  Robert- 
son, pt.  I,  nos.  XXXIV-XXXVII,  pt.  II,  nos.  XIV-XXI. 


CHAPTER  XLIV 

EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  ENGLAND  TO  THE  EVE  OF  THE 
INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION 

The  Three  Leading  Characteristics  of  the  "  Eighteenth  Century." 
—  The  century  following  the  Revolution  of  1688  does  not,  on  the  sur- 
face, present  any  striking  features  of  organic  growth.  The  course 
both  of  domestic  and  foreign  affairs  appears  to  be  perplexed  and 
meaningless:  the  former  little  more  than  a  constant  scramble  for 
power  and  profit  between  various  factions,  usually  of  the  dominant 
party,  the  latter  chiefly  occupied  in  a  series  of  wars,  complex  and 
bewildering  in  their  causes  and  their  results.  In  each  case,  however, 
an  important  issue  was  being  worked  out.  The  political  struggles  at 
home  produced  the  existing  system  of  Cabinet  and  party  government, 
while  the  wars  abroad  made  Great  Britain  the  World  Power  she  is 
to-day.  Then,  thirdly,  the  period  was  marked  by  a  veritable  indus- 
trja]  rfvnlntinn-  These  three  characteristics  must  be  considered  each 
in  turn. 

The  Cabinet  and  Party  System.  —  The  English  Cabinet  and  party 
system  is  especially  notable  for  the  fact  that  its  machinery  is  the 
most  perfect  that  has  yet  been  devised  for  speedily  and  peacefully 
voicing  the  will  of  the  people,  and  because  it  is  the  system  which 
has  been  adopted,  with  more  or  less  variations,  by  the  chief  European 
Governments  in  recent  times.  It  is  essentially  government  by  an 
executive  committee  of  Parliament,  whose  members  represent  and  are 
responsible  to  the  majority  of  the  House  of  Commons,  which,  in  its 
turn,  represents  the  qualified  voters  of  Great  Britain.  Just  as  soon  as 
the  majority  withdraws  its  support,  the  Cabinet  either  resigns  or  dis- 
solves Parliament  and  submits  to  the  verdict  of  a  general  election. 
Contrary  to  the  earlier  practice,  the  Sovereign  no  longer  arbitrarily 
appoints  and  dismisses  his  Ministers,  and  ordinarily  he  does  nothing 
without  the  advice  of  the  body  which  has  superseded  him  as  the 
actual  head  of  the  State.  The  Cabinet  is  united  under  a  head  known 
as  the  Prime  Minister,  and  its  members  are  both  jointly  and  severally 

543 


544    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

responsible  to  their  party.  Except  in  rare  cases,  if  one  goes  they 
all  go.  The  Cabinet  system  is  essentially  a  post-Revolutionary 
product ;  for,  it  has  been  well  said,  while  the  Puritan  Revolution 
determined  that  Parliament  should  be  supreme,  it  was  the  subsequent 
course  of  events  which  determined  how  the  sovereignty  should  be 
exercised. 

Ministerial  Responsibility  after  the  Restoration.  —  Great  strides 
in  this  direction  were  taken  after  the  Restoration.  Clarendon,  though 
Charles  II  was  ready  to  throw  him  over,  was  really  forced  out  of 
office  by  a  Parliamentary  attack,  while  Danby  had  to  be  dismissed, 
in  spite  of  the  King's  efforts  to  save  him.  Even  yet,  however,  Parlia- 
ment had  not  recovered  the  control  of  appointments  which  it  had 
enjoyed  for  a  brief  period  under  the  Lancastrians  and  had  lost  under 
the  Yorkists  and  Tudors ;  moreover,  it  had  no  means  of  removal 
except  by  impeachments  on  serious  charges.  Meantime,  the  prac- 
tice had  become  common  of  governing  with  the  advice  of  a  small 
group  of  men  selected  usually  from  the  larger  Privy  Council.  Charles 
II  had  more  than  one  such  Cabinet  or  Cabal,  and  so  had  James. 

The  Rise  of  Modern  Parties.  —  While  these  advisers  were  still 
responsible  to  the  King,  the  parties  were  already  in  making  who  were 
later  to  assume  that  control.  Under  the  name  Whigs  and  Tories 
they  began  to  take  permanent  and  tangible  form  during  the  Exclu- 
sion struggle,  although  their  beginnings  may  be  traced  back  to  the 
Cavalier  and  Country  parties.  The  Roundheads,  of  course,  had 
been  broken  up  by  the  Restoration,  nor  did  they  form  a  party  in  the 
modern  sense,  since  they  had  no  recognized  voice  in  the  regular  and 
normal  control  of  the  Administration,  which  is  the  present  function 
of  the  party  in  power.  It  remained  for  William,  some  years  after 
his  accession,  to  take  the  decisive  step  that  resulted  in  a  form  of 
government  controlled  and  administered  by  a  body  of  men  represent- 
ing a  particular  policy. 

Progress  of  Cabinet  and  Party  Government  under  William  III.  — 
William's  first  Cabinet  was  composed  of  men  of  diverse  opinions, 
for  he  aimed  to  balance  parties.  Within  a  few  years,  however,  he 
began,  apparently  on  the  advice  of  Sunder  land,  to  choose  his  Min- 
isters exclusively  from  the  Whig  party  —  which  was  then  in  a  ma- 
jority in  the  Lower  House, — gradually  got  rid  of  his  Tory  Ministers, 
and  depended  for  a  few  years  mainly  on  a  body  of  Whig  Ministers. 
William,  however,  remained  the  real  head  of  the  Government;  he 
was  his  own  Foreign  Minister,  acting  often  independently,  sometimes 
in  opposition  to  his  Ministers,  and  frequently  consulting  outside 
advisers.  Nor  was  there  as  yet  any  ministerial  solidarity ;  for  Par- 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY  ENGLAND  545 

liament  held  individuals,  not  the  whole  body,  responsible  for  a  par- 
ticular policy.  However,  the  practice  that  was  in  the  end  to  pre- 
vail —  that  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  government  belonged 
not  to  the  Privy  Council  as  a  whole,  but  to  a  small  committee  chosen 
and  retained  largely  because  of  their  ability  to  command  a  majority 
in  the  lower  House  —  had  been  advised  and  tried.  William's  suc- 
cessor, Anne,  had  a  Whig  Ministry  forced  on  her  in  the  middle  of 
her  reign,  but  though  a  weak  Sovereign  she  was  anxious  for  personal 
rule,  and,  aided  by  a  popular  reaction,  she  was  able  to  force  out  her 
unwelcome  advisers  and  temporarily  to  check  the  progress  of  the 
new  system. 

The  Completion  of  the  System  under  the  Hanoverians. — It  was 
under  the  first  Kings  of  the  House  of  Hanover,  George  I  and  George  II, 
that  Cabinet  government  assumed  practically  its  modern  form.  Not 
only  was  the  lost  ground  regained,  but  the  Prime  Minister  took  the 
place  of  the  Sovereign  as  head  of  the  Cabinet ;  he  became  the  leader 
of  the  majority  party  in  power  in  the  House  of  Commons,  dependent 
rather  on  their  support  than  on  royal  favor ;  while  the  Cabinet  mem- 
bers came  to  act  "  as  a  unit  under  him,"  -—  came,  at  last, -more  and 
more  frequently,  to  be  responsible  jointly  as  well  as  individually  for 
their  acts.  Many  reasons  explain  this  striking  development.  For  one 
thing  the  new  Monarchs  threw  few  obstacles  in  the  way.  George  I, 
ignorant  of  the  language  and  customs  of  the  country  and  taking  little 
interest  in  English  affairs,  soon  ceased  to  attend  Cabinet  meetings, 
and  George  II  followed  his  example.  Moreover,  their  title  was  par- 
liamentary rather  than  hereditary,  and  they  had  been  called  in  by 
the  Whigs,  whose  policy  was  to  diminish  as  far  as  possible  the  royal 
prerogative.  Another  important  factor  was  the  ascendancy  of 
Walpole  who,  during  the  years  of  his  supremacy,  would  brook  no 
rivals. 

The  Perfection  of  the  System  by  the  Extension  of  the  Electorate.  — 
George  III  attempted  for  a  time  personal  in  place  of  ministerial  rule ; 
but  the  new  system  had  become  too  firmly  established  to  be  shaken 
permanently ;  consequently  he  had  to  give  in  before  he  had  half  finished 
his  reign.  The  crowning  step  was  taken  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
when  by  a  series  of  reform  bills  the  House  of  Commons  was  made 
truly  representative  of  the  people.  Cabinet  and  party  government  as 
it  exists  to-day,  while  it  is  not  the  result  of  any  principles  embodied 
in  the  Revolution  of  1688,  was  made  possible  by  events  which  de- 
veloped in  consequence  of  that  movement. 

The  Wars  of  the  Eighteenth  Century  and  Their  Significance.  — Pass- 
ing to  the  external  history  of  the  period,  the  most  evident  feature 

2N 


546    SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

is  the  constant  succession  of  wars.  During  the  interval  of  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-seven  years  which  elapsed  between  the  Revolution 
of  1688  and  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  at  Waterloo  in  1815  there  were 
seven,  occupying  sixty-four  years,  or  more  than  half  the  period.1 
They  not  only  convulsed  all  Europe  but  extended  over  a  wide  area 
of  the  globe  as  well.  While,  at  first  sight,  they  seem  to  have  no 
unity  of  cause  or  result,  a  closer  study  makes  it  clear  that,  so  far 
as  Great  Britain  is  concerned,  a  single  issue  connects  them  all. 
Five  began  and  ended  with  France,  and,  though  the  third  began 
with  Spain  and  the  fifth  with  the  American  Colonies,  France  be- 
came involved  in  both  before  the  close.  The  chief  result  of  this 
persistent  duel  was  that  England  gained  an  unrivaled  commercial 
ascendancy  and  vast  colonial  possessions,  chiefly  at  the  expense 
of  France. 

In  King  William's  War,  which  was  directed  mainly  against  the  Euro- 
pean ascendancy  of  Louis  XIV,  these  issues  were  not  yet  evident,  but 
the  crippling  of  French  resources  had  an  important  bearing  on  the 
subsequent  struggles.  In  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  many 
causes  were  operative,  but  commercial  questions  played  a  leading 
role ;  for  the  English  entered  the  conflict  largely  from  fear  of  the 
colonial  monopoly  which  might  result  in  case  the  House  of  Bourbon 
should  acquire  the  Spanish  inheritance,  and  secured  by  the  Peace  of 
Utrecht  trade  concessions  and  territories  in  the  New  World.  In  the 
three  wars  from  1739  to  1783,  although  many  other  questions  were  in- 
volved, a  most  significant  factor  was  a  prolonged  struggle  between 
England  and  France  for  the  control  of  America  and  India.  Great 
Britain  lost  the  thirteen  colonies,  but  she  secured  from  France  the 
territory  now  known  as  the  Dominion  of  Canada  and  gained  the  upper 
hand  in  India.  Even  in  the  Napoleonic  wars,  as  will  be  seen  later, 
colonial  issues  were  by  no  means  overlooked.  In  this  "  gigantic 
rivalry  between  England  and  France  "  it  will  be  necessary  to  search 
for  the  causes  which  led  England  to  prevail. 

The  Rise  of  the  Atlantic  Seaboard  States  and  the  Decline  of  Portugal, 
Spain,  and  the  Dutch.  — Up  to  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  the 
Mediterranean  remained  the  center  of  commerce,  and  the  chief  seats 
of  business  and  wealth  were  the  Italian  cities.  But  the  capture  of 

1  They  were : 

1.  "King  William's  War,"  1689-1697. 

2.  The  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  1702-1713. 

3.  The  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession,  1739-1748. 

4.  The  Seven  Years'  War,  1756-1763. 

5.  The  War  of  the  American  Revolution,  1775-1783. 

6.  7.   Two  Wars  with  France,  1793-1802  and  1803-1815. 


EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY   ENGLAND  547 

Constantinople  by  the  Turks,  in  1453,  together  with  the  subsequent 
discovery  of  new  routes  by  sea  to  India  and  China  and  of  the  con- 
tinent of  America,  led  to  the  momentous  result  that  the  Atlantic 
took  the  place  of  the  Mediterranean  as  a  highway  of  commerce. 
Italy,  harassed  at  the  same  time  by  invasions  of  rival  sovereigns  con- 
tending for  dominion,  and  by  the  depredations  of  the  rising  Turkish 
sea  power,  rapidly  declined.  Gradually,  the  five  Atlantic  seaboard 
states,  Portugal,  Spain,  the  Dutch,  France,  and  England,  came  to  the 
front.  The  first  three,  one  after  another,  fell  back  in  the  race,  in  spite 
of  promising  starts,  leaving  France  and  England  to  fight  for  the  ulti- 
mate supremacy. 

Reasons  why  Great  Britain  Prevailed  over  France.  —  France 
had  great  resources,  broad  territories,  and  industrial  aptitude,  yet  she 
failed  to  prevail.  Certain  local  causes  were  operative  in  America,  — 
her  object  was  to  trade  and  to  advance  the  Roman  Catholic  faith 
rather  than  to  send  colonists  who  would  found  homes,  and  her  posses- 
sions were  inferior  from  the  standpoint  of  both  climate  and  strategy 
to  those  of  the  English ;  but  the  chief  reason  for  her  failure  was  that 
her  energies  were  divided  between  the  New  World  and  the  Old.  At 
the  very  time  that  she  was  contending  for  colonial  supremacy  she  was 
obliged  to  fight  constantly  in  Europe  to  maintain  her  ascendancy, 
frequently  to  defend  her  own  borders.  Great  Britain  entered  com- 
paratively late  hi  the  race  for  maritime  supremacy ;  for  she  first  be- 
came a  recognized  Sea  Power  in  the  tune  of  Elizabeth,  and  it  was  not 
till  the  following  century  that  she  acquired  any  considerable  colonial 
possessions.  By  her  buccaneering  expeditions  and  her  repulse  of  the 
Armada,  she  was  a  powerful  factor  in  breaking  down  the  supremacy  of 
Spain.  Under  the  first  two  Stuarts,  English  colonies  were  established 
in  Virginia,  New  England,  and  Maryland ;  then,  under  the  Common- 
wealth and  the  Protectorate,  with  the  navy  developed  to  an  effective- 
ness hitherto  unequaled,  war  was  opened  with  Holland  and  another 
blow  struck  at  the  monopoly  of  Spain.  The  progress  continued  after 
the  Restoration.  Charles  II  obtained  Bombay  by  his  marriage, 
New  York  was  captured  in  the  second  Dutch  War,  the  Carolinas  and 
Pennsylvania  were  founded  and  Delaware  was  acquired.  After  the 
Restoration,  England  united  for  a  time  with  her  former  commercial 
rival,  Holland,  in  a  common  effort  to  check  France  and  Catholicism. 
Holland,  however,  who  never  recovered  from  the  effect  of  her  wars 
with  her  present  ally,  was  further  exhausted  by  the  strain  of  the  great 
efforts  against  the  French  and  ceased  to  be  formidable.  While  Great 
Britain's  only  remaining  antagonist  was  seriously  handicapped,  the 
British  were  protected  from  European  attack  by  intervening  waters ; 


548    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

they  were  not  obliged  to  send  armies  abroad  unless  they  chose,  and, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  confined  themselves  largely  to  subsidizing  allies  in 
the  Continental  struggles,  thus  leaving  their  energies  free  to  develop 
their  navy,  and  to  extend  their  colonial  possessions. 

The  Industrial  Revolution.  —  In  all  three  of  the  characteristic  fea- 
tures of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  period  between  1688  and  1784  may 
be  considered  as  a  unit.  While  the  development  of  the  party  system 
was  not  finally  completed  until  the  reform  of  Parliament  gave  the 
people  a  full  share  of  representation,  the  Cabinet  had,  by  1760,  taken 
practically  its  modern  shape,  and  the  advent  of  the  younger  Pitt  to 
power  twenty-four  years  later  marked  the  end  of  the  efforts  of  George 
III  to  stop  its  growth.  If  Great  Britain's  position  as  a  World  Power 
was  not  secure  until  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon,  she  had  by  1763 
driven  the  French  out  of  Canada  and  become  the  dominant  power 
in  India,  and  within  twenty  years  the  American  Revolution,  together 
with  the  teachings  of.  Adam  Smith,  had  contributed  to  break  up  the 
old  Colonial  system,  to  discredit  its  principles,  and  to  prepare  the  way 
for  a  more  liberal  commercial  policy.  Still  a  third  factor  making  for 
the  new  policy  was  the  Industrial  Revolution,  which  introduced  ma- 
chine production  and  factories,  and  which  was  even  more  momentous 
in  its  consequences  than  the  great  political  upheaval  in  France.  The 
series  of  inventions  by  which  the  transformation  was  brought  about 
culminated  in  the  application  of  the  steam  engine  as  a  motive  power 
about  1785.  The  effect  in  changing  the  attitude  of  the  manufacturer 
and  the  merchant  toward  the  traditional  trading  policy  is  obvious. 
With  superior  methods  of  production  they  realized  that  they  could 
supply  better  and  cheaper  goods  than  any  other  European  country, 
and  that,  with  unrestricted  competition,  they  could  command  the 
markets  of  the  world. 

Industrial  Development  Previous  to  the  Great  Inventions.  —  The  in- 
terval between  the  Revolution  of  1688  and  the  era  of  machinery  and 
steam  was  not  without  evidences  of  industrial  progress.  Much  of  this 
was  due  to  the  Huguenots,  fleeing  from  France,  who  introduced  new  in- 
dustries and  improved  methods.  But  industries  and  processes  which 
came  into  conflict  with  those  already  established  were  bitterly  opposed, 
while  the  difficulties  of  the  protective  system  were  illustrated  by 
attempts  of  manufacturers  to  thrust  the  burden  of  taxation  on 
trades  other  than  their  ov/n.  Furthermore,  native  workmen  mani- 
fested stubborn  hostility  to  the  competition  of  the  refugees  and  the 
introduction  of  labor-saving  devices.  Also,  there  was  a  growing 
friction  between  labor  and  capital;  for,  even  before  the  age  of  ma- 
chinery and  factories,  there  were  evidences  of  the  rise  of  capitalism. 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY  ENGLAND  549 

In  a  few  towns,  manufactures  on  a  large  scale  had  appeared,  while, 
even  in  the  country,  capitalists  had  begun  to  supply  the  domestic 
workers  with  materials  as  well  as  with  looms  and  stocking  frames. 
The  purer  form  of  the  domestic  system  survived  longest  in  Yorkshire, 
where,  as  a  rule,  the  spinners  and  weavers  owned  their  instruments  of 
production,  provided  their  own  wool  and  sold  their  cloth  to  traders 
in  neighboring  towns  or  at  periodical  markets  and  fairs.  Elsewhere, 
however,  troubles  in  the  cloth  trade  indicated  that  differences  were 
developing  between  the  worker  and  the  capitalistic  owner,  which, 
in  spite  of  an  early  eighteenth-century  proclamation  against  "  lawless 
clubs  "  and  a  statute  against  combinations  of  workmen,  went  to 
the  length  of  occasional  strikes.  The  wool  manufacturers  steadily 
fought  their  rivals  the  linen  manufacturers  —  chiefly  strong  in  Ireland 
—  as  well  as  the  importers  and  manufacturers  of  cotton. 

The  Cotton  Industry.  —  Cotton  products  in  the  form  of  calicoes, 
cambrics  and  chintzes  were  originally  brought  'from  India,  and  be- 
came speedily  popular  because  of  their  lightness  and  cheapness. 
Before  the  close  of  the  century  they  began  to  be  manufactured  hi 
England.  Those  interested  in  the  woolen  business,  having  become 
seriously  alarmed,  succeeded  in  arousing  such  popular  opposition 
that  those  who  wore  cottons  were  attacked  in  the  streets.  Notwith- 
standing enactments  prohibiting  the  importation  of  these  fabrics, 
as  well  as  the  use  of  printed  or  dyed  goods  containing  any  cotton, 
there  developed  a  public  demand  for  such  goods  too  strong  to  be  re- 
sisted, the  law  was  evaded,  and  an  Act  of  1736  allowed  the  manu- 
facture of  goods  with  a  weft  of  cotton,  provided  that  the  warp  was  of 
linen  yarn.  The  prohibition  of  pure  cotton  fabrics  was  not  removed 
till  1774.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  linen  warp  was  essential,  since 
the  art  of  spinning  a  sufficiently  tough  cotton  thread  for  the  purpose 
was  for  a  long  time  unknown.  The  chief  center  of  the  industry  was 
in  and  about  Manchester.  This  Lancashire  district  was  peculiarly 
adapted  for  the  industry ;  Liverpool  furnished  a  convenient  port  for 
the  importation  of  raw  cotton  from  India,  and,  more  particularly, 
from  the  American  Colonies,  which  soon  came  to  be  the  chief  source 
of  supply,  while  in  the  moist  climate  of  the  West  Midlands  the  threads 
were  less  likely  to  break  than  in  dryer  regions.1 

The  Flying  Shuttle  and  the  Spinning  Jenny.  —  Although  it  required 
several  spinners  to  keep  one  weaver  supplied,  the  first  of  the  new 
inventions  was  an  improvement  in  the  hand  loom.  Hitherto,  the 
shuttle  which  carried  the  weft  had  to  be  transferred  from  one  hand 

1  Most  important  of  all,  after  the  introduction  of  steam,  was  the  fact  that  this 
was  the  region  of  the  coal  and  iron  mines. 


550    SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

of  the  weaver  to  the  other  as  it  passed  through  the  warp.  Not  only 
was  the  process  slow  and  cumbersome,  but,  owing  to  the  shortness  of 
the  human  arm,  breadths  of  cloth  wider  than  three  quarters  of  a  yard 
had  to  be  woven  by  two  persons.  This  was  remedied  by  a  mechanical 
device,  known  as  the  flying  shuttle,  patented  by  John  Kay  in  1733, 
by  which  the  shuttle  was  thrown  from  side  to  side  along  a  board.  As 
a  result,  the  inequality  between  the  weavers  and  the  spinners  was 
greater  than  ever.  Kay  and  others  busied  themselves  with  the  prob- 
lem of  improving  the  process  of  spinning;  but  no  practical  results 
were  achieved  until  James  Hargreaves,  about  1764,  invented  the 
spinning  jenny  with  which  eight  spindles  could  be  worked  in  a  row ; 
moreover,  the  machine  was  so  simple  that  a  child  could  run  it.  Both 
Kay  and  Hargreaves  were  attacked  by  angry  mobs  of  artisans,  who 
furiously  insisted  that  bread  was  being  snatched  from  their  mouths. 
Kay  died  in  poverty  on  the  Continent,  and  Hargreaves  got  only  an 
inadequate  return  for  his  invention. 

The  Water  Frame  and  the  Beginning  of  the  Factory  System.  —  The 
spinning  jenny  was  worked  by  hand.  It  had  scarcely  appeared  when 
Richard  Arkwright  (1732—1792)  put  into  practical  operation  a  spinning 
machine  which  came  to  be  known  as  the  "water  frame,"  though  it  was 
first  worked  by  horse  power.  Aside  from  the  more  effective  motive  force, 
it  had  a  further  advantage  of  spinning  a  harder  and  firmer  thread  than 
Hargreaves'  jenny.  Since  Arkwright  was  absolutely  without  mechani- 
cal training,  he  sought  the  aid  of  a  clock-maker  who  showed  him  a 
model  which  he  proceeded  to  appropriate.  Obtaining  his  first  patent 
in  1769,  he  at  once  erected  a  spinning  mill,  and  in  1775  "  patented  a 
series  of  adaptations  for  performing  on  one  machine  the  whole  process 
of  yarn  manufacture."  Unscrupulous  in  making  use  of  the  inventions 
of  others,  a  forerunner  of  the  modern  captain  of  industry,  he  was 
energetic  and  resourceful  in  developing  previous  processes  as  well 
as  in  enlisting  capital  for  his  enterprises,  and,  more  than  any  other 
single  man,  may  be  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  factory  system. 
With  the  invention,  in  1779,  of  the  spinning  mule,  combining  the 
best  features  of  the  jenny  and  the  water  frame,  the  art  of  spinning 
still  further  outstripped  the  art  of  weaving,  but  the  water  loom  of  Ed- 
mund Cartwright  —  a  machine  which  he  patented  in  1 785  —  restored 
the  balance.  The  unproved  processes  of  spinning  and  weaving  were 
first  employed  in  the  cotton  manufacture  and  were  only  slowly  adopted 
n  the  woolen  industry. 

The  Pottery  and  Iron  Industries.  —  The  second  half  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  also  marks  an  era  in  the  pottery  industry.  Although 
the  native  product  was  serviceable  and  some  of  it  not  without  beauty, 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY  ENGLAND  551 

the  finest  work  was  done  abroad  until  Josiah  Wedgwood  began  to 
produce  his  wares.  Having  learned  his  trade,  he  opened  works  of 
his  own  in  1759,  and  ten  years  later  established  his  famous  manu- 
facturing village  of  Etruria.  He  took  out  only  one  patent  in  his 
lifetime,  relying  upon  the  superiority  of  his  product.  Besides  pottery 
for  practical  use,  he  produced  works  of  exquisite  art,  and  not  only 
gained  the  English  market  but  invaded  the  Continent,  whither  he 
exported  five  sixths  of  his  wares.  The  progress  of  the  iron  manu- 
facture was  for  a  long  time  seriously  hampered  from  the  fact  that 
charcoal  was  used  in  smelting,  and  there  was  a  great  outcry  against 
depleting  the  forests  for  this  purpose.  With  the  employment  of  coke, 
in  1735,  a  slight  development  began.  However,  the  first  considerable 
step  in  advance  came  twenty-five  years  later  with  the  introduction 
of  blast  furnaces  supplied  by  pit  coal,  though  it  was  only  after  the 
advent  of  steam  engines  to  work  the  blast  furnaces  that  substantial 
progress  became  evident. 

Canal  Transportation.  —  Improved  facilities  for  transportation, 
due  to  the  construction  of  canals,  contributed  vastly  to  the  increas- 
ing industrial  development.  Canals  with  locks  had  long  been  in  use 
on  the  Continent;  but  it  was  not  till  1761  that  the  first  one  was 
opened  in  England.  It  connected  the  coal  mines  of  the  Duke  of 
Bridgewater  with  Manchester,  seven  miles  distant.  While  the  funds 
were  provided  by  the  Duke,  who  devoted  vast  wealth  and  inex- 
haustible patience  to  the  problem,  the  actual  construction  was  due 
to  the  genius  of  his  steward,  James  Brindley.  Some  of  his  engi- 
neering feats,  such  as  carrying  the  canal  over  a  river  by  an  aqueduct 
thirty-nine  feet  high,  made  him  seem  a  magician  to  his  contempo- 
raries. From  Manchester  he  extended  the  canal  to  the  Mersey, 
thus  uniting  by  a  water  route  the  growing  manufacturing  center  to 
Liverpool,  destined  to  become  the  greatest  of  Atlantic  ports.  Brind- 
ley, before  his  death,  had  designed  nearly  four  hundred  miles  of  canal, 
and,  before  the  introduction  of  railroads,  2600  miles  had  been  con- 
structed in  England  alone.  In  view  of  the  miserable  condition  of 
the  roads,  the  effect  of  the  new  system  of  transportation,  which  de- 
creased the  cpst  of  carriage  about  seventy-five  per  cent,  was  incal- 
culable. Markets  were  extended,  and  coal,  iron,  stone,  and  other 
heavy  materials,  could,  for  the  first  time,  be  utilized  at  consider- 
able distances  from  the  center  of  supply.  The  potteries  profited 
greatly,  for,  in  the  case  of  this  brittle  ware,  safety  as  well  as  cheap- 
ness had  to  be  considered. 

James  Watt  and  the  Steam  Engine.  —  The  final  stage  in  the 
Industrial  Revolution  came  with  the  introduction  of  the  steam  engine 


552     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

for  running  machinery  in  mills  l  and  factories.  Although  a  steam 
engine  was  mentioned  as  early  as  120  B.C.,  it  was  not  till  the  very 
end  of  the  seventeenth  century  that  the  expansion  of  steam  was 
practically  applied.  In  1698  Thomas  Savery  patented  a  steam  pump 
for  raising  water  from  mines.  Soon,  cheaper  and  more  effective 
engines  were  in  operation,  but  for  three  quarters  of  a  century  steam 
power  was  used  only  for  pumping.  It  was  the  genius  of  James  Watt 
(1736-1819)  that  transformed  it  into  a  genuine  motive  force.  Watt, 
who  was  for  a  time  instrument  maker  to  the  University  of  Glasgow, 
developed  not  only  great  manual  dexterity  but  unusual  scientific 
attainments  and  wide  culture.  With  the  conscious  purpose  of  improv- 
ing upon  his  predecessors,2  he  mastered  French,  Italian  and  Ger- 
man in  order  to  familiarize  himself  with  the  work  already  done  in  other 
countries,  and  made  a  careful  study  of  previous  models.  As  a  re- 
sult, he  developed  the  old  device  for  pumping  up  and  down  into  an 
impulse  for  circular  motion.  He  took  out  his  earliest  patent  in  1769. 
First  associated  with  a  Scotch  ironmaster  in  the  construction  of  im- 
proved steam  engines,  he  joined  himself,  about  1773,  with  Matthew 
Boulton,  who  had  a  great  manufacturing  works  at  Soho  near  Bir- 
mingham. Though  they  had  a  long  uphill  fight  in  the  face  of  mis- 
haps, opposition  of  reactionaries  and  rivals,  and  infringements  on 
patents,  success  finally  came,  and  Watt  opened  the  way  for  endless 
possibilities  in  production  and  distribution.  In  1785  the  first  steam 
spinning  machine  in  a  cotton  factory  was  set  up,  the  example  was 
soon  followed  in  industries  of  all  sorts,  and  the  factory  system,  which 
was  destined  within  a  generation  to  make  England  the  workshop 
of  the  world,  had  entered  upon  its  modern  phase. 

The  Effects  of  the  Factory  System.  —  The  effects  of  the  Indus- 
trial Revolution,  for  good  or  ill,  were  tremendous.  One  of  the  most 
immediate  was  that  it  gave  the  country  resources  to  carry  on  another 
war  with  France,  which  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon.  Then 
it  led  to  a  complete  transformation  of  conditions  of  laborers.  Those 
who  had  hitherto  lived  in  the  country,  spinning  and  weaving  in  their 
own  cottages  and  generally  cultivating  a  little  farm  at  the  same  time, 
were  turned  into  factory  hands.  Another  result  was  the  shifting 
of  the  chief  area  of  population  from  the  south  and  east  to  the  mid- 
lands and  north.  Bare  moorlands,  dotted  with  small  villages,  began 
to  swarm  with  life,  crowded  towns  sprang  up  and  the  air  was  blackened 
with  the  smoke  from  countless  chimneys.  The  moneyed  classes 
had  formerly  been  the  landowners,  the  merchants  and  the  financiers ; 

1  The  name  "mill"  is  a  curious  survival  from  the  days  of  water  power. 

2  The  old  story  about  the  tea-kettle  is  apparently  a  myth. 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY  ENGLAND  553 

now  a  new  class  emerged  —  the  capitalist  manufacturer  —  destined 
to  attain  great  social  and  political  influence.  Some  were  cultivated 
men,  like  Boulton  and  Wedgwood,  others  were  grinding  taskmasters. 
Much  good  came  from  multiplying  the  conveniences  of  life ;  more- 
over, the  cheapening  of  processes  of  production  stimulated  consump- 
tion, and,  in  the  long  run,  made  for  increased  employment;  but  at 
first  the  displacement  of  old  employments  resulted  in  bitter  suffer- 
ing. Also,  the  overcrowding  of  towns  with  no  sanitary  provisions  for 
increased  numbers,  as  well  as  exacting  supervision  in  the  factories, 
was  grievous  to  those  brought  up  in  fresh  country  air,  and  who,  if 
they  worked  long  and  hard,  had  at  least  been  their  own  masters. 
In  one  sense  the  riots  provoked  by  the  new  inventions  were  blind 
and  unreasoning ;  in  another,  they  were  justified ;  for  they  were  pro- 
voked by  real  misery.  The  domination  of  capital,  and  the  move- 
ments to  resist  it,  antedate  the  factory,  and  the  balance  of  advan- 
tage lay  with  the  capitalist  system ;  but  the  problem  now  became 
more  acute.  There  were  no  laws  to  hinder  the  employment  of 
child  labor  and  no  effective  regulations  against  lowering  wages,  while 
increasingly  strict  measures  were  passed  against  combinations  of 
workmen.  Cessation  of  trade  and  labor  regulation,  of  protection 
and  special  privileges,  made  for  expansion  of  business,  and  developed 
a  robust  self-reliance,  but,  with  the  absolute  and  uncontrolled  power 
which  the  great  masters  of  industry  enjoyed  under  the  regime  of 
laissez-faire  that  came  to  prevail  for  half  a  century  or  more,  the 
strong  throve  and  the  weak  were  crowded  to  the  wall.  Private 
philanthropy  and  a  few  legislative  measures  in  the  interests  of  the 
worker  began  to  manifest  themselves  in  the  interval ;  but  little  was 
done  until  the  reform  of  Parliament  gave  the  lesser  folk  a  real  voice 
in  choosing  their  representatives. 

Maritime  Enterprise.  —  During  the  eighteenth  century,  English 
seamen  were  sailing  in  distant  waters  and  exploring  far-off  lands. 
Many  of  them  were  chiefly  bent  on  seizing  the  treasure  and  crippling 
the  resources  of  Britain's  enemies,  some  even  were  buccaneers,  but 
they  contributed  much  to  foster  the  colonial  and  commercial  su- 
premacy of  their  country  by  extending  her  oversea  possessions  and 
opening  new  markets.  In  the  early  part  of  the  period  the  West 
Indies  and  the  African  coast  were  still  terrorized  by  the  pirates  who 
made  war  on  British  and  foreign  merchantmen  alike.  One  of  those 
sent  out  to  -suppresss  these  sea  rovers  was  the  notorious  Captain 
Kidd,  who  turned  buccaneer  himself,  and,  after  five  years  of. nefarious 
activity,  was  captured  and  hanged  in  1701.  The  greatest  explorer 
of  the  century  was  Captain  James  Cook  (1728-1779),  who  finished 


554    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

"  the  main  track  of  ocean  discovery  "  and  prepared  the  way  for 
British  dominion  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand. 

The  New  Agricultural  Revolution.  —  There  was,  during  the  eight- 
eenth century,  a  revolution  in  agriculture  as  well  as  in  industry. 
Instead  of  turning  the  common  lands  and  the  small  holdings  into 
sheep  pasture,  which  had  been  the  primary  aim  of  the  enclosures 
of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  and  which  had  left  five 
sixths  of  the  land  untouched,  the  guiding  motive  of  the  new  move- 
ment was  to  redistribute  and  consolidate  the  scattered  strips  of  arable 
land,  with  a  view  to  effecting  improvements  in  tillage  which  were  im- 
possible while  the  old  system  of  common  cultivation  lasted.  The 
defects  of  the  old  system  of  intermingled  strips,  common  cultivation 
and  common  pasture,  were  many  and  serious.  An  enterprising  farmer 
was  seriously  handicapped,  because  he  could  do  nothing  without  the 
consent  and  cooperation  of  those  associated  with  him,  who  might  be 
incompetent  and  backward.  Again,  much  time  was  consumed 
in  going  from  one  acre  strip  to  another,  and  much  land  was  wasted 
by  footpaths,  as  well  as  by  the  balks  which  separated  the  various 
holdings.  Then  the  absence  of  permanent  walls,  fences  or  hedges 
led  to  encroachment,  to  disputes  and  consequent  litigation.  Finally, 
the  herding  of  cattle,  belonging  to  all  sorts  of  men,  on  the  common  pas- 
tures was  a  fruitful  source  of  contagion.  The  new  system  was 
attended  with  many  inestimable  advantages ;  not  only  were  the  scat- 
tered strips  consolidated  and  the  common  pastures  partitioned, 
but  much  uncultivated  land  was  enclosed,  waste  was  reclaimed  and 
more  scientific  farming  was  introduced,  thus  making  it  possible  to 
meet  the  demands  of  the  growing  industrial  population. 

Pioneers  in  the  Movement.  —  The  chief  pioneers  of  improve- 
ment were  Jethro  Tull,  Lord  Townshend,  Robert  Bakewell,  and  the 
famous  traveler  and  agricultural  expert,  Arthur  Young.  Jethro 
Tull  (1674-1740),  who  has  been  called  "the  greatest  individual  im- 
prover of  the  century,"  was  more  significant  for  the  principles  he 
established  than  for  his  own  practical  achievements.  More  effect- 
ively than  any  one  before  him  he  demonstrated  the  value  of  clover 
and  turnips  as  a  substitute  for  fallow.  The  increase  of  the  turnip 
crop,  he  argued,  made  it  possible  to  keep  more  stock,  this  meant 
more  fertilizer  for  the  soil,  which  thus  enriched  would,  in  turn,  yield 
more  crops  for  man  and  beast.  Tull's  more  original  contributions 
were  the  drill  for  planting  seed,  which  prevented  the  waste  from  sow- 
ing broadcast,  and  the  introduction  of  horse  hoeing,  which  facilitated 
the  work  of  keeping  turnips  and  other  growing  crops  free  from  weeds. 
His  experiments  were  only  carried  to  practical  success  by  such  great 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY  ENGLAND  555 

landowners  as  Lord  Townshend,  in  this  period,  and  Coke  of  Holkam 
chiefly  hi  the  next.  The  great  innovator  in  stock-breeding  was 
Robert  Bakewell.  Up  to  his  time,  sheep  had  been  raised  mainly  for 
wool,  and  cattle  for  draught  purposes  and  milking.  Thin  sheep  pro- 
duced the  finest  wool,  while  long-legged,  raw-boned  cattle  were  best 
for  drawing  heavy  burdens.  To  meet  the  growing  demand  for  food, 
Bakewell  set  himself  to  breed  fat  types  that  would  yield  more  mutton 
and  beef.  His  efforts  were  crowned  with  amazing  success,  though 
more  especially  in  the  case  of  sheep.  As  a  icsult  of  the  impulse 
which  he  fostered  the  average  size  more  than  doubled. 

Results  of  the  Agricultural  Revolution.  —  The  results,  however, 
were  not  effected  without  grave  disturbances  of  the  old  rural  order. 
In  spite  of  nominal  compensation,  the  small  freeholders  almost  in- 
variably lost  by  the  redistribution.  Indeed,  from  lack  of  capital  to 
introduce  the  improvements  required  under  the  new  system,  a  great 
majority  of  them,  and  of  the  lesser  tenants  as  well,  were  extinguished. 
Much  of  the  land  was  bought  up  by  the  great  landlords  or  by  wealthy 
merchants  and  manufacturers  who  either  let  it  to  large  farmers  on 
long  leases  or  cultivated  it  themselves.1  Some  of  the  dispossessed 
yeomanry  sank  to  the  rank  of  laborers,  others  flocked  to  the  growing 
industrial  centers,  while  a  few  were  fortunate  enough  to  rise  to  the 
position  of  capitalist  tenant  farmers.  The  typical  member  of  this  new 
class  was  often  a  very  grand  person  indeed.  He  kept  great  hospi- 
tality ;  he  entertained  his  guests  with  French  or  Portuguese  wines, 
his  daughter  played  the  piano  and  dressed  in  imitation  of  the  no- 
bility. In  short,  he  became  more  prosperous  than  the  old  squire,  and 
was  as  much  above  the  freeholder  as  the  manufacturer  was  above 
the  artisan.  The  agricultural  transformation,  though  not  accom- 
plished without  petitions  and  even  riots,  was  inevitable.  The  do- 
mestic system  with  its  adjunct  farming  was  on  the  road  to  extinc- 
tion when  the  rise  of  the  factories  precipitated  it. 

Science  and  Scholarship.  —  While  no  discoveries  in  pure  science 
were  made  during  this  period  comparable  to  Newton's,  or  to  those 
which  the  future  had  in  store,  the  eighteenth  century  was  a  period 
of  growing  enlightenment  and  diffusion  of  knowledge  and  of  patient 
research  as  well.  This  was  manifest  in  many  fields,  among  others, 
in  chemistry,  in  biology,  in  geology,  and  in  astronomy.  Joseph 
Priestley  discovered  oxygen  in  1774,  a  discovery  which,  through  the 
work  of  Lavoisier  in  France,  led  to  a  complete  reconstruction  of 
chemical  science.  Benjamin  Franklin,  in  1754,  sent  to  England  an 

1  While  a  greater  portion  of  this  land  was  devoted  to  tillage,  there  were  certain 
districts  where  cattle  raising  preponderated. 


556     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

account  of  his  famous  experiment  with  the  kite  and  key  which  "  es- 
tablished the  identity  of  thunder  and  lightning  with  the  phenomena 
of  electricity,"  and  important  work  was  done  by  contemporary  Eng- 
lishmen in  the  subject  destined  to  be  so  big  with  possibilities. 
Among  the  few  signs  of  advance  in  medicine  was  the  introduction 
of  inoculation,  which  became  a  general  practice  about  1740.  In 
spite  of  its  dangers  it  contributed  much  to  stay  the  scourge  of  small- 
pox before  the  days  of  vaccination. 

Richard  Bentley  (1662-1742),  generally  regarded  as  the  greatest 
of  England's  classical  scholars,  marked  an  epoch  in  the  science  of 
critical  investigation  by  introducing  methods  for  detecting  ancient 
forgeries.  Then  the  second  half  of  the  century  witnessed  the  rise 
of  a  new  and  important  school  of  historians  —  the  popular  and 
literary.  Foremost  among  them  was  the  celebrated  philosopher 
David  Hume,  whose  History  of  England  (1754-1761),  though  mani- 
festly biased  against  the  Puritans,  and  now  largely  superseded, 
is  distinctive  for  its  style  and  from  the  fact  that  it  fashioned  the 
views  of  the  rank  and  file  of  readers  for  a  century.  But  the  great- 
est of  all  English  historians  was  Edward  Gibbon,  whose  Decline  and 
Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  (1776-1788),  notwithstanding  its  unsym- 
pathetic treatment  of  Christianity  and  its  ponderous  style  with 
monotonously  recurring  periods,  remains  among  the  world's  classics. 

Religion  and  Theology.  —  While  not  lacking  in  acrimonious  con- 
troversies, the  greater  part  of  the  century  was  marked  by  an  ab- 
sence of  religious  enthusiasm,  by  a  tolerant,  rational  and  material- 
istic spirit.  It  was  an  age  of  common  sense  in  thought  and  conduct. 
The  mass  of  the  rural  clergy  were  still  poor  and  often  ignorant. 
Among  those  with  better  incomes,  the  sporting  parson,  keen  on 
hunting  and  hard  drinking,  was  becoming  a  familiar  figure,  while 
many  of  the  incumbents  of  London  parishes  were  immersed  in  so- 
ciety and  politics.  Even  the  better  sort  preached  cold,  unimpassioned 
sermons,  inculcating  industry  and  moderation  on  prudential  grounds, 
advocating  charity  and  benevolence,  to  be  sure,  but  shunning  any 
approach  to  mysticism  and  asceticism.  Another  evidence  of  re- 
ligious apathy  was  the  decline  of  Nonconformity,  which  began  to  be 
remarked  about  the  beginning  of  the  second  quarter  of  the  century. 
A  characteristic  feature  of  the  age  was  the  rise  of  a  school  of  English 
Deists  who,  while  believing  in  a  personal  God,  rejected  most  of  the 
distinctive  features  of  the  Christian  religion,  such  as  revelation  and 
the  authority  of  the  Church.  These  Deists  are  particularly  notable 
for  the  influence  which  they  exercised  on  the  pre-revolutionary 
French  thinkers  and  on  the  rise  of  Biblical  criticism  in  Germany. 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY   ENGLAND  557 

Philosophical  Speculation.  —  The  third  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  (1671- 
J7X3)>  whom  his  opponents  have  classed  among  the  Deists,  led  a  re- 
action against  the  ethical  doctrines  of  his  former  master  Locke, 
maintaining  that  the  moral  sense  was  innate  and  that  morality  was 
not  something  imposed  by  external  authority.  Bishop  George 
Berkeley  (1685-1753),  who  made  war  on  the  Deists,  but  more  es- 
pecially on  materialism,  was  a  more  profound  thinker  than  Locke. 
He  rejected  the  reality  of  matter  and  taught  that  time  and  space 
have  no  existence  except  in  the  mind.  In  one  sense,  his  teaching 
led  to  skepticism,  in  another,  by  making  mind  the  ultimate  reality 
he  was  the  founder  of  modern  idealism.  The  most  acute  thinker  of 
the  century,  however,  was  David  Hume.  In  1739-1740  he  pub- 
lished his  Treatise  of  the  Human  Understanding,  with  the  design  of 
introducing  the  experimental  method  of  reasoning  into  moral  sub- 
jects, and  most  of  his  subsequent  philosophical  writings  are  de- 
velopments of  this  early  work.  While  his  attacks  on  the  prevailing 
systems  of  metaphysics  and  natural  religion  and  his  attempted 
reduction  of  all  reasoning  to  a  product  of  experience  were  destruc- 
tive or  sceptical,  he  prepared  the  way  for  constructive  work  in 
many  fields.  Though  he  owed  much  to  Locke  and  Berkeley,  he 
repaid  the  debt  with  usury,  and  even  anticipated  Kant  in  some  of 
his  metaphysical  views.. 

The  Wesleyan  Methodists.  —  Meantime,  earnest  men  had  come  to 
realize  that  a  revival  of  spiritual  life  could  not  be  brought  about  by 
the  prudential  ethics  and  rational  orthodoxy  inculcated  by  the  di- 
vines of  the  period,  that  it  was  essential  to  make  an  appeal  to  the 
common  people  by  means  of  the  supernatural  and  the  spiritual,  by 
fervid,  evangelical  exhortation.  This  was  achieved  through  the 
efforts  of  three  Oxford  men  —  John  Wesley  (1703-1791),  Charles 
(1707-1788)  his  brother,  and  George  Whitefield  (1714-1770)- 
who,  in  1729,  joined  a  little  band  of  students  in  an  organization  for 
mutual  improvement  nicknamed  the  "  Methodists,"  and  who 
brought  about  a  tremendous  revival,  known  as  Wesleyanism,  or 
Methodism,  which  ranks  as  one  of  the  great  movements  of  the  cen- 
tury. John,  the  elder  Wesley,  was  the  real  organizer,  Charles  was 
most  famous  for  his  hymns,  many  of  which  are  in  general  use  to- 
day; while  Whitefield  was  the  eloquent  popular  preacher.  The 
truly  vital  moment  came  in  1739  when  John  was  "  converted,"  when  he 
first  felt  that  Christ  had  taken  away  his  sins.  Then  followed  the 
wonderful  course  of  field  preaching  with  appeals  to  men  and  women 
to  seek  salvation  by  throwing  themselves  on  the  mercy  of  the  Sav- 
iour. Unhappily,  a  difference  grew  up  between  John  Wesley  and 


558     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Whitefield  over  the  question  of  free  grace,  but  although,  in  1749, 
the  two  men  became  hopelessly  estranged,  each  continued  to  pur- 
sue, in  his  own  way,  the  work  which  they  had  begun  in  common.  John 
was,  curiously  enough,  a  High  Churchman  who  always  regarded  him- 
self and  his  Society  as  members  of  the  Establishment,  and  insisted 
that  the  Communion  should  not  be  administered  except  by  ministers 
ordained  according  to  the  forms  of  the  Church  of  England.  It  was 
not  till  1795,  four  years  after  his  death,  that  the  Wesleyans  or  Metho- 
dists became  an  independent  sect.1 

There  is  much  to  criticize  about  Wesley  and  his  followers  —  they 
were  often  self-righteous,  extravagant,  and  superstitious  —  but  they 
accomplished  a  great  mission.  They  created  a  great  sect,  one  of  the 
greatest  in  the  English-speaking  world.  They  sought  out  the  lowly 
and  the  vicious,  and  revealed  to  them  "  a  new  heaven  and  a  new 
earth  " ;  they  restored  their  self-respect  and  kindled  joyous  hopes 
by  assurance  of  forgiveness  and  salvation  for  all  who  repented  of 
their  sins.  They  diverted  into  channels  of  religious  enthusiasm 
much  of  the  discontent  engendered  by  the  suffering  caused  by  the 
industrial  changes  and  stimulated  by  the  French  Revolution.  They 
contributed  to  awaken  the  Church  from  its  torpor,  and  infused  new 
religious  enthusiasm  into  the  old  nonconformist  bodies.  Further- 
more, they  quickened  the  development  of.  Sunday  schools,  and, 
directly  or  indirectly,  the  philanthropic  and  humanitarian  move- 
ments, which  led  to  prison  reform  and  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade, 
and  which  were  big  with  results  in  coming  generations. 

Adam  Smith  and  the  Wealth  of  Nations.  —  In  1776  Adam  Smith 
published  his  Wealth  of  Nations,  which  opened  an  epoch  in  political 
economy.  Even  before  the  book  appeared,  advanced  thinkers  had 
attacked  the  most  cherished  of  the  mercantile  theories,  arguing  that 
money  was  not  wealth  but  only  a  measure  of  value;  that  it  was  a 
fallacious  principle  to  hamper  trade  by  prohibiting  the  export  of  specie, 
by  fixing  legal  rates  of  interest,  and  by  forcing  foreign  merchants  to 
spend  the  proceeds  of  their  sales  in  buying  native  goods.  Already, 
100,  the  American  Colonies  had  repudiated  the  exclusive  trade  policy 
pursued  by  Mother  Country,  and  manufacturers  had  begun  to  strive 
against  the  old  restrictions  which  shackled  competition  in  the  produc- 
tion and  distribution  of  wares.  Hence,  Smith's  admirers  have  gone 
altogether  too  far  in  hailing  him  as  the  creator  of  modern  political 
economy;  nevertheless,  his  work  is  of  incalculable  significance  in 
first  presenting,  in  a  luminous,  orderly  and  convincing  form,  views  and 

1  Though  already,  in  1784,  the  foundations  of  the  American  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  had  been  laid. 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY   ENGLAND  559 

tendencies  that  were  just  beginning  to  take  shape.  The  gist  of  his 
argument,  which,  within  a  generation,  came  to  meet  with  general  ac- 
ceptance, was :  that,  under  the  mercantilist  system,  resting  on  balance 
of  trade  and  the  accumulation  of  specie,  the  interests  of  consumers  and, 
indeed,  of  a  great  mass  of  producers,  were  sacrificed  either  to  those  of 
a  small  privileged  group  or  to  considerations  of  national  power ;  that 
the  individual  should  be  left  free  to  pursue  gain  in  his  own  way ;  and 
that  the  greater  the  sum  total  of  individuals  who  prospered,  the  greater 
would  be  the  national  wealth.  He  showed,  too,  that,  in  international 
trade,  every  nation  must  buy  as  well  as  sell,  and  that,  in  time  of  peace, 
such  reciprocal  trading  was  a  benefit  to  all  parties  concerned.  Some 
of  his  views  and  assumptions  were  erroneous ;  but,  in  the  main,  his 
teachings  were  adapted  to  the  stage  of  development  at  which  Great 
Britain  had  arrived. 

Prose  Writers  of  the  Age  of  Anne.  Addison  and  Steele.  —  Clas- 
sicism, or  pseudo-classicism,  dominated  English  literature  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  century.  Many  eminent  writers  flourished,  par- 
ticularly during  the  reign  of  Anne,  which  is  sometimes  called  the  "  Au- 
gustan Age  "  of  English  literature.  While  there  was  perfection  within 
certain  limits,  it  was  a  period  of  decided  limitations.  In  contrast 
to  the  Elizabethan  and  Stuart  periods,  there  was  little  sweep  of  im- 
agination, little  display  of  ornate  diction  or  quaint  and  obscure  learn- 
ing. Conventions  were  carefully  observed ,  and  clearness  and  finish 
were  sought  rather  than  originality.  Much  of  the  writing  reflects 
the  artificiality  of  existing  society,  and  is  often  social  or  political  in  its 
aim.  In  prose,  the  miscellaneous  or  social  essay  was  highly  perfected 
and  the  novel  took  its  rise.  Most  famous  among  the  essayists  were 
Richard  Steele  and  Joseph  Addison,  who  in  the  Taller  (1709)  and  in 
the  Spectator  (1711),  accomplished  a  notable  work.  By  their  comments 
on  current  events  they  have  left  a  valuable  record  of  the  political  and 
social  conditions  of  their  time;  by  their  exhortations  and  by  their 
example  —  for  they  sought  to  combine  "  morality  with  wit  "  —  they 
made  the  coarseness  and  cynicism  of  the  Restoration  drama  unfashion- 
able ;  by  gentle  irony  and  by  precept  they  inculcated  more  gracious 
standards  in  the  art  of  living ;  by  their  reviews  of  British  and  foreign 
books  they  fostered  knowledge  and  love  of  literature;  and,  finally,  by 
the  easy  elegance  of  their  style  they  furnished  a  model  which  affected 
the  development  of  English  prose  writing.  Addison,  the  chief  creator 
of  the  immortal  Sir  Roger  de  Coverley,  while  he  achieved  his  lasting 
fame  as  an  essayist,  also  wrote  verses,  produced  Cato,  a  tragedy  which 
had  a  great  vogue  in  his  day,  and  was  active  as  Whig  pamphleteer. 
In  contrast  to  Addison's  placid,  prosperous  existence,  "  Dick  "  Steele, 


560     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

who  was  likewise  a  stanch  supporter  of  the  Whig  party,  led  a  checkered 
career,  being  frequently  involved  in  financial  and  other  difficulties ; 
but  he  was  as  lovable  as  he  was  irresponsible,  and,  in  spite  of  his 
irregularities  of  conduct,  remained  through  life  a  genial  apostle  of 
decorum,  elegance,  and  good  taste.  He  generously  recognized  the 
superior  popularity  of  his  collaborator  and  prided  himself  on  starting 
him  as  an  essayist,  declaring  that  the  world  owed  Addison  to  Steele. 
Unhappily,  toward  the  end  of  Addison's  life,  the  two  friends  got  into 
a  quarrel  that  was  never  healed. 

Jonathan  Swift  (1667-1745). — The  most  striking  literary  figure, 
however,  of  the  period  of  Anne  and  the  early  Georges  was  Jonathan 
Swift.  Born  in  Dublin  of  English  stock,  he  served,  after  a  reckless 
term  at  Trinity  College,  for  some  years  as  a  private  secretary  in  Eng- 
land. Subsequently,  he  took  holy  orders,  becoming  Dean  of  St. 
Patrick's,  Dublin,  in  1713.  His  life  was  a  series  of  disappointments 
which  embittered  a  nature,  not  without  noble,  generous  qualities, 
though  curiously  crossed  with  traits  of  meanness,  of  bullying  and  self- 
seeking.  During  his  later  life  he  was  afflicted  by  a  mental  disorder, 
evidences  of  which  had  manifested  themselves  even  earlier  and  which 
help  to  explain  his  peculiarities.  Most  of  his  writings  were  called  forth 
by  one  or  another  current  problem ;  with  one  exception  they  appeared 
anonymously ;  and  Gulliver's  Travels  was  the  only  one  for  which  he 
received  any  pay.  Famous  among  his  early  works  is  The  Tale  of  a 
Tub,  a  remarkable  satire  on  the  theological  conflicts  between  the 
Romanists,  the  Anglicans  and  the  Dissenters.  He  also  contributed 
several  notable  party  pamphlets,  first  on  the  Whig  and  then  on  the 
Tory  side,  his  Conduct  of  the  Allies  ranking  as  his  greatest  achievement 
in  this  field.  Much  of  his  political  satire,  violent  as  it  is,  was  inspired 
by  hatred  of  sham,  injustice,  and  oppression  rather  than  by  party  bias. 
His  pleasantest  work  is  his  Journal  to  Stella,  a  daily  account  of  his  do- 
ings —  during  the  brief  period  that  he  was  a  foremost  figure  in  London 
society  and  politics — written  to  Esther  Johnson,  whom  he  is  supposed 
to  have  secretly  married.  Gulliver's  Travels,  on  account  of  its  strange 
and  diverting  adventures,  has  always  been  a  favorite  children's  book, 
a  curious  fact,  since  it  is  fundamentally  a  scathing  satire  on  the  weak- 
nesses, follies,  and  vices  of  mankind, with  particular  reference  to  Swift's 
own  day.  For  biting  humor  and  unadorned  simplicity  and  clear- 
ness —  often  veiling,  however,  a  most  subtle  innuendo  —  his  style  has 
never  been  equaled.  Coarse  but  virile,  it  ranges  from  the  most  comical 
grotesqueness  to  the  sternest  tragedy. 

The  Age  of  Dr.  Johnson.  —  New  characteristics  are  manifest  in  the 
early  Georgian  period.  For  one  thing,  it  marks  the  beginning  of  the 


EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  ENGLAND  561 

Grub  Street  author,1  who  had  to  fight  poverty  and  lived  in  a  literary 
Bohemia.  The  era  of  literary  patronage  had  practically  passed  and 
men  of  letters  had  to  rely  more  and  more  on  their  own  efforts,  though 
it  has  been  argued  that  the  Grub  Street  tradition  has  been  exaggerated, 
and  that  much  of  the  suffering  was  due  to  the  faults  and  peculiarities 
of  individuals  themselves.  Yet  the  lot  of  struggling  authors  was  hard 
enough  in  all  conscience.  Another  distinctive  feature  of  this  period 
was  the  rise  of  the  modern  novel.  The  age,  too,  was  stamped  by  the 
literary  domination  of  Dr.  Johnson,  though,  all-powerful  as  he  was, 
he  strove  in  vain  to  stem  the  tide  of  a  growing  romantic  revolt  against 
the  prevailing  classic  traditions.  Samuel  Johnson  (1709-1784)  was 
the  son  of  a  bookseller.  He  was  educated  at  Oxford,  spent  a  few  years 
as  a  provincial  journalist  and  schoolmaster,  and,  in  1737,  went  to 
London.  He  had  a  long,  hard  fight  to  attain  recognition  and  financial 
independence;  but  the  experiences  which  he  underwent  taught  him 
pity  for  the  struggling  members  of  his  craft.  His  famous  Dictionary, 
1755,  the  fruit  of  seven  years  of  toil,  marked  the  turn  in  his  fortunes. 
Undoubtedly  the  best  of  his  many  works  is  his  Lives  of  Poets,  which 
appeared  in  ten  volumes  between  1779  and  1781.  Meanwhile,  in 
1 763,  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  James  Boswell,  who  later  immor- 
talized him  in  the  most  delightful  biography  in  the  English  language. 
It  is  a  mine  of  quotable  sayings,  and,  moreover,  since  nothing  was  too 
minute  for  his  biographer  to  record,  Johnson  is  made  to  stand  out  be- 
fore us  in  the  midst  of  his  circle  as  no  man  in  the  past.  He  was  a 
unique  personality.  A  talker  of  unusual  gifts,  though  somewhat  pon- 
derous and  domineering,  he  shone  preeminently  at  the  Literary  Club, 
founded  in  1764  by  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds,  and  frequented  by  Burke, 
Goldsmith,  Garrick,  and  Gibbon.  As  a  writer,  Johnson  was  a  critic 
rather  than  an  originator,  with  a  style  that  is  over  elaborate,  heavy, 
and  —  particularly  in  his  early  days  —  wordy,  though  always  clear 
and  correct.  In  spite  of  strong  prejudices,  he  was  generally  sane  in 
his  judgments,  an  enemy  to  all  shams,  and  one  who  set  high  moral 
standards  in  writing  and  conduct.  All  together,  he  was  a  man  greater 
than  what  he  wrote. 

Defoe  and  the  Rise  of  the  Novel.  —  The  novel,  the  rise  of  which 
dates  from  this  period,  is  as  dominating  in  modern  English  literature 
as  was  the  drama  in  the  Elizabethan  and  early  Jacobean  age.  The 
name  is  derived  from  novella,  the  Italian  word  for  a  short  prose  story. 
The  more  realistic  form  descends  from  the  Spanish  picaresque  2  tales 
which  relate  adventures  of  roving  scapegraces,  selected  as  heroes.  On 

1  So  called  from  a  poor  street  where  many  of  the  hack  writers  lived. 

2  From  picaro,  meaning  literally  "rogue." 


562     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  other  hand,  the  knightly  epic  of  the  Middle  Ages  prepared  the  way 
for  the  later  novel  of  romance.  After  Bunyan,  Daniel  Defoe  (1661- 
1731)  was  the  pioneer  among  modern  realistic  novelists.  While  he 
made  no  use  of  religious  allegory  and  chose  to  picture  sordid  phases 
of  life  with  the  coarsest  frankness,  the  edifying  and  moral  endings  of 
his  books  show  that,  like  the  author  of  Pilgrim's  Progress,  he  aimed 
at  reaching  the  Dissenters  of  the  lower  and  middle  classes.  He  spent 
the  greater  part  of  his  life  as  a  journalist  and  pamphleteer  and  was 
nearly  sixty  before  he  produced  his  first  famous  work  of  fiction, 
Robinson  Crusoe  (1719),  a  joy  to  succeeding  generations  of  youth.  In 
1722  appeared  the  Journal  of  the  Plague  Year,  a  fictitious  account  of 
the  visitation  of  1666  put  in  the  mouth  of  a  pretended  eye-witness. 
In  his  novels,  of  which  M oil  Flanders  and  Colonel  Jacque  are  the  best 
known,  the  incident  is  the  main  feature,  and  there  is  little  direct  at- 
tempt at  characterization.  Defoe  was  without  imitators  in  his  own 
lifetime.  Samuel  Richardson  (1689-1761),  a  printer,  who  produced 
Pamela,  Clarissa  Harlowe,  and  Sir  Charles  Grandison,  almost  discarded 
adventure.  In  his  novels,  told  in  the  form  of  letters,  love  appears  as 
the  main  theme,  there  is  considerable  attempt  at  analysis  of  character, 
and  contemporary  life  is  minutely  pictured.  Richardson  was  the  first 
of  the  sentimentalists  and  very  didactic  as  well,  aiming  in  his  writing 
to  inculcate  virtue  and  correctness  of  behavior. 

Fielding,  Smollett,  and  Sterne. — The  most  delightful  novelist  of 
the  century,  unquestionably,  was  Henry  Fielding  (1707-1754).  A 
man  of  good  family,  he  went  to  Eton,  studied  law  at  Leyden  and  served 
as  a  London  police  magistrate,  thus  seeing  many  aspects  of  life.  Be- 
ginning his  literary  career  as  a  writer  of  plays,  his  first  novel,  Joseph 
Andrews  (1742),  was  a  parody  on  Pamela,  the  smug  sentimentalism 
of  which  aroused  his  disgust,  but,  instead  of  telling  his  story  in  the 
form  of  letters,  he  reverted  to  Defoe's  novel  of  incident,  and  developed 
his  subject  into  a  vivid  picture  of  life  in  contemporary  England,  of 
the  innkeepers,  justices,  parsons,  people  of  fashion,  and  their  footmen 
and  ladies'  maids.  Tom  Jones  and  Amelia,  while  primarily  an  elab- 
oration of  the  same  general  type,  have  the  added  element  of  more  in- 
volved plots.  Fielding  was  intensely  realistic.  "  I  have  writ  little 
more  than  I  have  seen,"  he  tells  us ;  his  characters  and  incidents  are 
drawn  from  life,  "  and  not  intended  to  exceed  it."  His  humor  is 
broad ;  he  is  never  analytic ;  he  rails  at  pretense  and  selfishness, 
endowing  some  of  his  characters  with  a  plentiful  supply  of  these  qual- 
ities ;  but  by  nature  he  was  a  wholesome  optimist,  without  a  touch  of 
sourness  or  moroseness.  Tobias  Smollett  (1721-1771),  whose  best- 
known  books  are  Roderick  Random,  Peregrine  Pickle,  and  Humphrey 


EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  ENGLAND  563 

Clinker,  is  another  novelist  of  the  picaresque  type,  who,  from  his  ex- 
perience as  a  ship's  surgeon,  added  to  our  knowledge  of  the  life  of  the 
period  by  his  pictures  of  seafaring  people  and  conditions  on  shipboard. 
He  had  an  original  and  powerful  gift  for  character  drawing ;  but  his 
work  is  marred  by  coarseness  and  his  savageness  in  satire.  Laurence 
Sterne  (1713-1768)  was  a  parson  of  a  very  unclerical  sort.  Tristram 
Shandy  he  wrote  "  with  no  clear  design  of  what  it  was  to  turn  out ; 
on  a  design  of  shocking  people  and  amusing  myself."  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  Sentimental  Journey.  Sterne's  work  is  marked  not  only 
by  the  absence  of  plot,  but  by  a  conscious  disregard  of  it ;  his  humor 
is  subtle,  allusive,  and  insidious.  He  was  a  fantastic  sentimentalist 
who  pictured  life,  not  as  it  actually  existed,  but  for  the  sake  of  the 
moods  it  aroused  in  him.  His  real  achievement  was  the  creation  of 
such  a  lovable  whimsical  character  as  Uncle  Toby,  one  of  the  immortals 
of  literature. 

Goldsmith,  Fanny  Burney,  and  Horace  Walpole.  —  Among  the 
notable  single  novels  of  this  period  is  the  Vicar  of  Wakefield  by  Oliver 
Goldsmith  (1728-1774),  which  Dr.  Johnson  sold  for  him  in  1766,  thus 
saving  him  from  a  debtor's  prison.  The  peculiar  charm  in  this  work 
is  due  to  the  sweet,  unworldly  figure  of  Dr.  Primrose,  to  its  bits  of  ex- 
quisite nature-description  and  to  its  pervading  sentimentalism  which 
vaguely  foreshadows  the  later  romantic  prose.  Fanny  Burney,  or 
Madame  D'Arblay  (1752-1840),  continued  the  realistic  tradition, 
notably  in  Evelina.  Like  Richardson,  she  wrote  with  a  moral  aim; 
but  her  work  is  chiefly  interesting  for  the  light  which  it  throws  on  the 
fashionable  London  life  of  the  period.  Horace  Walpole  (1717-1797), 
fourth  Earl  of  Orford,  famous  as  a  collector,  a  virtuoso  in  art,  as  the 
author  of  spirited  memoirs,  and  as  the  most  fascinating  letter  writer 
in  the  English  language,  led  a  return  to  far-off,  unreal  things,  to  medi- 
eval romance,  in  his  Castle  of  Otranto,  1764.  This  gave  the  impulse 
to  a  type  of  "  Gothic  "  romance,  many  of  which  appeared  during  the 
half  century  following.  Philip,  Earl  of  Chesterfield  (1694-1773)  in 
his  Letters  to  His  Son,  once  so  widely  read,  represents  the  hollow, 
superficial  standards  and  worldly  wisdom  characteristic  of  the  men  of 
rank  of  his  day. 

The  Poetry  of  Pope.  —  The  unquestioned  leader  among  the  poets 
of  the  days  of  Anne  and  the  first  two  Georges  was  Alexander  Pope, 
(1688-1744)  a  man  who  attained  perfection  in  a  particular  form  of  art 
by  virtue  of  his  very  limitations.  As  a  Roman  Catholic  he  was  cut  off 
from  the  public  service,  and  from  various  other  forms  of  activity  by 
deformity  and  weak  health.  He  took  up  the  heroic  couplet  of  Dryden 
and  gave  to  it  an  exquisite  finish  that  surpassed  even  that  of  his  mas- 


564     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

ter.  The  oft-quoted  Essay  on  Man,  a  subject  suggested  to  him  by 
Bolingbroke,  was  only  a  part  of  a  contemplated  series  of  poems  in- 
tended to  be  a  comprehensive  survey  of  human  nature.  Not  only  was 
he  unexcelled  as  a  deft  craftsman  in  versification,  but  he  voiced  the 
spirit  of  the  age,  its  love  of  polished  satire,  its  proneness  for  moral  re- 
flections, and  its  regard  for  external  elegancies  and  artificial  social 
conventions,  together  with  its  lack  of  imagination  and  imperfect  ap- 
preciation of  nature. 

The  Signs  of  the  Romantic  Revolt.  —  Although  some  excellent 
poems  appeared  during  the  interval  between  the  passing  of  Pope  and 
the  wonderful  revival  which  began  toward  the  close  of  the  century, 
these  two  generations  can  scarcely  be  called  a  poetic  age.  The  most 
significant  fact  was  the  growth  of  a  revolt  against  the  reigning  classi- 
cism —  against  the  heroic  couplet  of  Dryden  and  Pope,  and  against 
the  tendency  to  deal  with  man  chiefly  in  his  conventional  social  en- 
vironment. There  was  an  effort  to  sound  the  deeper  springs  of  the 
human  soul,  to  reawaken  reverence  for  the  past  and  an  enthusiasm 
for  the  beauties  of  nature.  The  Seasons  of  James  Thomson  is  a  mani- 
festation of  the  new  tendency,  both  in  the  subject  which  he  chose  and 
the  blank  verse  in  which  he  wrote  it.1  Then  the  Night  Thoughts  of 
Edward  Young  is  marked  by  an  introspective  gloom,  a  communing 
of  man  with  his  own  heart,  quite  foreign  to  the  school  of  Pope.  Thomas 
Gray  (1716-1771)  noted  for  his  wide  learning,  also  had  an  enthusiasm 
for  natural  scenery  and  Gothic  architecture ;  yet,  for  all  his  romantic 
aspirations,  he  never  wholly  freed  himself  from  the  fetters  of  the  times 
in  which  he  lived.  However,  his  Elegy  Written  in  a  Country  Church- 
yard is  one  of  the  most  perfect  poems  in  the  English  language.  A 
curious  evidence  of  the  reviving  interest  in  the  past  were  the  literary 
forgeries  of  the  precocious  poet  Thomas  Chatterton  (1752-1770)  who, 
as  a  boy  of  twelve,  attained  access  to  the  medieval  charters  of  an  old 
church  in  Bristol,  and  began  to  fabricate  verses,  and  other  pieces, 
which  he  tried  to  pass  off  as  genuine  works  of  antiquity.  Unable  to 
obtain  recognition,  he  was  reduced  to  despair  and  poverty,  and  poi- 
soned himself  in  London  when  only  eighteen.  Another  work,  which 
had  the  profoundest  effect  in  reviving  an  interest  in  old  English  poetry 
and  which  inspired  the  leaders  of  the  dawning  romantic  movement, 
was  the  Reliques  of  Ancient  English  Poetry,  published  by  Bishop  Percy 
in  1765. 

Drama  and  Music.  —  Though  many  of  the  so-called  "  Restoration  " 
dramatists  were  writing  at  the  beginning  of  the  century,  they  were  sur- 
vivals of  a  past  age.  In  the  reign  of  Anne  the  theater  began  to  give 

1  Among  other  poems  he  was  also  the  author  of  the  famous  Rule  Britannia. 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY  ENGLAND  565 

way  to  Italian  opera,  which  for  a  time  had  great  vogue.  This  was 
due  partly  to  the  fashionable  craving  for  novelty,  partly  to  a  real  re- 
action of  morals  and  taste,  and  partly  to  the  activity  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  suppressing  as  "  licentious,"  plays  of  a  dangerous  political 
complexion.  To  be  sure,  Colley  Gibber  (1671-1757)  won  considerable 
success,  both  as  a  playwright  and  as  an  actor,  but  the  stage  only  came 
to  its  own  again  when  David  Garrick  (1717-1779)  began  his  wonder- 
ful career  with  the  revival  of  Shakespeare  in  1741.  In  1774,  Mrs. 
Sarah  Siddons  was  the  first  of  the  famous  Kemble  family  of  actors  to 
achieve  recognition.  About  this  time  began  to  appear  those  comedies 
of  Goldsmith  and  Sheridan  which  have  been  a  source  of  delight  ever 
since.  The  best-known  are  the  Good-Natured  Man,  and  She  Stoops 
to  Conquer,  by  Goldsmith,  and  The  Rivals,  The  School  for  Scandal, 
and  The  Critic,  by  Sheridan.  Meantime,  the  oratorio  had  gained  an 
enduring  hold  on  the  English  public.  This  was  due  to  the  genius  of 
Handel  (1685-1759)  who,  in  1712,  took  up  his  permanent  residence  in 
England,  and  developed  choral  music  to  a  point  which  has  never 
been  excelled.  From  the  appearance  of  Saul,  in  1739,  his  success  was 
permanent  and  lasting.  Among  his  most  famous  productions  are 
The  Messiah,  Judas  Maccabeus,  and  Joshua. 

"The  Golden  Age  "  of  English  Painting.  —  In  painting  there  was, 
from  the  Revolution  to  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  an  in- 
terval of  darkness  destined  to  be  followed  by  a  glorious  dawn.  The 
official  portrait  painters  were  mediocre  foreigners  and  natives  of  even 
less  talent ;  but,  gradually,  art  societies  were  founded  which  did  much 
for  the  encouragement  of  painting,  particularly  by  founding  competi- 
tive prizes  and  by  lending  their  rooms  for  exhibitions.  Meanwhile, 
in  the  painter  and  engraver  William  Hogarth  (1697-1764),  an  artist 
of  unique  genius  had  arisen.  Knowing  his  London  as  few  have  known 
it  before  or  since,  he  portrayed  its  comedy  and  its  tragedy  with  a  rare 
gift  of  pictorial  satire  and  a  strong  didactic  sense.  His  first  print,  The 
Taste  of  the  Town,  appeared  in  1724.  Among  his  best-known  works 
are :  the  Harlot's  and  the  Rake's  Progresses,  and  the  Marriage  a  la 
Mode.  During  the  second  half  of  the  century  there  flourished  a  won- 
derful triumvirate  —  Reynolds,  Gainsborough,  and  Romney.  Sir 
Joshua  Reynolds,  the  first  president  of  the  Royal  Academy  (founded 
1768),  created  a  new  epoch  in  portrait  painting,  and  is  generally  re- 
garded as  the  greatest  master  of  the  art  which  England  has  ever  pro- 
duced, excelling  particularly  in  portraying  the  individuality  of  his 
subjects  in  feature  and  pose  as  well  as  in  dress.  Thomas  Gainsborough , 
forced  to  rely  on  portrait  work  for  a  living,  not  only  enriched  the  world 
with  masterpieces,  but  was  a  pioneer  in  reproducing  distinctively 


566     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

English  landscapes,  while  George  Romney,  although  a  less  finished 
artist,  had  a  keener  sense  of  purely  physical  beauty  and  painted  with 
more  warm  human  feeling  than  either  of  his  two  great  contemporaries. 

Population.  — The  population  of  England  in  1801,  the  date  of  the 
first  official  census,  had  reached  nearly  nine  millions.  This  is  very 
striking  in  comparison  with  the  growth  since  the  Restoration,  when 
the  country  was  estimated  to  contain  about  five  million  inhabitants. 
Equally  striking  was  the  shifting  of  the  centers  of  density  from  the 
south  and  east  to  the  midlands  and  the  north.  Thanks  to  abundant 
harvests  and  steadily  increasing  trade,  the  laboring  classes  seem  to  have 
been  fairly  well  off  during  the  first  three  quarters  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  or  until  the  depression  due  to  the  Industrial  and  Agricul- 
tural Revolutions. 

Evidences  of  Reforming  Zeal.  —  Although  the  age,  particularly 
before  the  Wesleyan  revival,  was  a  material  one,  when  the  majority 
were  chiefly  intent  on  business  or  pleasure,  there  are  some  isolated 
instances  of  philanthropy  and  reforming  zeal.  In  1736  an  Act  was 
passed  to  check  the  alarming  increase  of  gin  drinking  among  the 
lower  classes.  It  led  to  so  much  smuggling  and  evasion  that  its  prin- 
ciples were  practically  abandoned  in  1743.  Later  regulation  of  the 
traffic,  in  1751  and  1753,  abated  the  evil  only  to  a  small  degree.  There 
were  a  few  private  philanthropists,  lonely  voices  crying  in  the  wilder- 
ness. Chief  among  them  was  James  Oglethorpe  who,  in  1729,  suc- 
ceeded in  procuring  a  parliamentary  inquiry  into  prison  conditions. 
Horrible  abuses  were  exposed,  a  few  regulations  were  made  and  some 
of  the  worst  offenders  were  removed  and  punished ;  but  no  thorough- 
going reform  was  undertaken  for  over  a  century,  and  Oglethorpe  turned 
his  attention  to  the  colony  of  Georgia,  which  he  founded  in  1 733  as  a 
refuge  for  poor  debtors  and  oppressed  foreign  Protestants.  Forty 
years  later,  John  Howard  took  up  the  work  which  Oglethorpe  had 
abandoned  in  discouragement.  He  was  a  Dissenter  of  independent 
means  who  became  High  Sheriff  of  Bedfordshire  in  1773,  and  began 
his  work  of  prison  reform  in  the  same  year,  apparently  inspired  by 
the  knowledge,  gained  from  his  new  office,  that  persons  acquitted  of 
guilt  were  kept  in  confinement  on  account  of  fees  incurred  while  held 
for  trial.  He  also  discovered  appalling  conditions,  resulting  in  a  fright- 
ful prevalence  of  jail  fever.  As  a  result  of  his  evidence  presented  be- 
fore the  House  of  Commons,  two  bills  were  passed  in  1774:  one  pro- 
viding for  fixed  salaries  in  place  of  jailers'  fees,  the  other,  for  improving 
the  prevailingly  unsanitary  conditions.  These  provisions  were  gen- 
erally evaded ;  but  he  kept  on  unwearyingly,  publishing  his  findings  in 
a  series  of  works  on  the  State  of  Prisons,  the  first  of  which  appeared  in 


EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  ENGLAND  567 

1777.  Reform  came  slowly,  but  his  ceaseless  efforts  bore  fruit  in  the 
following  century. 

Lawlessness  and  Crime.  —  Brutal  punishments  still  continued. 
Prisoners  hung  in  chains  all  over  the  land;  after  the  '45,  heads  were 
seen  rotting  on  Temple  Bar,  while  by  a  law  on  the  Statute-book  till 
1790,  women  guilty  of  murder  or  treason  were  to  be  publicly  burnt, 
though  in  practice  they  were  usually  strangled  first.  Men  convicted 
of  treason  were  still  cut  down  before  they  were  half  dead  and  their 
bowels  burned  before  their  eyes.  The  barbarous  law  of  pressing  to 
death  prisoners  who  refused  to  plead  before  a  jury  was  not  repealed 
till  1772,  though  the  practice  was  abandoned  in  1735.  The  pillory 
was  still  a  cruel  and  degrading  spectacle,  and  men  and  women  were 
still  publicly  whipped  at  the  cart's  tail.  All  that  can  be  said  is,  that 
conditions  were  worse  on  the  Continent,  where  torture  and  arbitrary 
imprisonment  were  still  legal.  Partly  owing  to  the  overseverity  of 
the  criminal  code,  but  far  more  owing  to  the  inadequate  machinery 
for  its  enforcement,  lawlessness  prevailed  to  an  alarming  extent. 
Goods  were  landed  by  night  at  secluded  inlets  and  bays,  and  loaded 
by  armed  bands  on  wagons  and  pack  horses.  Customs-house  officers 
were  overawed,  or  more  often  bribed,  and  we  even  hear  of  fifty  or  a 
hundred  desperate  men  doing  their  work  by  day  on  the  open  beach. 
Highwaymen  continued  to  ply  their  calling.  The  mail  between 
London  and  Bristol  was  robbed  five  times  in  five  successive  weeks, 
and  in  1757,  a  mail  robbery  took  place  within  two  miles  of  London; 
indeed,  thefts,  even  open  robbery,  to  say  nothing  of  shoplifting  and 
pocket-picking,  occurred  in  the  very  heart  of  the  City.  Hanging  and 
transportation  proved  of  little  avail.  Jack  Sheppard,  who  was  hanged 
in  1724,  and  Dick  Turpin,  who  followed  him  to  the  gallows  in  1739, 
were  regarded  as  heroes  by  many  youths  who  were  tempted  to  emulate 
their  stirring  adventurous  careers. 

Life  in  London.  —  In  London,  throughout  the  century,  there  was 
an  epidemic  of  card-playing  among  the  upper  and  middle  classes  which 
tended  to  displace  reading  and  intelligent  conversation.  Lotteries 
and  raffles  were  extremely  popular,  while  fashionable  folk  gambled 
for  stakes  that  were  appalling;  for  example,  Charles  James  Fox  ran 
up  debts  amounting  to  a  million  dollars,  most  of  which  he  lost  at  play. 
The  standard  of  manners  and  conduct  set  by  the  essays  of  Addison  and 
Steele  declined  under  the  first  George,  largely  owing  to  the  example 
set  by  him  and  his  Court,  but  developed  toward  the  middle  of  the 
century  into  the  formal  stilted  type  represented  in  Chesterfield's 
Letters.  About  1750,  Mrs.  Montagu,  following  the  lead  of  the  late 
Queen  Caroline,  made  an  heroic  effort  to  improve  the  intellectual 


568     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

status  of  women  by  giving  parties  at  which  cards  were  excluded.1 
Mrs.  Thrale  was  another  woman  of  literary  aspirations,  and,  at  her 
parties,  Burke  and  Dr.  Johnson  exercised  their  unequaled  gifts  in 
conversation.  Great  extravagancies  of  dress  continued  nearly  through 
the  century.  Men  were  resplendent  in  coats,  waistcoats  and  breeches 
of  bright-hued  silks,  while  women  appeared  with  huge  hoopskirts 
and  amazing  head  dresses  or  pompadours  a  foot  high.  But  the  new 
inventions  for  producing  woolen,  linen  and  cotton  clothes,  as  well  as 
the  effects  of  the  American  and  French  wars,  were  soon  to  change  all 
this.  In  dress,  as  in  agriculture,  in  industry,  and  in  so  many  other 
ways,  England  had  reached  the  threshold  of  the  modern  world. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

General  Conditions.  Traill,  Social  England,  IV,  V;  Robertson,  Eng- 
land under  the  Hanoverians,  Introd.,  pt.  I,  ch.  IV,  pt.  II,  ch.  IV.  Leadam, 
Political  'History,  ch.  XXVIII.  Hunt,  Political  History,  ch.  XIII.  Lecky, 
Eighteenth  Century,  I,  chs.  I,  II ;  II,  ch.  V ;  VII,  ch.  XXI. 

Social  and  Industrial.  J.  Ashton,  Social  Life  in  the  Reign  of  Anne  (2  vols., 
1882)  and  Old  Times  (1885) ;  the  latter  made  up  of  newspaper  cuttings 
and  caricatures.  W.  C.  Sydney,  England  and  the  English  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century  (2  vols.,  1891).  E.  S.  Roscoe,  The  English  Scene  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century  (1912).  T.  Wright,  England  under  the  House  of  Hanover  (2  vols. 
3d  ed.,  1852,  reprinted  as  Caricature  History  of  the  Georges}.  Creighton, 
History  of  Epidemics.  J.  Howard,  The  State  of  the  Prisons  (4th  ed.,  1792). 
Warner,  Landmarks  in  English  Industrial  History  (1899),  and  E.  P.  Cheyney, 
Industrial  and  Social  History  of  England  (1901) ;  both  of  these  are  good 
brief  sketches.  Cunningham,  English  Industry  and  Commerce  (5th  ed., 
1912).  Macpherson,  Annals  of  Commerce  (4  vols.,  1805).  J.  R.  Porter, 
Progress  of  the  Nation  in  its  Various  Social  and  Industrial  Relations  (1851, 
new  ed.  F.  Q.  Hirst,  1911).  A.  Toynbee,  Lectures  on  the  Industrial  Revolu- 
tion of  the  XVII Ith  Century  in  England  (1896).  S.  Smiles,  Lives  of  Engineers 
(3  vols.,  1861-2).  S.  and  B.  Webb,  English  Local  Government,  1688-1835 
(3  vols.,  1906),  valuable  for  local  conditions.  A.  Young,  Tour  in  the  Southern 
Counties  (4  vols.,  1768)  ;  Tour  through  the  North  (4  vols.,  1770) ;  and  The 
Farmer's  Tour  through  the  East  of  England  (4  vols.,  1771).  Rogers,  Six 
Centuries  of  Work  and  Wages,  and  Agriculture  and  Prices,  V,  VI.  R.  E. 
Prothero,  English  Farming  Past  and  Present  (1912).  J.  L.  and  Barbara 
Hammond,  The  Town  Labourer,  1760-1832  (1917)  and  The  Village  Labourer 
(1918).  W.  T.  Jackman,  The  Development  of  Transportation  in  Modern 
England  (2  vols.,  1916) ;  F.  J.  Foakes- Jackson,  Social  Life  in  England, 
1750-1850.  Usher  is  particularly  full  on  the  Industrial  Revolution. 

1  She  and  her  set  gained  the  name  of  "blue  stockings"  from  the  fact  that  a 
prominent  scholar  attended  some  evening  assemblies  at  Bath  in  grayish  worsted 
stockings,  instead  of  the  black  silk  required  for  evening  dress. 


EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY  ENGLAND  569 

Learning  and  Literature.  Cambridge  Modern  History,  VI,  chs.  XXIII, 
XXIV ;  Moody  and  Lovett ;  and  Taine.  G.  Saintsbury,  Short  History  oj 
English  Literature  (1898).  Cambridge  History  of  Literature,  IX,  X.  T.  S. 
Perry,  History  of  English  Literature  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  (1883).  E. 
Gosse,  Eighteenth  Century  Literature  (1898).  L.  Stephen,  English  Thought 
in  the  Eighteenth  Century  (2  vols.,  ad  ed.,  1881),  and  English  Literature  and 
Society  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  ( 1 909) .  W.  Raleigh ,  The  English  Novel  ( 1 894) . 
C.  B.  Tinker,  The  Salon  and  English  Letters  (1915).  Julia  Patton,  The 
English  Village:  a  Literary  Study,  1750-1850  (1919).  A.  E.  Dobbs,  Edu- 
cation and  Social  Movements,  1700-1850  (1919). 

Religion.  Wakeman,  and  Stoughton,  above  cited.  Lecky,  III,  ch.  VIII, 
for  a  discriminating  account  of  Wesleyanism.  For  a  full  bibliography  of 
religion  in  the  eighteenth  century,  see  Cambridge  Modern  History,  VT,  851- 
857-  J-  W.  Legg,  English  Church  Life  from  the  Restoration  to  the  Tractarian 
Movement  (1914). 

Life  in  Scotland.  Lecky,  II,  ch.  VI.  H.  G.  Graham,  Social  Life  in 
Scotland  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  (2  vols.,  1900).  For  a  full  bibliography 
see  P.  H.  Brown,  III,  435-444.  W.  L.  Mathieson,  The  Awakening  of  Scot- 
land, 1747-1797  (1911),  continues  his  Scotland  and  the  Union. 


j) 


CHAPTER  XLV 

THE  YOUNGER  PITT :   THE  NEW  TORYISM  AND  ADMINISTRATIVE 
REFORM  (1784-1793) 

The  Coalition  Ministry  (April-December,  1783).  —  Shelburne  was 
forced  out  of  office,  24  February,  1783,  by  a  combination  of  Fox  and 
North  against  their  common  political  enemy ;  an  "  unnatural  junction  " 
which  was  defended  by  Fox  on  the  ground  that  the  country  needed 
a  "  broad  and  stable  administration,"  and  that,  with  the  close  of  the 
war  and  the  end  of  George's  personal  rule,  his  chief  grounds  of  dif- 
ference with  North  were  at  an  end.  After  a  stubborn  fight,  the 
King,  who  had  always  hated  Fox  and  who  was  infuriated  at  North 
for  deserting  his  cause,  was  obliged  to  accept  the  Coalition  Ministry. 
The  Duke  of  Portland  was  made  nominal  head,  but  the  real  leaders 
were  North  and  Fox,  who  became  Secretaries  of  State.  George's 
hostility  to  Fox  was  accentuated  because  of  his  intimacy  with  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  a  dissipated  spendthrift,  who  warmly  supported  the 
Coalition,  which  the  King  was  accustomed  to  designate  as  "  my  son's 
Ministry."  Determined  to  get  them  out  as  speedily  as  possible,  he 
nearly  succeeded  on  the  question  of  providing  for  the  Prince's  es- 
tablishment ;  but  the  rock  on  which  the  Coalition  foundered  was  a  bill 
for  the  settlement  of  the  government  of  India. 

The  State  of  India  at  the  Close  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  1763.  — 
Up  to  1763,  the  English  in  India  had  been  mainly  occupied  in  over- 
coming European  competitors.  By  that  date  they  had  practically 
excluded  their  rivals,  and,  henceforth,  they  were  concerned  chiefly 
with  extending  their  sway  over  the  native  rulers  and  in  establishing 
a  satisfactory  system  of  government.  The  Company,  under  its 
royal  charter,  renewed  at  intervals  of  about  twenty  years,  con- 
sisted of  a  court  of  proprietors  or  stockholders  and  a  board  of  directors. 
In  India,  where  it  was  represented  by  the  governors,  or  presidents, 
and  their  councils  at  Calcutta,  Madras  and  Bombay,  the  affairs  of  the 
Company  were  sadly  mismanaged  during  the  period  following  its 
triumph  over  the  French.  The  authority  of  the  Moguls  at  Delhi 

570 


THE  YOUNGER  PITT  571 

had  faded  almost  to  a  shadow.  Beside  the  viceroys  of  provinces 
and  the  rulers  of  tributary  states,  who  exercised  practically  inde- 
pendent powers,  there  were  the  Marathas,  a  group  of  tribes  of  Hindoo 
stock  who,  under  the  Peshwa  of  Poonah,  were  very  strong  in  the 
western  and  central  districts,  though  they  too  were  somewhat  on  the 
decline. 

North's  Regulating  Act  (1773).  —  Suddenly,  Madras  was  exposed 
to  dangerous  attacks  from  a  native  ruler  on  its  western  border.  This 
menace,  added  to  the  absence  of  Clive  —  who,  owing  to  ill-health,  was 
never  in  India  after  1760  except  for  a  short  interval  from  1765—1767  — 
to  dissensions  at  the  India  House  and  the  general  ineffectiveness  of  the 
Company's  rule,  caused  its  stock  to  drop  to  60  per  cent.  At  length,  a 
famine  in  Bengal,  in  1770,  so  reduced  the  Company's  resources  that  it 
had  to  turn  to  the  Government  for  help,  as  the  result  of  which  Lord 
North,  in  1773,  passed  a  measure  known  as  the  Regulating  Act,  pro- 
viding, among  other  concessions,  that  a  loan  of  £1,000,000  should  be 
advanced  and  that  bonded  tea  might  be  shipped  to  America  free 
from  English  duties.  In  addition,  the  government  in  India  was 
extensively  reorganized :  a  supreme  court  was  set  up ;  the  Governor 
of  Bengal  was  made  Governor-General,  and  was  surrounded  by  a 
Council  of  four  members  named  by  Parliament.1 

Warren  Hastings  (1732-1818).  —  Warren  Hastings,  the  Governor 
of  Bengal,  who  was  appointed  the  first  Governor- General,  had  come 
to  India  as  a  youth,  and  had  worked  his  way  up  to  the  top  by  sheer 
force  of  ability.  Frail  in  appearance,  he  was  a  masterful  and  even 
ruthless  man.  The  situation  which  he  had  to  face  was  one  of  enormous 
difficulty :  the  people  were  in  the  depths  of  distress,  affairs  had  been 
grossly  mismanaged,  the  English  in  India  were  intent  on  private  gain, 
and  the  directors  in  London  were  at  odds  among  themselves  in  every- 
thing except  a  consuming  desire  for  dividends.  Hastings  brought 
order  out  of  chaos ;  by  improved  methods  of  taxation  and  by  care- 
ful economies,  he  increased  the  revenue,  while  at  the  same  time  he 
protected  the  people  against  plunderers.  Unfortunately,  however, 
the  pressure  of  war  and  the  financial  demands  of  the  Company  led 
him  to  adopt  too  many  high-handed  and  cruel  measures.  One  of  the 
earliest  was  to  let  to  the  Wazir  of  Oudh,  for  forty  lacs  of  rupees,2  a 

1  During  the  investigation  leading  up  to  the  passage  of  this  Act,  a  fire  of  criticism 
was  directed  against  Clive,  and  a  vote  of  censure  was  passed  condemning  many 
of  his  acts.     Though  it  was  declared  that  he  "did  at  the  same  time  render  great 
and  meritorious  services  to  his  country,"  he  was  so  unstrung  by  the  strain  of  the 
conflict  that  he  died  by  his  own  hand,  22  November,  1774. 

2  A  rupee  is  worth  about  fifty  cents  and  there  are  a  hundred  thousand  in  a  lac. 


572     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

body  of  English  troops  to  destroy  his  enemies  the  Afghans  who  had 
conquered  Rohilcund  on  the  northern  border.  Confronted,  after  he 
became  Governor-General,  first  with  a  war  against,  the  Marathas  and 
then  with  another  in  the  south,  he  resorted  to  acts  of  pitiless  extortion. 
He  required  from  the  Raja  of  Benares,  in  addition  to  his  annual 
tribute  of  £50,000,  a  war  contribution  and  a  contingent  of  troops. 
When  the  Raja,  already  suspected  of  disaffection,  refused,  Hastings 
promptly  increased  his  tribute  tenfold — a  penalty  out  of  all  proportion 
to  the  offense — and  displaced  him  by  a  successor  pledged  to  obedience. 
Then  he  made  a  bargain  with  the  young  ruler  of  Oudh  to  deprive  his 
mother  and  grandmother,  the  Begums  or  Princesses,  of  the  lands  and 
treasure  of  the  late  Wazir,  and  in  order  to  accomplish  his  purpose 
subjected  them  to  a  siege,  wasted  their  territories,  and  tortured  and 
starved  their  chief  ministers.  The  landed  property  was  given  to  the 
reigning  Prince,  the  treasure  was  appropriated  for  the  Company. 
While  it  does  not  excuse  the  inhumanity  and  injustice  of  the  acts  for 
which  he  was  responsible,  it  must  be  bor^ie  in  mind  that  Hastings 
took  nothing  for  himself,1  that  his  sole  aim  was  to  secure  resources  to 
save  the  British  dominion  in  India. 

Fox's  India  Bill  (1783).  —  Rumors  of  what  was  going  on,  and  the 
hostility  of  the  Rockingham  Whigs  to  an  official  who  was  a  product 
of  North's  Regulating  Act,  led  to  a  parliamentary  investigation  in 
1781.  In  the  report  which  followed,  the  administration  of  the  Com- 
pany was  condemned  and  the  removal  of  Hastings  recommended. 
The  directors  refused.  Since  they  had  the  legal  right  so  to  do,  the 
only  way  of  effecting  any  reforms  was  by  a  complete  reorganization. 
The  struggle  became  acute  in  the  autumn  of  1783,  when  Fox  introduced 
a  famous  measure  —  largely  the  work  of  Burke —  to  deprive  the  Com- 
pany of  its  exclusive  powers  of  government  and  to  remedy  the  crying 
abuses  in  the  existing  system.  There  were  really  two  bills,  one  trans- 
ferring the  Company's  government  of  India  to  a  body  of  seven  com- 
missioners nominated,  in  the  first  instance,  by  Parliament  and  holding 
office  for  four  years ; 2  the  other  dealing  with  administrative  reforms : 
for  example,  the  curtailing  of  monopolies  and  the  extortion  of  presents. 
The  first -part  of  the  arrangement  was  furiously  attacked,  both  as  a 
party  measure  and  as  a  violation  of  vested  rights,  emphasis  being 
laid  on  the  fact  that  the  first  appointees  were  all  supporters  of  Fox, 
who  would  be  put  in  control  of  patronage  worth  £300,000  a  year 
which  would  give  them  enormous  influence.  While  reforming  zeal 

1  Moreover,  the  treasure  belonged  not  to  the  Begums  but  to  the  Prince,  and  the 
Begums  were  engaged  in  a  conspiracy  to  root  out  the  British  power  in  India. 

2  Vacancies  were  to  be  filled  by  the  Sovereign. 


THE  YOUNGER   PITT  573 

and  politics  were,  to  some  degree,  combined,  the  measure,  however, 
was  defeated,  not  on  the  ground  of  any  of  the  objections  which  were 
raised,  but  by  the  King's  hatred  of  the  Ministers  who  framed  it. 

The  Defeat  of  Fox's  India  Bill  and  the  Overthrow  of  the  Coalition 
(December,  1783). — After  it  had  passed  in  the  Commons,  King  George 
eagerly  adopted  a  suggestion  for  blocking  it  in  the  Upper  House. 
Lord  Temple  was  given  a  paper  to  circulate  among  the  peers  stating 
that  his  Majesty  would  "  consider  as  an  enemy  "  whoever  voted  for 
the  India  Bill,  and  was  empowered  to  use  stronger  words  if  he  thought 
necessary.  By  this  underhand  means  it  was  lost  by  nineteen  votes. 
The  Commons  vainly  protested  in  a  resolution,  declaring  that  "  to 
report  any  opinion  or  pretended  opinion  of  his  Majesty  upon  any  bill  " 
pending  in  Parliament  in  order  to  influence  votes,  was  "  a  high  crime 
and  misdemeanor." 

Struggle  with  the  Coalition  (1783-1784).  —  On  18  December 
George  dismissed  the  Ministry,  and  in  his  perplexity  he  turned  to 
William  Pitt  to  form  a  new  one.  Pitt  was  the  second  son  of  the  Earl 
of  Chatham,  who  had  entered  Parliament  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  and 
Shelburne,  in  1782,  had  paid  a  tribute  to  his  name  and  talents  by 
making  him  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  and  Leader  of  the  House 
of  Commons.  Now,  when  not  yet  twenty-five,  with  a  remnant  of  the 
Chatham  Whigs  and  a  few  Tories  at  his  back,  and  discredited  by  the 
fact  that  he  was  the  appointee  of  a  Sovereign  who  had  been  guilty 
of  a  piece  of  unscrupulous  tyranny,  he  had  to  face  a  hostile  majority 
led  by  two  veterans,  one  the  most  skillful  party  manager  and  the  other 
the  most  adroit  debater  of  the  period.  The  battle  which  followed 
is  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  in  parliamentary  history.  At  first 
it  was  an  up-hill  fight ;  motion  after  motion  was  carried  against  him ; 
nevertheless,  he  refused  to  resign,  nor  was  he  keen  on  dissolving  Parlia- 
ment until  he  was  sure  of  a  majority  in  the  elections.  Fox,  who  led 
the  Opposition,  played  into  his  hands  by  his  violence  and  his  blunders. 
His  most  fatal  error  was  in  insisting  that  the  present  Parliament 
should  continue,  with  the  aim  of  holding  on  to  his  majority,  till  25 
March,  1784,  when  he  hoped,  on  the  expiration  of  the  Mutiny  Bill,  to 
paralyze  the  Administration  by  refusing  to  renew  it.  Pitt's  patience, 
courage,  calmness  and  disinterestedness  gradually  won  him  supporters 
until,  when  the  Mutiny  Bill  came  up  for  vote,  it  easily  passed.  Multi- 
tudes of  addresses,  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  now  convinced  Pitt 
that  he  could  safely  try  the  issue  of  a  general  election,  in  which  he 
secured  an  overwhelming  majority.  Fox  had  offended  the  Whigs 
by  his  outspoken  opposition  to  an  appeal  to  the  people  during  the 
preceding  winter,  and  had  alienated  the  Tories  by  his  attacks  on  the 


574     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

royal  prerogative.  Although  the  Whigs  had  been  routed,  it  was  a 
triumph  not  for  the  King  but  for  Pitt.  Henceforth  the  Prime 
Minister  controlled  the  Government.  While  he  came  to  call  himself 
a  Tory,  he  represented  a  new,  more  liberal  form  of  Toryism,  resting  on 
popular  more  than  on  royal  support. 

The  Westminster  Scrutiny  (1784-1785).  —  Pitt's  triumph  was 
marred  by  one  ungenerous  action  —  his  treatment  of  his  rival  in  the 
so-called  "  Westminster  Scrutiny."  The  election  was  hotly  con- 
tested, and  all  eyes  had  been  centred  upon  it  because  of  the  candidacy 
of  Fox,  who  was  supported  by  numerous  powerful  friends,  among 
them  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  the  charming  Duchess  of  Devonshire, 
accused  of  dispensing  kisses  in  return  for  votes.  Westminster 
returned  two  members,  for  which  there  were  three  candidates, 
including  Fox.  Fox,  who  started  at  the  bottom  of  the  list,  had 
finally  reached  second  place  when  the  polls  were  closed  at  the  end  of 
forty  days.  The  rejoicing  of  the  Whigs  was  cut  short  when  the  de- 
feated candidate  demanded  a  scrutiny  on  the  ground  of  fraudulent 
voting.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  had  been  more  votes  cast  than  there 
were  electors,  so  the  High  Bailiff  was  quite  within  his  rights  in  grant- 
ing the  request,  but  he  should  have  returned  Fox's  name  on  the  day 
the  writ  was  returnable,  and  left  the  final  settlement  to  the  com- 
mittee of  the  Commons  appointed  under  the  Grenville  Act.  This 
he  refused  to  do,  and  was  supported  by  Pitt.  Although  the  Bailiff 
was  ordered  to  proceed  with  "  all  possible  dispatch,"  months  were 
wasted,  and  it  was  only  after  a  vote  had  passed  the  Commons,  ordering 
an  immediate  return,  that  Pitt  gave  way.  Fox,  who  in  the  meantime 
had  been  sitting  for  a  small  Scotch  borough,  finally  took  his  seat  as  a 
member  for  Westminster  and  ultimately  secured  £2,000  damages. 
Parliament  sought  to  prevent  such  injustice  for  the  future  by  a  law 
providing  that,  henceforth,  the  polls  were  to  be  closed  at  the  end  of 
fifteen  days,  and  that,  though  scrutinies  might  still  be  granted  on  de- 
mand, they  must  be  stopped  six  days  before  the  day  on  which  the  writs 
were  returnable,  i.e.  about  a  month  after  the  close  of  the  polls. 

William  Pitt.  —  For  an  unbroken  period  of  seventeen  years  Pitt  was 
Prime  Minister.  As  a  parliamentary  leader  he  had  uncommon  talents, 
which  had  been  carefully  developed ;  he  spoke  with  convincing  logic, 
and,  when  he  chose,  with  extreme  clearness ;  though  owing  to  the  need 
of  parrying  the  searching  questions  of  the  Opposition,  his  utterances 
were  most  frequently  those  of  the  party  manager  rather  than  those  of 
the  impassioned  orator.  This  was  partly  temperamental;  he  had 
plenty  of  courage  and  resourcefulness  and  a  rare  power  of  sensing  the 
temper  of  the  nation,  but  little  imagination  or  fervid  enthusiasm,  nor 


THE  YOUNGER  PITT  575 

was  he  very  original  or  profound.  Absolutely  indifferent  to  financial 
gain,  his  only  personal  vice  was  one  all  too  common  in  those  days  — 
intemperate  drinking  of  port,  which  contributed  to  his  early  death  at 
the  age  of  forty-seven ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  avaricious  of  power, 
more  than  once  dropping  a  measure  of  which  he  approved  for  fear  of 
weakening  his  position,  though  he  had  this  excuse,  that  he  ruled  in  a 
critical  time,  and  may  have  honestly  felt  that  the  security  of  the  State 
depended  upon  his  tenure  of  office. 

His  Position  and  Problems.  —  His  position  in  the  spring  of  1784  was 
one  of  unusual  strength.  Besides  the  prestige  of  his  father's  great 
name,  he  had  won  a  dramatic  fight  against  a  combination  which  seemed 
well-nigh  irresistible;  the  Whigs  were  hopelessly  eclipsed  and  the 
extreme  Tories  were  still  discredited  by  the  failure  of  the  American 
War.  He  was  pledged  to  no  particular  policy,  he  was  supported  by 
the  moderate  men  of  both  parties,  while  the  King,  bound  to  him  by 
gratitude,  and  realizing  that  the  strength  of  the  Government  depended 
upon  his  popularity,  was  obliged  to  recognize  him  as  Prime  Minister 
in  fact  as  well  as  in  name.  Pitt  not  only  restored  and  firmly  estab- 
lished the  rule  of  the  responsible  Minister,  but  during  his  ascendancy 
practically  did  away  with  parliamentary  corruption,1  a  work  in  which 
the  second  Rockingham  Ministry  had  led  the  way.  Almost  the  only 
questionable  means  to  which  Pitt  resorted  for  strengthening  his 
power  was  the  lavish  creation  of  peers,  the  result  of  which  was  to  make 
the  House  of  Lords  a  Tory  stronghold  and  greatly  to  lower  the  average 
intelligence  of  that  body :  this  was  the  price  paid  for  breaking  up  the 
Whig  oligarchy. 

Pitt's  India  Bill  (1784).  —  In  the  session  of  1784,  Pitt  succeeded  in 
carrying  an  India  Bill  which  differed  in  some  particulars  from  that 
which  had  wrecked  the  Coalition.  It  provided  for  a  Board  of  Control 
consisting  of  six  members  appointed  by  the  King.  While  the  Cnmr 
pany  was  left  in  the  control  of  patronage,  its  civil  and  military  admin- 
istration was  put  under  the  superintendence  of  the  new  Board.  The 
Governor-General, together  with  the  presidents  and  councils  in 
India,  was  chosen  by  the  Company,  subject  to  the  royal  approval, 
and  the  King  had  the  power  of  removal  at  any  time.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few  amendments,  Pitt's  arrangement,  with  its  system  of  dual 
control,  continued  in  force  until  1858. 

The  State  of  the  Finances.  —  Pitt's  greatest  services  were  in  the  field 
of  financial  reform,  where  the  situation  which  he  had  to  face  demanded 

1  For  example,  he  did  away  with  the  abuse  of  distributing  contracts  for  loans 
and  lotteries  to  favored  supporters  of  the  Government,  and  awarded  them  to  the 
lowest  bidder. 


576     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

uncommon  courage  and  ability.  The  public  credit  was  at  a  low  ebb. 
Three  per  cents 1  stood  at  56  or  57  ;  about  £14,000,000  of  the  debt  was 
unfunded,  while  outstanding  bills  circulated  at  a  discount  of  15  to 
20  per  cent.  Commerce  had  suffered  from  the  loss  of  colonial  trade, 
and  the  customs  revenues  were  greatly  diminished  owing  to  whole- 
sale and  shameless  smuggling.  There  were  many  other  ways,  too,  by 
which  the  State  lost  money.  For  example,  grave  abuses  existed  in 
the  department  of  public  accounts:  there  were  four  Treasurers  of 
the  Navy  whose  accounts  had  never  been  settled  since  they  left  office, 
and  one  Treasurer  had  retained  public  moneys  in  his  hand  for  forty 
years.  The  auditors  left  all  business  to  clerks  who  were  powerless, 
even  if  they  tried,  to  enforce  any  regulations.  Moreover,  the  customs 
were  in  a  most  confused  and  complicated  state;  there  were  sixty- 
eight  separate  groups  of  duties,  while  many  different  duties  were  im- 
posed on  the  same  article — in  one  case  fourteen  —  appropriated  to 
pay  interest  on  different  branches  of  the  National  Debt. 

Pitt's  Reforms.  —  Pitt  set  himself  to  simplify  and  purify  this  chaos 
of  confusion  and  corruption,  to  increase  the  revenue,  and  to  put  the 
finances  on  a  sound  basis.  He  began,  in  1784  and  1785,  by  funding 
the  unfunded  debt.  Also  he  framed  effective  measures  against 
smuggling.  By  the  "  Hovering  Act  "  he  provided  for  the  confisca- 
tion of  suspected  vessels  found  hovering  within  four  leagues  of  the 
coast ;  furthermore,  he  lessened  the  temptation  to  smuggle  by  reducing 
many  duties  that  were  too  high,  making  good  the  loss  by  imposing 
other  taxes  more  equally  distributed  and  less  liable  to  evasion.  To 
guard  against  further  misuse  of  public  moneys  he  provided  that  the 
Treasurers  of  the  Navy  should  close  their  accounts  every  year.  In 
place  of  the  old  inefficient  auditors  he  set  up  a  new  commission,  and 
appointed  another  body  to  inquire  into  fees  and  perquisites  of  public 
officers.  Doubtless  his  greatest  reform  in  financial  administration, 
and  one  of  the  most  important  in  English  commercial  history,  was  his 
consolidation  of  the  different  branches  of  the  customs  and  excise  in 
1787.  First  he  abolished  the  existing  duties  on  different  articles,  sub- 
stituting in  each  case  a  single  duty,  usually  equal  to  the  former  total, 
after  which  he  brought  the  whole  into  a  single  Consolidated  Fund  on 
which  the  public  debt  was  secured.  This  measure,  so  simple  in  theory, 
proved  so  complicated  in  practice  that  it  required  no  less  than  three 
thousand  resolutions  to  carry  it  into  effect.  In  common  with  a  few 

,  *  Government  stocks  paying  3  per  cent  interest.  They  were  called  "consols" 
"because  the  interest  was  paid  from  the  Consolidated  Fund.  Three  of  the  great 
funds,  the  South  Sea,  the  Aggregate,  and  the  General  Funds  had  been  consolidated 
in  1751. 


THE  YOUNGER   PITT  577 

advanced  thinkers  of  the  time  Pitt  saw  inestimable  advantages  of 
unrestricted  commercial  intercourse  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
neighbors,  and  in  1786  he  succeeded,  against  strenuous  opposition,  in 
carrying  through  a  commercial  union  with  France  which  lasted  till 
the  opening  of  the  new  French  War  in  1793. 

Pitt's  Sinking  Fund  (1787).  —  Of  all  Pitt's  financial  measures  his 
Sinking  Fund  doubtless  made  the  greatest  impression  upon  contem- 
poraries. His  motive  was  most  praiseworthy.  With  the  return  of 
peace  he  felt  that  steps  should  be  taken  to  redeem  at  least  a  portion 
of  the  Public  Debt  in  order  that  posterity  might  not  be  so  heavily 
burdened.  Partly  owing  to  his  wise  administration  and  partly  to 
the  growth  of  commerce  and  manufactures,  he  found  himself  with  a 
surplus  of  £900,000  at  the  end  of  1786.  By  a  slight  increase  of  taxa- 
tion he  determined  to  bring  this  amount  up  to  £1,000,000  and  to 
raise  a  like  sum  every  year  for  the  reduction  of  the  debt.  Instead  of 
being  paid  out  at  once,  this  annual  surplus  was  to  form  a  Sinking 
Fund.  His  scheme — suggested  by  Dr.  Price,  a  Nonconformist  minis- 
ter —  was  in  substance  to  set  aside  an  annual  sum  for  the  purchase  of 
stock,  the  interest  of  which  was  to  be  employed  in  buying  more  stock, 
and  so  on.  Thus  the  fund  was  to  go  on  accumulating  at  compound 
interest  and  was  ultimately  to  be  applied  toward  the  extinguishing 
of  the  debt.  The  principle  worked  admirably  so  long  as  there  was  a 
surplus ;  but  the  difficulty  arose  when  money  was  borrowed  to  main- 
tain and  increase  the  Sinking  Fund.  This  happened  in  1792,  when  it 
was  provided  that  one  per  cent  of  every  loan  contracted  should  be 
applied  to  this  object.  Sometimes  money  was  borrowed  at  a  higher 
rate  of  interest  than  the  old  debt  bore  or  the  Sinking  Fund  earned. 
Even  if  the  rate  was  the  same,  there  was  a  loss  due  to  the  expense  of 
the  transaction.  It  was  estimated  that  before  the  Sinking  Fund  was 
done  away  with,  in  1823,  it  had  cost  the  country  about  £20,000,000. 

Pitt's  Strength  and  Achievements.  His  Limitations.  —  A  survey 
of  Pitt's  activity  as  Prime  Minister,  during  these  years,  will  go  to 
show  that  he  did  his  greatest  work  as  a  reformer  of  administrative 
detail,  especially  in  finance.  It  is  true  that  he  made  use  of  the  ideas 
of  others ;  but  he  showed  the  capacity  of  the  statesman  in  carrying 
them  into  effect.  In  matters  of  larger  policy  he  was  less  successful, 
as  his  later  management  of  the  Sinking  Fund  indicated.  In  other 
fields  of  domestic  policy,  for  example,  parliamentary  reform,1  aboli- 

1  He  introduced  three  bills  for  parliamentary  reform  —  for  the  purpose  of  trans- 
ferring members  from  decayed  boroughs  to  counties  and  populous  towns  and  for 
extending  the  right  to  vote  —  but  after  the  third  bill  was  defeated,  in  1785,  he  never 
brought  up  the  subject  again. 


578    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

tion  of  the  slave  trade,  religious  toleration  and  concessions  to  Ireland, 
his  views  were  generally  wise  and  liberal.  Nevertheless,  he  accom- 
plished almost  nothing  to  carry  them  into  effect.  He  had  had  ideals 
which  his  great  predecessor  Walpole  had  apparently  scorned,  but, 
like  him,  was  over-ready  to  drop  measures  which  threatened  such 
opposition  as  to  endanger  his  ascendancy,  though  it  should  be  borne 
in  mind  that  for  some  years  his  personal  following  was  small,  that 
the  Crown  party  might  be  diverted,  if  ever  the  stubborn  adroit  King 
undertook  once  more  to  take  the  bit  in  his  teeth,  and  that,  by  the  time 
he  had  secured  a  dependable  majority,  the  French  Revolution  broke 
out,  followed  by  a  long  war  which  put  a  decisive  check  on  progressive 
measures  for  a  generation. 

The  African  Slave  Trade.  —  His  attitude  on  the  abolition  of  the 
African  slave  trade,  while  not  beyond  criticism,  was  more  praiseworthy 
than  in  the  case  of  many  other  reforms.  In  1787  a  society  was  formed 
for  the  suppression  of  this  horrible  traffic,  whereupon  Pitt  appointed 
a  committee  to  investigate  the  charges  of  cruelty  alleged  against  those 
engaged  in  the  transportation  of  slaves.  Shocking  disclosures  re- 
sulted. It  was  found  that  the  unfortunates  were  packed  tightly  on 
the  lower  decks  and  in  dark  stuffy  holds,  that  they  were  supplied  only 
with  bread  and  water  and  very  scantily  at  that,  and  were  flogged  at 
frequent  intervals  to  give  them  sufficient  exercise  to  keep  them  alive. 
Pitt  introduced  the  bill  to  suppress  the  trade  in  1788 ;  in  the  following 
year  he  joined  Fox  and  Burke  in  supporting  another,  and  in  1792  he 
made  a  speech  on  the  subject  which  was  perhaps  the  greatest  effort  he 
ever  delivered.  Powerful  interests,  however,  with  which  the  King  was 
allied,  stood  in  the  way,  and  it  remained  for  Fox  to  draft  the  bill  which 
finally  abolished  the  slave  trade  in  1807. 

Impeachment  of  Warren  Hastings  (1786-1795).  —  In  February, 
1785,  Warren  Hastings  returned  from  India.  While  the  King  and 
the  Court  party  received  him  with  great  favor,  the  Opposition  straight- 
way proceeded  to  attack  him  as  a  means  of  dealing  a  blow  at  the  Gov- 
ernment. Their  hostility  was  whetted  by  the  opportunity  of  putting 
Pitt  in  a  dilemma.  If  he  supported  their  charges  he  ran  the  chance  of 
breaking  with  the  King  and  his  following,  if  he  refused  he  might  prop- 
erly be  accused  of  seeking  to  cover  up  grave  scandals.  As  a  result, 
charges  preparatory  to  an  impeachment  were  framed  and  put  to  vote 
in  the  Commons.  The  first,  relating  to  the  Rohilla  War,  was  dismissed. 
The  second,  dealing  with  the  fine  imposed  on  the  Raja  of  Benares, 
was  passed,  largely  owing  to  Pitt,  who,  in  this  case  grudgingly  sus- 
tained by  the  King,  rose  superior  to  party  considerations  and  declared 
that  while  the  Raja  was  bound  to  furnish  money  and  men,  the  fine 


THE  YOUNGER  PITT  579 

imposed  upon  him  was  "  exorbitant,  unjust,  and  tyrannical."  The 
third  charge,  based  on  the  treatment  of  the  Begums  of  Oudh,  was 
then  easily  carried.  Burke  presented  the  impeachment  before  the 
Lords,  ii  May,  1786,  but  the  trial  did  not  begin  till  13  February,  1788, 
and  dragged  on  for  seven  years.  The  accusers,  especially  Burke,  spoke 
with  wondrous  eloquence,  but  marred  their  case  by  violence  and  abuse. 
Finally  it  was  established  that  Hastings  had  been  confronted  by  un- 
usual problems,  that,  while  he  had  been  guilty  of  acts  of  cruelty  and 
extortion,  he  had  done  nothing  for  his  own  enrichment,  and  that  he 
had  ruled  with  effectiveness  and  success;  consequently,  in  1795,  he 
was  acquitted  on  every  count.  The  trial  cost  him  £70,000  which  was 
subsequently  repaid  to  him. 

The  King's  Insanity  and  the  Regency  Question  (1788).  —  Mean- 
time, a  crisis  had  occurred  in  which  Pitt  once  more  proved  his  superi- 
ority over  Fox  as  a  parliamentary  tactician.  On  5  November,  1788, 
the  King  was  attacked  by  a  fit  of  insanity  which  for  a  while  was  re- 
garded as  incurable.  A  Regency  seemed  inevitable.  Though  the 
Prince  was  far  from  fit  to  rule  the  country,  every  one  agreed  that  the 
office  of  Regent  belonged  to  him.  That  meant  the  return  of  the  Op- 
position to  power  under  Fox,  his  political  tutor  and  boon  companion. 
On  a  chance  that  the  King  might  recover,  Pitt  postponed  the  meeting 
of  Parliament  by  successive  adjournments,  but  only  for  a  time ;  much 
as  he  loved  power,  he  was  prepared  to  lay  down  office ;  but  he  was 
determined  that  the  Prince  should  only  be  appointed  Regent  with 
limited  authority  defined  by  Parliament.  Fox  and  his  party,  anxious 
for  a  free  hand  especially  in  patronage,  insisted  that  Parliament  had 
no  right  to  impose  limitations.  This  was  absolutely  inconsistent  with 
all  of  Fox's  political  principles  and  a  great  tactical  error.  Pitt, 
when  he  heard  him  declare  his  position,  slapped  his  leg  and  cried: 
"  I'll  unwhig  the  gentleman  for  the  rest  of  his  life."  Placards  were 
posted  in  the  streets  with  the  legend :  "  Fox  for  the  Prince's  preroga- 
tive, and  Pitt  for  the  privileges  of  Parliament  and  the  liberties  of  the 
nation." 

The  Regency  Bill  (1788-1789).  The  King's  Recovery.  —  Finally, 
a  bill  was  drawn  up  conferring  the  Regency  upon  the  Prince  of  Wales 
and  defining  the  limitations  to  be  imposed  upon  him.  With  rare  dis- 
interestedness, Pitt  agreed  that  the  Regent  should  have  full  power  of 
dismissing  his  Ministers  and  dissolving  Parliament ;  but,  by  the  Bill, 
he  was  bound  by  various  rigid  restrictions.  He  could  confer  no  peer- 
ages save  on  members  of  the  royal  family ;  he  could  grant  no  offices  or 
pensions  not  terminable  at  the  King's  pleasure,  except  in  unavoidable 
cases,  such  as  judgeships;  he  could  not  give  away  any  part  of  the 


580    SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

King's  estate,  real  or  personal ;  and  he  was  to  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  care  of  the  King's  person  or  the  management  of  the  royal  house- 
hold, which  was  intrusted  to  the  Queen.  The  Prince,  with  the  great- 
est reluctance,  accepted  the  terms,  on  condition  that  they  should  not 
be  binding  for  more  than  three  years.  The  measure  passed  the  Com- 
mons and  had  already  reached  the  committee  stage  in  the  Lords,  when 
it  was  stopped  by  the  news  that  the  King  was  on  the  road  to  recovery. 
Pitt,  by  the  tact  and  good  judgment  which  he  had  shown  throughout 
the  crisis,  strengthened  his  position  with  King,  Parliament,  and  people, 
while  Fox,  by  his  woeful  blunders  in  striking  at  the  authority  of  Par- 
liament and  in  attempting  to  overthrow  a  Ministry  possessing  the 
popular  confidence,  greatly  diminished  the  already  waning  influence 
of  his  party. 

The  French  Revolution  and  Its  Effect  on  England.  —  Not  long  after, 
a  tremendous  upheaval  began  in  France  which  was  destined  to  exer- 
cise a  profound  influence  upon  the  history  of  England.  The  spirit 
of  liberty,  of  equality,  of  opposition  to  established  institutions,  and 
hostility  to  class  privileges  which  underlay  all  the  French  revolution- 
ary excesses,  proved  ultimately  a  potent  factor  in  helping  to  create  the 
modern  English  democratic  State;  but  the  immediate  effect  was  to 
check  the  progress  of  reform  for  years  to  come.  The  Revolution  pro- 
duced a  terror  of  innovation  not  only  in  the  minds  of  conservatives 
but  even  of  moderate  men,  and  it  plunged  the  country  into  a  war  which 
absorbed  its  chief  wealth  and  energy  from  1793  to  1815.  The  Tory 
party,  which  carried  this  war  to  a  triumphant  conclusion,  was  securely 
intrenched  in  power  for  more  than  a  decade  after  its  close.  Mean- 
time, England  was  going  through  a  great  Industrial  Revolution  due 
to  the  introduction  of  the  factory  system.  Acute  social  problems  were 
pressing  for  solution,  problems  resulting  from  overpopulation,  and 
from  poverty  caused  by  the  war  and  by  the  readjustment  of  economic 
conditions.  With  these  problems,  and  with  the  difficult  question  of 
the  relations  with  Ireland,  the  dominant  party,  primarily  concerned 
with  preserving  its  class  privileges,  had  little  understanding  or  sym- 
pathy. The  Whigs,  who,  since  the  break-up  of  their  aristocratic 
cliques,  had  again  become  the  party  of  progress,  were  weakened  by 
the  secession  of  their  more  moderate  members,  and  discredited  by 
the  revolutionary  principles  of  the  extremists  and  by  the  critical 
and  anti-national  attitude  which  they  assumed  toward  the  French 
war. 

The  Reception  of  the  Revolution  in  England.  —  The  news  of  the 
events  in  France  leading  up  to  and  immediately  following  the  out- 
break of  the  Revolution  —  the  summoning  of  the  Estates  General, 


THE  YOUNGER  PITT  581 

5  May,  1789,  the  formation  of  the  Constituent  Assembly1  and  the 
oath  of  the  Third  Estate  not  to  separate  until  they  had  given  their 
country  a  Constitution,  the  storming  of  the  Bastille,  14  July,  the  aboli- 
tion of  feudal  privileges  and  titles,  and  the  Declaration  of  the  Rights 
of  Man,  27  August  —  was  received  in  England  with  general  satisfac- 
tion. Pitt  thought  with  the  majority  that  the  overthrow  of  the  old 
arbitrary  and  corrupt  regime  would  be  followed  by  the  establishment 
of  orderly  constitutional  government.  Moreover,  with  Britain's  old 
enemy  thus  occupied,  he  hoped  for  a  period  of  peace  and  light  taxes. 
Burke,  however,  took  an  opposite  view  from  the  start.  He  foresaw 
that  the  frenzy  which  had  manifested  itself  in  mob  violence  would 
never  stop  with  moderate  reforms,  that  the  French  example  might  be 
so  contagious  as  to  endanger  the  stability  of  existing  institutions  in 
England  and  other  European  countries.  The  attitude  of  Fox  was 
quite  different  from  that  of  either  Pitt  or  Burke.  While  regretting 
the  attending  bloodshed,  he  rejoiced  at  every  step  in  the  progress  of 
the  Revolution.  Events  proved  that  Burke's  fears  were  only  too 
well  founded.  The  upheaval  in  France  resulted  not  in  constitutional 
government  but  in  anarchy,  followed  by  a  military  despotism  and  a 
series  of  aggressive  wars  in  which  almost  every  State  in  Europe  was 
shorn  of  territory  or  had  its  government  overthrown.  The  ultimate 
results  of  the  Revolutionary  movement,  however,  went  far  to  justify 
Fox's  admiration  of  its  fundamental  principles.  The  democratic 
spirit,  if  not  widespread,  was  at  first  very  active  in  England.  A  few 
ardent  spirits  began  to  dream  of  a  "  glorious  prospect  for  mankind  " 
with  an  end  to  all  civil  and  ecclesiastical  tyranny,  and,  9  November, 
1789,  the  Revolution  Society  —  a  little  group  organized  to  commem- 
orate the  Revolution  of  1688  —  met  and  sent  a  congratulatory  address 
to  the  National  Assembly,  a  proceeding  which  called  forth  Burke's 
celebrated  Reflections  on  the  French  Revolution.  Other  clubs  sprang 
up  in  many  of  the  larger  towns  and  the  press  was  busy  turning  out 
pamphlets  and  libels  expressing  advanced  views.  Nevertheless,  the 
spirit  of  disaffection  made  little  progress.  The  King  had  recovered 
the  popularity  lost  by  the  failure  of  the  American  War,  his  illness  had 
called  forth  increased  loyalty,  and  the  control  of  affairs  was  in  the 
hands  of  a  Prime  Minister  secure  in  the  public  confidence. 

The  Breach  between  Burke  and  Fox.  The  Split  in  the  Whig  Ranks 
(1791).  —  Burke's  Reflections  was  answered  by  Thomas  Paine  in  his 

1  The  various  Revolutionary  Governments  were  :  the  National  or  Constituent 
Assembly  (1789-1791);  the  Legislative  Assembly  (1791-1792);  the  National 
Convention  (1792-1795);  the  Directory  (1795-1799);  the  Consulate  (1799- 
1804) ;  and  the  Empire  under  Napoleon  (1804-1815). 


582    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Rights  of  Man,  a  rough  stirring  appeal  to  the  masses,  and  by  James 
Mackintosh  in  his  more  polished  V indicia  Gallica;  but  they  failed 
to  check  the  steadily  increasing  conservatism  of  the  majority.  Fox 
and  Burke  were  growing  more  estranged,  owing  to  their  opposing  views 
on  the  French  Revolution,  and  the  final  break  came  in  the  spring  of 
1791.  Previous  differences  of  opinion  had  never  interrupted  Burke's 
long  and  intimate  friendship  with  his  old  political  disciple.  That 
friendship  he  now  declared  he  was  prepared  to  sacrifice,  while  Fox, 
moved  even  to  tears,  protested  without  avail.  The  break  resulted  in 
more  than  a  personal  estrangement  between  Fox  and  Burke,  it  marked 
another  split  in  the  ranks  of  the  Whig  party.  At  first  Burke,  denounced 
as  a  deserter,  stood  almost  alone ;  within  a  year,  however,  the  majority 
came  round  to  his  side,  while  the  following  of  Fox  shrank  to  the  "  weak- 
est and  most  discredited  opposition  "  England  has  ever  known.  In 
his  Appeal  from  the  Old  to  the  New  Whigs  and  in  his  private  corre- 
spondence Burke  defended  the  consistency  of  his  attitude,  distinguish- 
ing, with  great  effect,  the  Revolution  of  1688  and  the  American  Revo- 
lution from  the  movement  in  France,  and  making  a  powerful  plea  for 
the  party  "  attached  to  the  ancient  tried  usages  of  the  Kingdom  " 
and  to  security  of  property.  He  was  hot  for  intervention,  on  the  ex- 
press condition,  however,  that  such  intervention  should  be  solely  for 
the  purpose  of  restoring  order  in  France  and  with  no  idea  of  territorial 
aggrandizement  or  setting  up  despotism  anew.  But  he  failed  to  real- 
ize the  futility  of  attempting  to  suppress  permanently  the  new  ideas 
to  which  the  French  Revolution  had  given  birth,  or  to  gage  accurately 
the  selfish  conflicting  aims  of  the  European  Powers. 

Pitt's  Foreign  Policy  (1783-1788).  The  Triple  Alliance  (1788).  — 
Pitt  was  more  cautious,  and  his  policy,  though  the  logic  of  events 
forced  him  later  to  depart  from  it,  was  simple  and  consistent  —  to 
avoid  interfering  directly  or  indirectly  in  the  affairs  of  France.  The 
British  had  emerged  from  the  American  War  without  a  friend  on  the 
Continent,  and  during  the  decade  which  had  elapsed  since  he  came  to 
power,  the  Premier  had  managed  to  keep  clear  of  European  wars. 
Prussia,  who  was  equally  isolated,  seemed  to  offer  the  only  prospect 
of  alliance ;  but  Frederick  the  Great  was  still  unfriendly.  His  death, 
17  November,  1786,  paved  the  way  for  the  closer  relations  between 
Prussia  and  England.  Shortly  after,  an  occasion  arose  which  led  to  a 
close  alliance.  France  allied  with  the  Dutch  republicans  and  drove 
the  Stadtholder  from  power.  When  the  dominant  party  went  so  far 
as  to  arrest  the  Princess  of  Orange  and  refused  to  grant  satisfaction 
for  the  insult,  Frederick  William  II,1  who  was  her  brother,  determined 
1  He  was  King  of  Prussia  from  1786  to  1797. 


THE  YOUNGER  PITT  583 

to  take  action.  He  sent  an  army  into  Holland,  England  made  active 
preparations  to  assist  him  in  the  interests  of  the  Orange  Party,  France 
backed  out,  and  a  Triple  Alliance  was  formed,  in  1788,  between  Great 
Britain,  Prussia,  and  Dutch  Orange  Party  for  mutual  defense  and  the 
maintenance  of  peace  in  Europe.  The  British  had  succeeded  in  with- 
drawing from  their  isolation.1 

Pitt's  Effort  to  Avoid  Intervention  in  French  Affairs.  —  For  a  time 
Pitt  held  aloof  from  any  attempt  to  intervene  in  France.  In  spite  of 
his  belligerent  attitude  towards  Russia  —  whose  designs  against  Po- 
land 2  and  the  Turkish  territory  along  the  northern  shores  of  the  Black 
Sea  he  feared  and  was  unable  to  check  —  he  was  really  anxious  for 
peace,  to  develop  his  commercial  and  financial  reforms,  to  keep  down 
taxes  and  to  reduce  the  debt.  Moreover,  he  thought  that  Burke  ex- 
aggerated the  danger  and  even  the  importance  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. It  was  clear  that  the  majority  of  Englishmen  were  opposed  to 
Revolutionary  doctrines.  However,  it  soon  became  apparent  that 
the  French  Revolutionists,  far  from  confining  themselves  to  their  own 
country,  were  determined  to  spread  their  gospel  of  freedom  through- 
out Europe.  In  England,  in  spite  of  the  prevailing  hostility  to  Revo- 
lutionary ideas,  various  societies  were  formed  to  promulgate  them.  In 
addition  to  the  Revolution  Society 3  there  were  the  Society  for  Con- 
stitutional Information  and  the  London  Correspondence  Society,  all 
of  whom  were  in  communication  with  the  Jacobins  in  Paris.  The 
London  Society  was  the  most  violent  of  all.  Inflammatory  speeches 
were  made  at  its  meetings,  and  under  its  auspices  the  most  violent 
pamphlets  and  broadsides  were  circulated.  In  spite  of  the  opposition 
of  Fox  and  the  other 'extreme  Whigs,  a  royal  proclamation  against  sedi- 
tious writings  was  issued,  21  May,  1792,  and  proved  effective  in  check- 
ing the  Revolutionary  propaganda. 

French  Aggressions  in  the  Netherlands,  1792.  —  Meantime,  events 
were  moving  rapidly  on  the  Continent.  Marie  Antoinette,  the  Queen 
of  Louis  XVI,  and  an  Austrian  princess,  had  gone  to  the  length  of  ap- 
plying to  the  Emperor  for  aid;  but  the  initial  step  was  taken  by 
France,  who  declared  war  on  Austria,  20  April.  In  August,  Louis 
XVI  was  deposed  and  he  and  his  Queen  imprisoned.  The  English 

1  The  support  of  his  new  allies,  as  well  as  the  hostility  of  revolutionary  France 
to  an  effete  monarchy,  enabled  Pitt  to  block  Spain  in  an  attempt  to  oust  the  British 
from  a  trading  and  fishing  settlement  which  they  had  established  on  an  island  in 
Nootka  Sound  off  Vancouver,  1789-1790. 

2  There  were  three  partitions  of  Poland  between  Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia, 
in  1772,  1793,  and  1795  respectively. 

3  The  Society  of  Friends  of  the  People  was  chiefly  interested  in  parliamentary 
reform  and  held  aloof  from  the  French  Revolutionary  party. 


584     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

ambassador  was  recalled  forthwith,  on  the  ground  that  the  Sovereign 
to  whom  he  was  accredited  reigned  no  more,  though  the  French  repre- 
sentative remained  in  London  without  official  status.  Then  came  the 
September  massacres  in  Paris,  which  filled  even  Fox  with  horror. 
About  the  same  time,  the  Austrians,  and  the  Prussians  who  had  allied 
with  them,  crossed  the  frontier.  Frederick  William  II  had  declared : 
"  The  comedy  will  not  last  long  .  .  .  the  army  of  advocates  will  soon 
be  annihilated ;  we  shall  be  home  before  autumn  " ;  but  the  invaders 
were  repulsed  at  Valmy,  21  September,  and  before  the  end  of  October 
were  forced  to  withdraw  from  France.  The  French  commander  next 
turned  to  the  Netherlands,  where  he  defeated  the  Austrians,  6  No- 
vember, after  which  he  overran  the  whole  country.  Territorial  ag- 
gression and  the  spread  of  Republican  ideas  went  abroad  hand  in 
hand.  In  Holland  the  old  Republican  party  raised  its  head  again, 
whereupon  the  States  General  appealed  to  Great  Britain  and  received 
assurances  that  in  case  of  need  they  would  be  protected. 

The  Opening  of  the  Scheldt,  and  the  Decrees  of  19  November  and 
15  December,  1792.  —  On  16  November,  the  French  declared  the 
river  Scheldt  open  to  navigation.  This  was  at  once  a  violation  of  the 
treaty  rights  l  of  the  Dutch  and  a  defiance  of  Great  Britain,  who  was 
bound  to  protect  them.  The  triumphant  Revolutionists,  who  had 
also  annexed  Savoy  and  Nice,  declared  in  their  exultation  that  they 
would  "  break  all  the  Cabinets  of  Europe."  They  held  out  hopes  to 
the  English  societies  with  whom  they  corresponded  that  a  republic 
would  soon  be  set  up  in  Great  Britain,  and  sent  emissaries  to  stir  up 
disaffection  in  different  parts  of  the  country.  It  was  an  especially 
favorable  time.  Owing  to  a  bad  harvest  the  price  of  wheat  was  high, 
and  the  poor,  particularly  among  the  manufacturing  classes,  were 
suffering  for  food.  Riots  broke  out,  accompanied  by  frequent  cries 
of  "No  excise  !"  "No  King  !"  On  19  November,  the  National  Con- 
vention issued  a  decree  offering  to  assist,  even  by  force  of  arms,  all 
nations  aspiring  to  liberty.  In  view-of  the  aggressions  in  the  Nether- 
lands and  of  this  open  invitation  to  revolt,  the  English  Government 
began  to  prepare  for  a  possible  conflict,  though  Pitt  still  hoped  to 
maintain  peace.  A  proclamation  was  issued  i  December,  calling  out 
the  militia,  and  when  Parliament  assembled,  the  Government,  which 
had  already  taken  steps  to  increase  the  army  and  navy,  introduced 
an  Alien  Bill  that  became  law  in  January,  1 793 .  It  placed  all  foreigners 
under  surveillance,  prohibited  them  from  bringing  arms  or  ammuni- 
tion into  the  country,  and  authorized  the  Government,  if  necessary,  to 
expel  them.  Fox  declared  that  the  danger  was  exaggerated,  resisted 

1  It  had  been  closed  to  all  except  the  Dutch  by  the  Peace 'of  Munster  in  1648. 


THE  YOUNGER   PITT  585 

all  restrictive  measures,  and  advised  the  recognition  of  the  French 
Republic,  which  had  been  declared,  22  September.  But  he  was  little 
heeded,  for  the  designs  of  the  dominant  Revolutionary  party  grew 
steadily  more  menacing.  They  began  to  treat  the  Austrian  Nether- 
lands as  a  part  of  France  and  to  introduce  democracy.  On  15  Decem- 
ber, 1792,  the  National  Assembly  issued  another  decree  declaring  that 
in  every  country  occupied  by  French  armies  the  commander  should 
proclaim  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  and  suppress  the  existing  sys- 
tem of  government,  treating  as  enemies  all  who  opposed  them. 

The  Outbreak  of  War  with  Prance  (1793). — As  late  as  31  December, 
1792,  the  British  Foreign  Secretary  declared  that  his  Majesty  still 
desired  peace,  but  a  peace  "  consistent  with  interests  and  dignity  of 
his  own  dominions,  and  with  the  general  security  of  Europe."  All 
the  while  the  French  were  preparing  to  invade  Holland,  though  they 
were  full  of  soothing  assurances  to  the  English  that  they  did  not  mean 
to  hold  the  Netherlands  in  permanent  subjection,  and  that  their  decree 
19  November  was  meant  to  apply  only  to  countries  where  the  desire 
of  the  people  for  a  Republican  government  was  manifestly  expressed. 
However,  in  a  vote  of  13  January  which  was  really  an  ultimatum,  they 
refused  to  reverse  their  action  in  opening  the  Scheldt;  they  insisted 
that  they  should  judge  when  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  insurgents  in 
other  countries ;  and  declined  to  set  a  definite  time  for  their  withdrawal 
from  the  Netherlands.  The  Foreign  Secretary  sent  a  haughty  reply ; 
but  negotiations  were  still  dragging  on  when  the  execution  of  Louis 
XVI,  21  January,  sent  a  shudder  of  horror  through  England,  and  the 
very  people  in  the  streets  cried:  "War  with  France  !"  The  French 
Minister,  who  had  been  informally  representing  the  Republic,  was 
ordered  to  leave  the  country,  and,  i  February,  France  declared  war 
on  Great  Britain  and  Holland.  Though  the  declaration  came  from 
France,  Pitt  had  come  to  realize  that  the  conflict  was  inevitable  and 
had  virtually  closed  the  negotiations  by  refusing  to  listen  to  more 
assurances  and  by  the  abrupt  dismissal  of  the  Republican  representa- 
tive. The  active  promulgation  of  Revolutionary  doctrines  taken  alone 
would  not  have  dragged  him  from  his  neutral  attitude ;  and,  unlike 
Burke  and  the  Prussian  and  Austrian  rulers,  he  had  no  desire  to  under- 
take a  crusade  for  the  restoration  of  Monarchy  in  France.  It  was  the 
violation  of  the  treaties  relating  to  the  Scheldt,  which  threatened  the 
security  of  the  public  law  of  Europe,  the  occupation  and  threatened 
annexation  of  the  Austrian  Netherlands,  and  the  danger  of  an  invasion 
of  Holland  that  finally  determined  his  attitude.1  In  his  opinion  it 

1  France  in  possession  of  the  Low  Countries  with  Antwerp  as  a  port  would  have 
been  a  grave  menace  to  British  maritime  supremacy. 


586     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

would  be  a  "  very  short  war  and  certainly  ended  in  one  or  two  cam- 
paigns." Burke  predicted  that  it  would  be  a  "  long  war  and  a  dan- 
gerous war."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  with  one  brief  lull,  it  lasted  for  over 
twenty  years. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 
See  Chapter  XL VII  below. 


CHAPTER  XLVI 

THE  GREAT  WAR  WITH  FRANCE  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  AMIENS 

(1793-1802) 

General  Features  of  the  War.  —  The  outbreak  of  the  war  in  1 793 
found  England  unprepared  to  undertake  military  operations  on  a 
large  scale.  In  the  year  1792  the  British  army  numbered  only  17,300 
men,  while,  at  the  time  of  the  French  declaration,  it  had  only  been 
increased  by  10,000.  Instead  of  strengthening  it  at  once,  Pitt  relied 
on  small  expeditions  sent  out  to  cooperate  with  the  French  royalists 
—  a  plan  which  proved  futile;  for  a  people,  however  disaffected, 
seldom  cooperate  cordially  with  a  foreign  invader.  It  was  not  till 
new  methods  were  employed  after  Pitt's  death  that  the  British  army 
achieved  effective  results.  Another  source  of  weakness,  in  the  begin- 
ning, arose  from  the  fact  that  the  first  generals  were  chosen  because  of 
their  family  connections  rather  than  for  their  military  ability.  In  strik- 
ing contrast,  the  British  navy  showed,  from  the  start,  the  superiority  for 
which  it  had  been  famed,  and  under  skilled  and  heroic  commanders  a 
steady  succession  of  victories  resulted.  Nevertheless,  while  the  British 
navy  effected  much  by  blockading  French  ports,  severing  her  fleets  from 
the  sea,  and  capturing  her  colonies,  the  final  issue  had  to  be  fought 
on  land.  A  significant  factor  was  the  ultimate  transformation  in 
the  character  of  the  war.  Great  Britain's  Continental  allies  in  the 
beginning  were  not  peoples  but  absolute  monarchs  concerned  in 
maintaining  their  power  and  preserving  or  extending  their  boundaries. 
Then  the  French  Government  changed  from  a  Republic  bent  on  a 
general  crusade  for  liberty  to  a  military  despotism  aiming  primarily 
at  territorial  aggrandizement.  The  result  was  to  produce  a  great 
national  reawakening  in  Spain,  Russia,  and  Prussia.  Only  after  that 
happened  was  France  struck  down  in  her  victorious  career.  Mean- 
time, with  her  fleets  and  her  subsidies,  Great  Britain  had  saved 
Europe  by  sustaining  her  allies  until  they  were  able  to  turn  and  over- 
throw their  aggressor. 

The  First  Coalition  (1793-1797).  —  The  war  opened  with  a  period 
of  hard  times  and  a  money  stringency ;  in  spite  of  this  unpromising 

587 


588     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 
/ 

state  of  affairs  the  Government  went  on  effectively  with  its  prepara- 
tions for  war.  Alliances  were  formed  with  Holland,  Prussia,  and 
Austria ;  Russia,  whose  troops  were  occupied  in  Poland,  agreed  to  lend 
her  fleet  to  assist  the  British  in  preventing  neutrals  from  supplying 
the  French  with  food ;  smaller  States  were  secured  by  treaties  and 
subsidies,  and  troops  were  hired  from  Hanover  and  Hesse.  This 
First  Coalition,  as  it  came  to  be  called,  began  with  a  series  of  decided 
successes.  The  French  were  driven  out  of  the  Netherlands  and 
defeated  in  the  Rhine  country,  while  a  British  fleet,  assisted  by  Spain, 
who  joined  the  Coalition  in  May,  captured  the  important  naval 
station  of  Toulon.  The  prospect  looked  dark  enough  for  France.  On 
the  borders  her  troops  were  unruly,  her  generals  were  inefficient, 
and  her  War  Ministers  proved  incompetent.  Most  of  the  leading 
cities  outside  Paris  were  in  revolt,  while  a  formidable  insurrection 
had  broken  out  in  the  Vendee.  The  Allies,  with  300,000  men  posted 
along  the  frontier  from  the  Alps  to  the  Netherland  sea  coast,  might 
by  a  sudden  concerted  movement  have  taken  the  French  capital,  but 
their  troops  were  kept  inactive  while  they  quarreled  about  the  parti- 
tion of  territory  much  of  which  was  not  yet  in  their  possession.  The 
crisis  inspired  the  French  to  heroic  efforts.  In  August  they  ordered 
a  universal  conscription,  and  under  a  new  War  Minister,  Carnot, 
who  proved  a  genius  in  the  work,  the  raw  recruits  were  amalgamated 
with  the  regulars  into  an  effective  army.  They  recovered  ground  in 
the  Netherlands  as  well  as  in  the  Rhine  country,  they  crushed  and 
scattered  the  Vendeans  and  also  recovered  Toulon,  in  which  achieve- 
ment a  young  Corsican  artillery  officer,  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  first 
came  into  military  prominence. 

Pitt  Becomes  a  Reactionary.  —  The  turn  of  the  tide,  due  to  the 
patriotic  enthusiasm  of  the  French  and  the  selfish  division  of  the 
Allies,  was  accompanied  by  the  "  Reign  of  Terror  "  in  France  —  a 
carnival  of  bloodshed  lasting  from  early  in  1793  to  the  summer  of 
1794,  one  result  of  which  was  to  convince  Pitt  of  the  necessity  of 
overthrowing  the  existing  Government.  At  length  he  had  come 
round  to  adopt  the  attitude  of  Burke.  Fear  that  the  French  victories 
and  the  ascendancy  of  the  violent  party  might  encourage  the  Repub- 
lican sympathizers  in  England  —  although  there  is  little  evidence 
that  they  were  gaining  ground  —  led  to  further  repression  measures. 
Printers  and  preachers  of  sedition,  or  what  was  interpreted  as  such, 
were  prosecuted,  and  spies  were  employed  to  report  every  sign  of 
disaffection.  A  few  were  rigorously  punished.  One  poor  billsticker 
was  imprisoned  for  six  months  for  posting  an  address  asking  for  parlia- 
mentary reform,  and  an  attorney,  who  remarked  in  a  coffee-house 


GREAT  WAR  WITH  FRANCE  TO  THE   PEACE  OF  AMIENS      589 

that  he  was  "  for  equality  and  the  rights  of  man,"  had  to  go  to 
prison  and  stand  in  the  pillory.  The  courts,  however,  showed 
their  fairness  in  the  acquittal  of  others,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  was  suspended  for  the  first  time  since 

1745- 

The  Campaigns  of  1794-1795.  —  The  Reign  of  Terror  in  France 
came  to  an  end,  July,  1794,  when  Robespierre  was  arrested,  together 
with  a  number  of  his  violent  associates.  With  the  moderates  again 
in  control  and  the  prospect  of  a  stable  government,  the  English  peace 
party  raised  its  voice.  Pitt,  however,  realized  that  it  was  not  a  time 
to  secure  favorable  terms.  To  be  sure,  the  British  successes  con- 
tinued at  sea,  particularly  in  a  notable  fight  lasting  from  28  May  to 
i  June,  1794,  known  as  the  "  Glorious  First  of  June,"  where  Hood 
won  a  decisive  victory  over  the  Brest  fleet,  though  he  failed  to  inter- 
cept a  provision  convoy  from  America  for  which  the  French  were 
anxiously  waiting.  But  the  campaign  of  1794—1795  in  the  Austrian 
Netherlands  resulted  disastrously  for  the  Allies,  who  were  forced 
to  evacuate  the  country,  whereupon  the  Franco-Dutch  party  set  up 
the  Batavian  Republic,  and,  10  May,  1795,  entered  into  a  dependent 
alliance  with  the  French  invaders.  Prussia,  who  was  mainly  interested 
in  the  final  partition  of  Poland  which  took  place  in  this  year,  concluded 
peace  with  the  French,  5  April,  and,  22  July,  Spain  followed  suit. 
Austria,  thus  isolated,  was,  in  spite  of  subsidies  advanced  by  Great 
Britain  and  Russia,  unable  to  hold  her  ground  against  the  French 
either  in  Germany  or  Northern  Italy.  Moreover,  royalist  risings 
in  the  west  of  France,  assisted  by  French  emigres  and  British  forces, 
were  resolutely  stamped  out. 

Suffering  and  Discontent  in  England.  The  Repressive  Acts  of 
J795- — The  year  1795,  so  disastrous  to  the  Allies  on  the  Continent, 
was  also  marked  by  great  suffering  among  the  English  poor,  largely 
accentuated  by  a  succession  of  bad  harvests.  Bread  riots  broke  out 
in  many  places,  and  the  Government,  in  spite  of  its  efforts  to  meet 
the  situation,  was  blamed  for  the  prevailing  distress.  Two  more 
repressive  measures  resulted.  The  Treasonable  Practices  Bill  de- 
clared the  mere  speaking  or  writing  against  the  King  or  the  established 
Government  to  be  treason  and  made  it  a  misdemeanor  to  incite  another 
to  such  speaking  or  writing.  The  Seditious  Meetings  Bill  forbade 
any  political  meeting  except  upon  previous  notice  by  a  resident 
householder,  and  authorized  any  two  justices  of  the  peace  to  dis- 
solve even  a  meeting  called  in  a  legal  way.  These  drastic  acts  were 
fortunately  limited  in  duration,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  were  never 
enforced. 


590    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Critical  Years  1796-1797.  — The  power  of  France  was  greatly 
strengthened  by  a  new  constitution,  October,  1795,  vesting  the 
executive  in  a  Directory  of  five.  Carnot,  who  was  a  leading  mem- 
ber, planned  a  comprehensive  campaign  against  Austria  in  which 
three  armies  were  to  converge  against  Vienna  by  way  of  the  Main, 
the  Danube,  and  the  Po.  While  the  two  northern  armies  were  un- 
successful, the  third,  under  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  managed  to  push 
its  way  to  within  eighty  miles  of  Vienna.  In  consequence,  the  Aus- 
trians  were  forced  to  sue  for  peace  in  April,  1797,  while  Pitt  was 
now  ready  to  treat,  since  the  Republican  excesses  had  apparently  run 
their  course  and  the  French  government  seemed  established  on  a 
stable  basis ;  but  the  Directory  rejected  his  advances ;  indeed,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  in  spite  of  a  strong  peace  party  in  France  they  nourished 
dreams  of  ruining  British  trade  by  closing  the  Continental  ports 
against  her,  of  isolating  her  from  her  European  Allies,  of  stirring  up 
rebellion  in  Ireland,  of  invading  her  shores,  and  of  overthrowing  Pitt 
and  the  Monarchy.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  two  French 
invasions,  —  one  against  Ireland  and  one  against  the  Welsh  coast  — 
miscarried,  the  condition  of  England  was  critical ;  indeed,  the  years 
1796  and  1797  were  the  darkest  in  the  whole  war.  Her  allies  had  met 
with  an  almost  constant  succession  of  defeats,  and,  threatened  at  any 
moment  with  an  invasion,  strenuous  efforts  were  made  to  strengthen 
the  army  and  navy  and  to  raise  more  money.  The  response  was  warm 
and  enthusiastic.  Yet  although  a  loan  of  £18,000,000  was  sub- 
scribed so  quickly  that  hundreds  were  turned  away,  an  acute  mone- 
tary crisis  followed,  due  mainly  to  a  scarcity  of  specie  occasioned  by 
payment  of  foreign  subsidies,  the  necessity  of  purchasing  food  sup- 
plies abroad,  and  the  closing  of  the  markets  in  France,  Spain,  Holland, 
and  Italy,  and  a  certain  amount  of  panic  resulting  in  withdrawal  of 
bank  deposits.  To  meet  the  threatened  run,  the  Bank  of  England, 
after  consulting  with  the  Government,  suspended  cash  payments  in 
February,  1797,  a  measure,  intended  to  be  temporary,  which  lasted 
till  1819,  though  there  was  never  more  than  a  slight  depreciation  of 
paper. 

The  Battle  off  Cape  St.  Vincent  (14  February,  1797).  —  Notwith- 
standing the  recent  fiascos,  the  French  proceeded  with  their  plans  of 
invasion.  A  Spanish  fleet  was  to  join  the  French  at  Brest,  and,  to- 
gether with  a  Dutch  squadron  gathered  off  the  Texel,  the  combined 
forces  were  to  make  a  simultaneous  descent  on  the  English  coast.  On 
St.  Valentine's  Day,  14  February,  1797,  Sir  John  Jervis  attacked  the 
Spanish,  who  greatly  outnumbered  him,  off  Cape  St.  Vincent,  where, 
after  a  hard  day's  fighting  in  which  Nelson  distinguished  himself  by 


GREAT  WAR  WITH  FRANCE  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  AMIENS  59! 

his  audacious  courage,  the  British  fleet  won  a  notable  victory.1  The 
result  was  to  cheer  gYeatly  the  English  in  the  midst  of  their  financial 
crisis  and  to  lessen  materially  the  danger  of  the  dreaded  French  inva- 
sion, though  the  French  and  Dutch  fleets,  each  guarded  by  a  British 
squadron,  were  still  intact. 

The  Mutinies  at  Spithead  and  the  Nore  (1797). — At  this  juncture, 
when  all  depended  upon  the  navy,  a  widespread  mutiny  broke  out. 
While  the  sailors  were  worked  upon  by  pamphlets  distributed  by  the 
democratic  societies,  they  had  many  real  grievances.  Their  pay 
had  not  been  increased  since  the  reign  of  Charles  II,  though  the  cost 
of  living  had  risen  30  to  40  per  cent ; 2  owing  to  the  dishonesty  of 
contractors  their  food  and  clothing  were  both  bad  and  insufficient; 
their  quarters  were  frightfully  unhealthy,  and  they  were  subject  to 
arbitrary  and  barbarous  punishments.  Most  of  the  men  were  pressed, 
and  many  of  them  were  recruited  from  the  lowest  criminal  class,  who 
were  ripe  for  anything.  In  the  winter  of  1796-1797  the  able  seamen, 
who  had  an  especial  grievance  in  being  withdrawn  from  the  more 
profitable  merchant  service,  sent  a  petition  to  Lord  Howe.  When 
the  Admiralty  hesitated  to  grant  their  demands,  they  raised  the  red 
flag  of  mutiny  at  Spithead  on  15  April,  just  as  the  fleet  for  Brest  was 
about  to  put  for  sea.  Then  the  authorities  agreed  to  all  their  claims. 
It  required  another  armed  demonstration,  however,  before  the  bill 
to  raise  their  pay  was  pushed  through  Parliament,  whereupon  Howe, 
whom  the  sailors  knew  affectionately  as  "  Black  Dick,"  went  down 
from  London  with  the  news  of  the  vote,  together  with  a  royal  pardon, 
and  quelled  the  mutiny.  The  result  encouraged  an  outbreak,  12  May, 
in  the  fleet  off  the  Nore  which  was  destined  to  reenforce  the  North 
Sea  squadron.  The  movement  here  was  in  the  hands  of  a  much  more 
desperate  class  who  even  demanded  a  voice  in  the  movements  of  their 
ships;  eventually,  owing  to  the  vigorous  efforts  of  the  authorities, 
assisted  by  the  better-minded  men,  the  mutineers  were  forced  to  give 
in  and  surrender  their  leader,  who  was  hanged  at  the  yardarm.  The 
Government,  recognizing  the  gravity  of  the  crisis  and  the  justice  of 
the  complaints,  were  wisely  lenient. 

The  End  of  the  First  Coalition  (1797).  The  British  Victory  off 
Camperdown  (n  October). — While  Great  Britain  was  struggling  with 
a  financial  crisis  and  a  mutinous  fleet,  France,  too,  was  in  difficulties. 
Public  spirit  was  at  a  low  ebb,  loans  could  only  be  procured  at  exorbi- 
tant rates  of  interest,  and  taxes  were  arbitrary  and  crushing.  Austria 
however,  on  17  October,  1797,  concluded  with  France  the  Treaty  of 

1  Jervis  was  created  Earl  St.  Vincent. 

-  The  pay  of  the  army  had  to  some  degree  kept  pace  with  changing  conditions. 


592     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Campo  Formio ;  Great  Britain  was  isolated,  and  the  First  Coalition 
had  been  broken  into  pieces.  An  invasion  of  England  was  only 
averted  by  another  great  naval  victory.  The  mutiny  had  spread 
even  to  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Duncan  who  was  blockading  the  Dutch 
off  the  Texel,  though  at  length  he  was  strong  enough  to  engage,  and 
won  a  decisive  victory  off  Camperdown,  n  October,  lygz.1  The 
French  were  so  reluctant  to  give  up  their  cherished  project,  that,  hi 
the  following  spring,  they  collected  an  invading  force  along  the 
coast  prepared  for  transport,  but  Napoleon,  who  was  placed  in 
command  of  this  "  Army  of  England,"  felt  that  it  was  hopeless 
to  attempt  an  invasion  while  Great  Britain  retained  her  mastery 
of  the  seas.  Consequently,  he  turned  to  another  plan  which  he 
had  formed,  of  striking  India  by  way  of  Egypt.  This  left  Eng- 
land free  to  deal  with  a  dangerous  rebellion  which  had  come  to  a 
head  in  Ireland. 

The  Situation  in  Ireland  (1782—1789).  —  In  Ireland  the  grant  of 
legislative  independence,  in  1782,  had  done  little  or  nothing  to  relieve 
the  situation ;  for  the  interests  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  the  Protest- 
ant Dissenters,  the  Episcopalians,  the  native  Irish,  the  Anglo-Irish, 
the  English,  the  landowners  and  the  peasantry  conflicted  and  inter- 
mingled in  a  most  bewildering  fashion.  The  Irish  Parliament,  while 
nominally  free,  was  composed  of  Protestant  nobles,  gentry,  and  place- 
men over  whom  the  English  Government  officials  exercised  great 
control  by  means  of  patronage,  bribery,  and  influence.  The  Roman 
Catholics  not  only  had  no  representation  but  no  vote,  and  were  ex- 
cluded from  office,  as  well  as  all  the  professions  except  that  of  medicine. 
The  Protestants  were  divided  among  themselves;  for  not  a  few 
chafed  under  the  English  control,  some  desired  genuine  parliamentary 
reform,  while  a  small  group,  headed  by  Grattan,  were  even  desirous 
of  admitting  Roman  Catholics.  Below  those  who  were  working 
mainly  for  political  equality ,  were  the  peasantry,  whose  chief  grievances 
were  financial  and  economic.  The  exorbitant  rents,  squeezed  from 
them  by  the  middlemen  who  hired  the  lands  from  the  great  landlords 
—  often  absentees  — -  together  with  the  tithes  extorted  for  the  support 
of  the  Established  Church  were  burdens  which  bore  heavily  on  the 
lessee  folk  whether  Protestant  or  Catholic.  In  their  wretchedness 
they  saw  no  hope  but  in  force,  and  plied  their  nightly  raids  with  a 
vengeance,  though  in  Ulster,  in  spite  of  common  grievances  against 
the  agrarian  system  and  the  Established  Church,  the  Presbyterians 
and  Catholics  formed  rival  organizations  and  fought  each  other  with 
bitter  animosity. 

1  Duncan  was  created  Earl  of  Camperdown. 


GREAT  WAR  WITH  FRANCE  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  AMIENS  593 

The  French  Revolution.  Wolfe  Tone  and  the  United  Irishmen.  — 
In  the  midst  of  this  wild  disorder  came  the  news  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution and  the  visit  of  Revolutionary  agents  promising  the  overthrow 
of  tyranny,  religious  and  secular,  and  a  millennium  for  the  down- 
trodden. The  Roman  Catholics  at  first  had  little  sympathy  with 
the  movement  which  included  in  its  propaganda  the  overthrow  of 
their  Church ;  but  the  northern  Protestants  of  the  lesser  sort,  many 
of  whom  were  Republicans  at  heart,  eagerly  welcomed  the  new  teach- 
ings. They  hated  the  exclusive  knot  who  governed  the  Irish  Parlia- 
ment as  much  as  they  hated  those  of  the  opposite  faith,  and  they 
longed  to  be  rid  of  middlemen  and  tithes.  There  was  an  opportunity 
for  the  ruling  classes  to  maintain  their  ascendancy  by  playing  the 
opposing  religious  parties  against  each  other.  Foreseeing  this,  Wolfe 
Tone,  a  Dublin  barrister,  nominally  a  Presbyterian  but  really  a  free- 
thinker, formed,  in  1791,  the  Society  of  United  Irishmen,  in  which  he 
sought  to  make  the  hostile  elements  set  aside  their  religious  animosity 
in  pursuit  of  a  common  object — the  breakdown  of  the  English  power 
through  reform  of  Parliament.  Tone's  activity  caused  a  split  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Roman  Catholics.  The  minority,  composed  of  the  bishops 
and  the  educated  classes  who  looked  to  Pitt  for  further  measures  of 
relief,  broke  off  all  connection  with  the  more  violent  majority,  who, 
trusting  that  persistent  agitation  would  alleviate  their  rents,  and  put 
an  end  to  tithes,  threw  in  their  lot  with  the  United  Irishmen.  Instead 
of  wisely  granting  sufficient  concessions  to  satisfy  the  moderates, 
those  in  authority,  after  holding  out  great  hopes,  only  grudgingly 
conceded  just  enough  half  measures  to  anger  the  Protestant  clique 
and  to  stir  up  the  Roman  Catholics  to  increasing  agitation.  In  1792  a 
b'.ll  was  forced  through  the  Irish  Parliament  admitting  them  to  the 
practice  of  law  and  repealing  restrictions  on  education  and  inter- 
marriage. In  1793  they  were  admitted  to  the  grand  juries  and  to 
the  magistracies ;  the  prohibition  to  bear  arms  was  repealed  and  they 
were  given  the  right  to  vote  for  members  of  the  Lower  House.  This 
last  concession  was  far  from  satisfactory ;  for  the  poor  and  ignorant 
tenantry  who  received  the  franchise  were  completely  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  landlords  and  borough  owners,  while  the  wealthy  and  intelli- 
gent Catholics,  who  might  have  represented  them,  were  still  excluded 
from  sitting  in  Parliament  and  from  the  higher  offices  of  State. 

The  Approach  of  Revolution.  —  However,  a  liberal-minded  Lord 
Lieutenant  who  mistakenly  thought  that  Pitt  had  given  him  a  free 
hand,  directly  on  his  arrival,  in  1795,  arranged  with  Grattan  to  intro- 
duce a  bill  to  admit  Roman  Catholics  to  Parliament,  and  dismissed 
from  office  the  chief  of  the  Protestant  connection.  The  placemen 

2Q 


594    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and  pensioners  at  once  set  up  a  furious  howl  and  appealed  to  London. 
Pitt,  with  the  French  War  on  his  hands  and  opposed  by  the  Protestant 
prejudice  of  George  III,  bowed  to  the  storm.  The  Lord  Lieutenant 
was  recalled,  the  old  set  were  reentrenched  in  power  and  the  bill  was 
defeated.  The  result  was  to  defeat  the  only  possible  chance  of  a  peace- 
ful settlement  of  the  Irish  question.  Although  the  violence  of  the 
embittered  Catholics  forced  a  number  of  northern  Protestants  over 
to  the  Government  side,  many  of  the  disappointed  were  thrown  into 
the  arms  of  the  United  Irishmen,  who,  after  being  forcibly  suppressed 
in  1794,  were  reconstituted  on  a  basis  distinctly  Republican  and 
treasonable,  adopted  military  organization  and  appealed  to  France,1 
whither  Tone  went  for  aid  in  1796.  The  French  reply  was  to  send 
the  two  expeditions  which  came  to  such  a  futile  end.  Meanwhile, 
the  Government  acted  with  prompt  decision.  In  the  autumn  of  1796 
the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  was  suspended  -,  and  bodies  of  yeomanry  and 
infantry  were  organized  from  the  gentry.  Shortly  before  the  sailing 
of  the  French  fleet  several  leaders  of  the  United  Irishmen  were  arrested 
in  Belfast.  Early  in  1797  martial  law  was  proclaimed.  Arms  were 
searched  for  and  seized,  houses  were  burned  and  Catholics  were  bar- 
barously tortured  and  put  to  death.  There  were  few  regular  troops 
in  the  country,  and  the  volunteers  who  supplied  their  place  were 
goaded  to  excess  by  long  existing  feuds.  The  English  Commander-in- 
Chief  sought  to  mitigate  their  harshness,  but  he  was  overruled  and 
resigned,  and  the  work  of  suppression  was  carried  on  by  a  less  merci- 
ful successor.  Informers  reported  regularly  the  movements  of  the 
conspirators,  the  Irish  authorities  were  given  free  hand  and  the  English 
Ministers  declined  all  requests  to  interfere  on  the  side  of  leniency. 

The  Rebellion  of  1798.  —  A  general  rising  was  planned  for  23  May, 
1798,  but,  owing  to  the  prompt  arrest  of  many  leaders,  to  the  loyalty 
of  the  moderate  Catholics,  and  the  energy  of  the  authorities,  the  de- 
signs of  the  rebels  were  in  a  large  measure  frustrated.  An  attempt 
on  Dublin  failed,  and  a  rising  in  Kildare,  marked  by  destruction  and 
cruelty  on  the  part  of  the  insurgents,  was  speedily  put  down.  In 
various  other  counties  they  were  suppressed  with  a  savagery  that  sur- 
passed their  own.  Houses  in  which  arms  were  found  were  burned, 
suspected  persons  were  shot  or  barbarously  tortured.  After  the  re- 
volts to  the  north  and  west  had  been  practically  suppressed,  the  civil 
war  came  to  a  head  in  Wexford  and  Wicklow,  where  little  resistance 
had  been  anticipated.  The  outbreak,  particularly  in  Wexford,  where 

1  Many  of  the  more  desperate  Roman  Catholics  were  won  over  to  the  godless 
French  Revolutionists  by  the  assurance  that  they  had  improved  the  lot  of  the 
lesser  man,  and  had  abolished  tithes. 


GREAT  WAR  WITH  FRANCE  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  AMIENS     595 

civil  war  waged  for  some  weeks,  was  precipitated  by  the  Protestant 
yeomanry  and  militia,  though  their  excesses  in  Ulster  had  had  precisely 
the  opposite  result.  Anti-Protestant  hatred  was  abundantly  inflamed 
by  fiery  sermons,  but,  frenzied  and  undisciplined,  the  insurgents  failed 
to  make  the  most  of  their  opportunities  except  for  violence  and  revenge.1 
The  loyalist  forces  struggled  bravely  until  the  arrival  of  British  troops, 
who  broke  the  back  of  the  rebellion.  It  had  been  practically  confined 
to  the  province  of  Leinster,  for  only  two  outbreaks  had  occurred  in  all 
Ulster,  while  Munster  and  Connaught  remained  quiet. 

The  Aftermath  of  1798.  —  The  French,  hampered  by  the  fact  that 
the  British  fleets  controlled  the  Channel,  sent  two  more  small  expedi- 
tions to  Ireland,  which  arrived  after  the  rebellion  was  over,  only  to  be 
finally  overcome  and  taken.  Among  the  prisoners  was  Wolfe  Tone, 
who  was  condemned  to  death,  but  committed  suicide  in  prison.  Lord 
Cornwallis,  who  had  succeeded  as  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Commander- 
in-Chief,  20  June,  managed,  by  an  act  of  indemnity  containing  only 
a  few  exceptions,  to  check  the  bloodthirsty  execution  which  followed 
the  Wexford  war.  Unhappily,  the  burning  and  wasting,  the  ruthless 
destruction  of  life  and  property  committed  by  both  parties,  impover- 
ished the  country,  led  to  a  stagnation  of  industry  and  credit,  revived 
and  accentuated  the  old  religious  and  racial  animosities,  and  undid 
the  effect  of  such  slight  conciliation  as  had  been  attempted  during  the 
past  two  decades.  The  most  direct  result  of  the  Rebellion  was  to  de- 
termine Pitt  and  his  Cabinet  to  bring  about  a  union  between  the  Irish 
and  the  English  Parliaments.  As  early  as  1782  he  had  thought  of 
this  possibility  as  the  only  solution  of  the  vexed  question  of  Catholic 
relief.  Catholic  members  absorbed  in  the  English  Protestant  Parlia- 
ment would  count  for  little,  while  they  would  inevitably  dominate  the 
Irish,  once  they  were  admitted  within  its  walls.  Moreover,  a  union 
offered  a  means  of  breaking  up  the  corrupt  rule  of  the  Protestant  mi- 
nority and  of  checking  the  revengeful  fury  of  the  Protestant  Orange- 
men. 

The  Irish  Union  (1799-1800). — The  proposal,  brought  forward  in 
the  Irish  Parliament  in  1799,  was  bitterly,  and,  for  the  moment,  suc- 
cessfully opposed  by  the  leaders  of  the  Irish  Opposition,  headed  by 
Grattan,  though  the  Roman  Catholic  bishops  supported  the  Govern- 
ment in  the  hope  of  securing  provision  for  their  priests,  commutation  of 
tithes  into  money  payments,  and  Catholic  emancipation.  The  main  en- 
ergies of  Cornwallis,  aided  by  his  Secretary,  Castlereagh,  were  directed 
toward  the  manipulation  of  the  members  of  Parliament  and  the  power- 

1  Many  of  the  better  sort,  however,  including  priests,  did  their  host  to  preserve 
order. 


596    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

ful  interests  which  controlled  the  seats,  justifying  the  means  which 
they  employed  on  the  ground  of  disagreeable  necessity.  To  Cornwallis 
it  was  particularly  "  dirty  work,"  for  which  he  despised  himself,  and  he 
often  longed  to  kick  those  whom  he  was  obliged  to  court.  Not  daring 
to  hazard  a  general  election,  some  members  of  the  existing  House  of 
Commons  were  replaced  by  supporters  of  the  Government ;  some  votes 
were  bought  with  titles,  places  and  pensions,  some  by  direct  bribes, 
though  the  amount  employed  for  the  latter  purpose  has  doubtless  been 
greatly  exaggerated,  and  Cornwallis  seems  not  to  have  had  anything  to 
do  with  it.  In  one  way  and  another,  however,  the  Government  spent 
£ i  ,000,000.  Notwithstanding  the  preponderating  strength  of  the  Gov- 
ernment supporters,  the  anti-Unionists  fought  stubbornly,  even  rais- 
ing £100,000  to  outbid  their  opponents.  The  Articles  of  Union  were 
carried  in  the  new  session  which  opened,  15  January,  1800,  and  the 
bill  based  upon  them,  after  passing  both  the  Irish  and  English  Parlia- 
ments, received  the  royal  assent,  i  August. 

The  Terms  of  Union.  —  By  the  terms  of  the  Act  of  Union,  four 
spiritual  peers,  sitting  in  rotation  in  successive  sessions,  and  twenty- 
eight  temporal  peers  elected  for  life,  represented  Ireland  in  the  House 
of  Lords,1  and  one  hundred  members  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Free 
trade  was  established  between  the  two  countries.  The  preservation 
of  the  United  Church  of  England  and  Ireland  was  to  be  an  "  essential 
and  fundamental  part  of  the  Union." 

Pitt  and  the  Union.  His  Resignation  (1801).  —  The  Union  seemed 
to  offer  a  way  out  of  pressing  difficulties.  Nevertheless,  the  measure 
was  carried  by  methods  that  cannot  be  justified,  and  was  forced  down 
the  throats  of  the  Irish,  five  sixths  of  whom  were  against  it.  Further- 
more, the  most  influential  Roman  Catholics  were  won  over  by  the 
assurance  circulated  by  Castlereagh  that  as  soon  as  the  Parliaments 
were  united  they  would  be  rewarded  by  the  three  concessions  which 
they  desired  —  State  payment  for  their  priests,  commutation  of  tithes, 
and,  above  all,  Catholic  emancipation.  While  Pitt  gave  no  formal 
pledges,  he  was  sincerely  anxious  to  realize  their  hopes ;  but  he  had 
to  contend  against  the  monumental  obstinacy  of  King  George,  who  had 
been  persuaded  that  he  could  not  grant  Catholic  relief  without  a 
breach  of  his  coronation  oath  binding,  him  to  maintain  the  existing 
Establishment  in  Church  and  State.  However,  in  September,  1800, 
Pitt  brought  a  measure  of  Catholic  relief  before  the  Cabinet  for  dis- 
cussion. One  of  his  colleagues  betrayed  the  secret  to  the  King,  so 
that  the  Prime  Minister  had  no  opportunity,  either  of  preparing  the 

1  Contrary  to  the  Scotch  practice,  Irish  peers,  not  in  the  House  of  Lords,  were 
eligible  for  election  to  the  House  of  Commons. 


GREAT  WAR  WITH  FRANCE  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  AMIENS   597 

mind  of  his  Sovereign  gradually  or  of  pushing  through  his  project  with 
a  rush.  When  he  formally  opened  the  question  in  January,  George 
declared :  "  I  shall  reckon  any  man  my  personal  enemy  who  proposes 
such  a  measure."  Rather  than  oppose  the  royal  will  he  resigned, 
5  February,  1801,  and  in  March,  after  the  King  had  been  threatened 
with  another  attack  of  his  old  malady,  he  agreed,  whether  in  or  out 
of  office,  never  again  to  open  the  question  during  the  reign.  The 
failure  to  carry  these  concessions  to  which  the  Government  was  morally 
if  not  literally  bound,  was  responsible  for  much  of  the  trouble  with 
Ireland  which  followed. 

Napoleon  in  Egypt  (1798-1799).  —  A  few  days  before  the  outbreak 
of  the  Rebellion  of  1798,  Napoleon  started  for  the  Mediterranean  with 
the  design  of  destroying  the  British  power  in  India.  He  was  able  to 
carry  out  the  first  steps  in  his  new  project  without  a  setback.  He 
captured  Malta,  passed  on  to  Egypt,  took  Alexandria,  July,  1798,  and 
defeated  the  Mamelukes1  in  the  Battle  of  the  Pyramids  on  the  2ist. 
Nelson,  however,  in  hot  pursuit,  attacked  him  at  Aboukir  Bay,  and 
in  the  famous  battle  of  the  Nile,  i  August,  destroyed  his  fleet,  and  with 
it  his  hopes  of  establishing  a  French  empire  in  the  East.  Napoleon, 
after  his  defeat,  started  for  Syria  with  the  view  of  capturing  Constan- 
tinople and  attacking  Europe  from  the  East.  Failing  in  an  attempt 
to  take  Acre,  the  key  to  the  control  of  the  Syrian  coast,  May,  1799,  he 
returned  to  Egypt,  where  he  received  news  which  caused  him  to  leave 
his  army  and  hasten  to  France.  In  India,  Tipu — the  successor  of  his 
father  Haidar  Ali  as  ruler  of  Mysore  —  who  had  been  in  communica- 
tion with  Napoleon,  was  awaiting  aid  from  him  to  start  a  revolt.  To 
anticipate  the  threatened  danger,  the  Governor-General,  Lord  Morn- 
ington,  sent  an  army  against  him.  Tipu  was  defeated  and  slain, 
while  Mysore  was  divided  and  placed  under  British  protection.  Morn- 
ington  was  created  Marquis  of  Wellesley.  The  failure  of  the  Eastern 
expedition  was  attended  by  two  important  results :  it  averted  a  serious 
danger  to  the  British  ascendancy  in  India  as  well  as  the  supremacy 
of  British  commerce  in  the  East,  and  it  led  to  the  formation  of  the 
Second  Coalition. 

The  Second  Coalition  (1799-1801).  —  The  first  step  toward  the 
new  Coalition  was  taken  by  the  half-crazy  Paul,  Emperor  of  Russia, 
prompted  among  other  things  by  fear  of  the  spread  of  republicanism, 
but  the  actual  organization  was  the  work  of  Pitt.  The  Coalition, 
consisting  of  Great  Britain,  Russia,  Austria,  Portugal,  Naples,  and 

1  Formerly  slaves,  they  were  now  an  effective  body  of  cavalry  who,  under  their 
beys  or  chiefs,  ruled  the  country,  of  which  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  was  the  nominal 
overlord. 


598     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Turkey,  was  completed  in  the  early  months  of  1799.  At  the  start  the 
Allies  were  successful  in  forcing  the  French  across  the  Rhine  and  in 
driving  them  out  of  northern  Italy,  but  in  the  autumn  of  1 799  the  tide 
began  to  turn.  A  Russian  army,  with  a  body  of  Austrian  allies,  was 
defeated  at  Zurich,  and  a  joint  invasion  of  Holland  by  the  British  and 
Russians  resulted  in  an  inglorious  capitulation  and  retirement.  Dur- 
ing the  winter,  Paul,  disgusted  at  the  failure  of  his  arms  and  convinced 
that  Austria  and  Great  Britain  had  not  cooperated  cordially  with  him, 
withdrew  from  the  Coalition. 

The  Breakup  of  the  Second  Coalition.  —  Meantime,  Napoleon  hurry- 
ing from  Egypt  had  reached  France  in  October.  With  the  aid  of  his 
grenadiers  the  Directory,  which  had  grown  very  unpopular,  was  over- 
thrown by  a  coup  d'etat,  and,  by  a  new  Constitution  proclaimed  in 
December,  the  fourth  since  1789,  Napoleon  was  made  First  Consul 
for  ten  years  with  virtually  supreme  powers.  In  England  the  burden 
of  the  war  was  growing  heavier  and  heavier,  an  income  tax  went  into 
effect  in  April,  1799,  and  new  loans  were  contracted.  The  commercial 
classes  were  thriving  and  so  were  the  farmers ;  but  the  poor  suffered 
more  and  more  from  soaring  prices,  especially  of  food.  A  meeting  was 
held  in  London  which  petitioned  for  peace;  but  the  great  majority 
still  supported  the  war  policy  of  the  Government,  and  frowned  on 
the  expression  of  Revolutionary  opinion.  Accordingly,  bills  were 
passed,  toward  the  end  of  the  year  1800,  suppressing  corresponding 
societies,  restricting  debating  societies  and  combinations  of  workmen, 
and  obliging  printers  to  obtain  certificates  and  to  affix  their  signatures 
to  all  they  printed.  Austria,  who  was  supporting  the  Allied  cause  in 
northern  Italy,  was  defeated  by  Napoleon  at  Marengo,  14  June,  1800, 
largely  owing  to  the  failure  of  the  British  to  send  troops  in  season. 
Great  Britain  recovered  Malta,  but  the  Austrians,  defeated  at  Hohen- 
linden,  3  December,  were  unable  to  hold  out  any  longer,  and  9  Febru- 
ary, 1 80 1,  signed  the  peace  of  Luneville.  The  Second  Coalition  had 
gone  the  way  of  the  first. 

The  Bombardment  of  Copenhagen  (1801).  —  Paul,  won  over  by 
the  blandishments  of  Napoleon  whom  he  hoped  would  crush  out  Re- 
publicanism and  establish  a  dynasty,  had,  in  the  meantime,  planned 
an  armed  neutrality  similar  to  that  organized  by  his  mother  nearly 
twenty  years  earlier.  Its  signature  by  Russia,  Sweden,  Denmark  and 
Prussia  in  December,  1800,  made  the  situation  again  critical  for  Great 
Britain.  She  was  bereft  of  her  strongest  allies,  while  the  action  of 
the  Northern  Powers  threatened  not  only  to  exclude  her  from  profitable 
markets  but  to  cut  off  her  main  source  of  supply  for  naval  stores  and 
for  much  of  her  wheat.  However,  the  British  navy  was  still  the  strong- 


GREAT  WAR  WITH  FRANCE  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  AMIENS  599 

est  on  the  seas  and  was  successfully  blockading  the  French  and  Spanish 
in  all  their  principal  ports.  On  14  January,  1801,  the  Government 
placed  an  embargo  on  the  ships  of  Russia,  Sweden,  and  Denmark 
and  prepared  to  send  a  fleet  to  the  Baltic.  It  sailed  for  Copenhagen, 
12  March,  under  Sir  Hyde  Parker,  with  Nelson  second  in  command. 
When  the  Danes  refused  to  accede  to  the  British  demands  the  fleet 
attacked  their  capital.  Exposed  to  a  fierce  bombardment,  the  city 
must  soon  have  surrendered,  when  suddenly  the  news  arrived  that 
Paul  had  been  murdered  in  the  night  of  23  March.  His  successor, 
Alexander  I,  being  willing  to  compromise,  it  was  agreed  that  blockades 
by  proclamation  should  be  given  up  and  the  right  of  search  was  more 
accurately  defined,  and  the  League  broke  up  without  gaining  its  other 
demands.  The  French  forces  left  behind  in  Egypt,  after  a  series  of 
defeats,  were  forced  to  abandon  the  country  in  September.  As  an  off- 
set to  these  British  successes  the  French  scored  some  diplomatic  gains ; 
Spain,  for  example,  ceded  back  Louisiana,  21  March,  1801,  and  agreed 
to  make  war  on  Portugal,  who  was  obliged  to  contract  alliances  with 
both  France  and  Spain  and  to  close  her  ports  against  Great  Britain. 
The  Peace  of  Amiens  (25  March,  1802). — Pitt,  on  his  resignation 
the  previous  February,  was  succeeded  by  Addington,  a  dull  though 
well-meaning  man  in  close  agreement  with  the  King.  Under  the  new 
Government  the  peace  negotiations  were  finally  concluded  at  Amiens, 
25  March,  1802.  Great  Britain  gave  up  all  her  conquests  from  France 
together  with  all  those  from  French  allies  except  Trinidad  and  Ceylon, 
which  had  been  taken  from  the  Spanish  and  the  Dutch  respectively. 
The  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  also  a  conquest  from  the  Dutch ,  was  to  be  a  free 
port,  Egypt  was  to  be  handed  back  to  Turkey,  while  Malta  was  to  be 
restored  to  the  Knights  of  St.  John,  to  whom  it  belonged,  and  its  in- 
dependence guaranteed  by  the  signatory  powers.  Such  were  the  main 
terms  of  the  peace,  which  in  the  words  of  Sheridan:  "all  men  are 
glad  of,  but  no  man  can  be  proud  of." 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 
See  Chapter  XL VII  below. 


CHAPTER  XLVII 

THE    STRUGGLE   AGAINST   NAPOLEON:  FROM   AMIENS   TO 
WATERLOO  (1802-1815) 

The  Resumption  of  War  (1803).  — The  Peace  of  Amiens  proved  to 
be  a  mere  breathing  time.  Indeed,  Napoleon  admitted  frankly  that : 
"A  renewal  of  war  was  necessary  for  his  existence  "  ;  and  before  many 
months  it  became  evident  that  he  was  bent  on  utterly  destroying  the 
European  balance  of  power,  while  his  colonial  projects  were  even  more 
disquieting  to  great  Britain;  for  he  planned  to  recover  Egypt  and 
stir  up  disaffection  in  India.  In  one  direction  his  designs  miscarried. 
He  had  aimed  to  establish  a  great  empire  in  North  America ;  but  a  re- 
volt in  San  Domingo  cost  him  so  many  troops  that  he  gave  up  his  proj- 
ect in  disgust  and  sold  Louisiana  to  the  United  States  in  the  spring  of 
1803.  Yet,  in  spite  of  all,  he  had  in  no  way  violated  the  letter  of  the 
treaty  of  Amiens.  On  the  other  hand,  he  had  long  resented  the  attacks 
made  upon  him  in  papers  conducted  by  French  exiles  in  London.  To 
be  sure,  Jean  Peltier,  editor  of  L'Ambigu,  who  was  particularly  fero- 
cious, was  convicted  of  libel,  though  numbers  of  Englishmen  were  out- 
spoken against  the  sentence,  and  the  Government  refused  either  to 
expel  the  emigres  or  to  suppress  their  papers.  Moreover,  Great  Brit- 
ain refused  to  evacuate  Malta,  on  the  ground  of  Russia's  refusal  to 
guarantee  the  independence  of  the  island,1  and  she  persisted  in  holding 
on  to  the  French  towns  in  India.  This  failure  to  carry  out  the  terms 
agreed  upon  at  Amiens  technically  justified  Napoleon's  angry  accusa- 
tion that  Great  Britain  was  a  nation  that  did  not  respect  treaties ;  but 
he  was  the  real  disturber  of  Europe,  and  it  was  a  genuine  fear  that 
they  could  not  keep  peace  with  honor  or  safety  which  led  the  British 
to  declare  war,  18  May,  1803.  The  situation  was  absolutely  changed 
since  the  beginning  of  the  conflict  ten  years  before.  It  was  no  longer 
a  question  of  the  preservation  of  monarchy,  aristocracy,  and  property 
against  the  spread  of  Republicanism,  now  it  was  a  struggle  for  exist- 

•  l  In  view  of  the  resumption  of  Napoleon's  designs  against  Egypt,  Turkey,  and 
India,  it  would  have  been  quite  unsafe  to  allow  the  island  to  fall  again  into  his 
hands. 

600 


THE  STRUGGLE  AGAINST  NAPOLEON-  601 

ence  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Continental  countries  against 
Napoleonic  aggrandizement. 

Pitt's  Second  Ministry  (May,  1804,  to  January,  1806).  The  Third 
Coalition.  —  In  view  of  the  crisis,  Pitt  succeeded  Addington,  29  April, 

1804.  Greatly  broken  in  health  and  hampered  by  a  growing  Whig 
opposition,  he  set  to  work  undauntedly,  and,  before  the  close  of  1805, 
had  combined  Russia  and  Austria  with  Great  Britain  in  the  Third 
Coalition  against  Napoleon,  who  in  the  meantime  had  had  himself 
crowned  Emperor  of  the  French  and  King  of  Italy. 

End  of  the  Third  Coalition.  —  Napoleon  desired  to  undertake  again  the 
invasion  of  England  which  he  had  been  once  obliged  to  give  up.  To  this 
end,  he  gathered  an  army  at  Boulogne  which  was  to  be  conveyed  across 
the  Channel  in  flat-bottom  boats  under  cover  of  the  Brest  and  Toulon 
fleets.  In  order  to  shake  off  Nelson  who  had  been  watching  the  Medi- 
terranean for  two  years,  Admiral  Villeneuve  sailed  with  the  Toulon 
squadron  to  the  West  Indies.  Nelson,  however,  followed  him  over 
and  back,  and  finally  engaged  him,  off  Cape  Trafalgar,  21  October, 

1805,  and  though  mortally  wounded  in  the  action,  lived  long  enough 
to  learn  that  he  had  won  a  great  victory.     Again,  as  in  1797,  England 
had  been  saved  by  her  navy.     Some  weeks  before,  Napoleon,  despair- 
ing of  any  help  from  Villeneuve,  had  marched  acrpss  the  Rhine  with 
his  "  Army  of  England."     He  entered  Vienna,  13  November,  whence 
he  marched  forth  and  at  Austerlitz  gained  a  decisive  victory,  2  Decem- 
ber, over  the  Austrians  and  a  contingent  of  Russians.     By  the  Peace 
of  Pressburg,  concluded  on  the  26th,  the  Austrian  Emperor  was  obliged 
once  more  to  withdraw  from  the  war.     The  break-up  of  the  Coalition 
was  too  much  for  Pitt,  whose  constitution  was  already  undermined 
by  drink  and  overwork,  though  in  his  last  speech  he  showed  that  in- 
vincible faith  which  had  animated  him  from  the  beginning  of  the 
struggle,  by  the  memorable  words :  "  England  has  saved  herself  by 
her  exertions,  and  will,  as  I  trust,  save  Europe  by  her  example."    He 
died  23  January,  1806.     In  one  sense  Pitt  had  not  shown  himself  tp  be 
a  great  War  Minister :  he  frittered  away  the  resources  of  the  country 
in  subsidies  to  foreign  Powers  and  in  scattered,  futile  expeditions.     On 
the  other  hand,  his  popularity,  his  persistence  and  courage  kept  alive 
the  national  enthusiasm  and  thus  tided  the  war  over  a  critical  period. 
He  was  succeeded  by  the  "  Ministry  of  all  the  Talents,"  a  coalition  in 
which  the  Whigs  were  largely  in  the  majority.  Fox,  who  became  Foreign 
Secretary,  only  survived  his  great  rival  by  a  few  months,  closing  his 
career,  marked  by  single-hearted  devotion  to  the  cause  of  oppressed 
humanity,  13  September,  1806.    However,  he  had  often  lacked  judg- 
ment in  his  obstructionist  policy  and  he  failed  in  his  dearest  hope  of 


602     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   ANlt  GREATER   BRITAIN 

bringing  about  a  peace.  The  break-up  of  the  Third  Coalition  ended 
the  attempts  of  the  British  Government  to  wage  war  against  Napoleon 
by  means  of  such  dynastic  combinations.  Fox  had  long  declaimed 
against  them,  and  Pitt  before  his  death  had  come  to  recognize  their 
futility.  Under  new  men,  another  policy  was  soon  developed  of  aiding 
national  risings  against  Napoleonic  aggression  —  a  policy  which  led 
ultimately  to  glorious  results. 

Napoleon's  Further  Triumphs  (1806-1807).  —  Frederick  William 
III  had  been  bribed  by  the  gift  of  the  Kingdom  of  Hanover  to  join  the 
French  side  and  to  close  his  ports  to  British  ships ;  unable,  however, 
to  endure  the  constant  humiliation  which  Napoleon  heaped  upon  him 
—  particularly  when,  regardless  of  his  recent  concession,  the  Dictator 
offered  to  restore  Hanover  to  Great  Britain  —  the  Prussian  King  was 
obliged  to  declare  war.  Without  a  single  ally  to  help  him  his  armies 
were  crushed  at  the  twin  battles  of  Jena  and  Auerstadt,  14  October, 
1806.  Although  Russia  managed,  8  February,  1807,  to  administer 
the  first  check  to  Napoleon's  victorious  career  in  the  drawn  battle  of 
Eylau,  the  British  Government  failed  to  profit  by  the  opportunity  to 
send  troops  or  even  adequate  subsidies,  and,  assisted  only  by  the  feeble 
support  of  Prussia,  the  Russians  were  overwhelmed  at  Friedland,  14 
June,  1807.  The  Tsar  Alexander,  incensed  at  Great  Britain's  neglect, 
desirous  of  conquering  the  Turks  who  had  declared  war  on  him,  and 
full  of  vague  dreams  for  the  reconstruction  of  Europe,  thereupon  gave 
ear  to  Napoleon's  enticing  proposal  for  dividing  between  them  the 
empire  of  the  East  and  West.  The  two  held  an  interview  which  re- 
sulted in  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit,  7  July,  1807,  to  which  Prussia  was  forced 
to  accede.  Among  other  things,  the  Tsar  agreed  to  join  France  in 
coercing  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Portugal  into  adopting  Napoleon's 
"  Continental  System  "  by  which  the  European  markets  were  to  be 
closed  to  British  trade,  and,  by  a  secret  article,  even  pledged  himself 
to  join  in  a  war  against  Great  Britain  in  case  she  did  not  make  peace 
before  i  November,  while  the  French  Emperor  agreed  to  render  like 
assistance  to  Alexander  against  the  Turks  and  the  Poles.  To  forestall 
the  danger  in  the  north,  Great  Britain  promptly  sent  a  naval  armament 
to  Denmark,  offering  an  alliance  to  which  the  condition  was  attached 
that  the  Danes  lend  their  navy  to  the  British  Government.  On  their 
refusal,  Copenhagen  was  bombarded  and  the  Danish  fleet  taken  to 
England  as  a  prize  of  war.  This  high-handed  act ,  which  caused  a  great 
outcry  even  among  the  English,  was  justified  on  the  ground  of  military 
necessity. 

The  Continental  System. — Already,  21  November,  1806,  Napo- 
leon had  issued  his  celebrated  Berlin  Decree,  which  proclaimed  a 


THE  STRUGGLE  AGAINST  NAPOLEON  603 

blockade  of  the  British  Isles;  prohibited,  all  commerce  between 
them  and  France  including  the  States  dependent  on  her;  and 
announced  the  confiscation  of  British  merchandise  in  the  har- 
bors of  such  countries.  On  7  January,  1807,  British  Orders  in 
Council  forbade  neutrals,  under  penalty  of  forfeiting  ships  and 
cargo,  to  trade  between  the  ports  of  France  and  her  allies,  or  be- 
tween ports  of  nations  which  should  observe  the  Berlin  Decree. 
Napoleon's  Milan  Decree  of  December,  1807,  and  other  restrictive 
measures,  were  followed  by  more  Orders  in  Council  till  neutral  trade 
was  in  theory  absolutely  destroyed,  while,  by  the  close  of  1808,  every 
country  of  Europe,  except  Sweden  and  Turkey,  had  been  brought  into 
the  System.  Neither  side,  however,  could  enforce  completely  its  policy 
of  commercial  exclusiveness.  Not  only  was  there  much  smuggling, 
but  both  the  Emperor  and  the  British  Government  were  obliged  to 
issue  licenses  authorizing  evasion  in  specified  cases.  Napoleon's  plan 
was  to  reduce  Great  Britain  to  subjection  by  a  policy  of  absolute  isola- 
tion ;  but  Britain  had  an  overwhelming  advantage  in  her  method  of 
warfare.  She  controlled  the  seas,  she  was  able  to  exercise  a  far  more 
effective  right  of  search  than  the  French,  and  with  her  powerful  navy 
she  was  able  to  inflict  irreparable  damage  on  the  merchant  marine  of 
those  whom  Napoleon  sought  to  combine  against  her.  Moreover,  he 
needed  commodities  which  she  alone  could  supply,  such  as  cloth,  ma- 
chinery and  certain  raw  materials ;  indeed,  on  one  occasion,  he  pro- 
cured 50,000  British  overcoats  for  his  troops.  However,  inadequately 
as  it  was  enforced,  his  Continental  System  caused  serious  hardship 
and  suffering  to  the  countries  involved,  and  contributed,  perhaps  as 
much  as  his  territorial  aggressions,  toward  the  growth  of  that  combined 
national  opposition  which  subsequently  overthrew  him. 

The  Opening  of  the  Peninsular  War  (1808).  —  Spain  set  the  example. 
As  a  step  in  enforcing  his  Continental  System  Napoleon  determined 
to  secure  control  of  the  Peninsula,  to  close  its  vast  stretch  of  seacoast 
to  British  shipping;;  to  break  up  the  alliance  which  had  connected^ 
England  and  Portugal  for  over  a  century  and  to  possess  himself  of 
Portugal's  rich  and  extensive  colonies.  To  that  end  he  deluded  the 
Spanish  Minister  Godoy  into  making  a  treaty  whereby  the  House  of, 
TSraganza l  was  to  be  driven  from  the  throne  and  its  Kingdom  partir 
~honea  between  Spain  and  France.  Having  established  an  army  for 
tne  ostensible  purpose  of  conquering  Portugal,  he  took  advantage  ol 
a  revolt  against  the  worthless  Charles  IV —  during  which  his  still 
more  worthless  son  Ferdinand  was  proclaimed  in  his  stead  —  to  force 
both  of  them  to  retire  on  a  pension,  and  to  set  up  his  brother  Joseph^ 

1  The  Royal  House  of  Portugal. 


604     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

as  King  of  Spain.  This  was  in  May,  1808.  The  original  rising  of 
the  Spanish  had  been  prompted  by  fear  of  French  subjugation,  and 
the  movement  now  spread  swiftly  throughout  the  land.  Already,  in 
the  latter  part  of  1807,  the  royal  family  of  Braganza  had  fled  to  Brazil ; 
but  the  Portuguese,  counting  on  British  support,  also  rose  in  rebellion 
jmd  forced  Tunot,  the  commander  of  the  French  invading  army,  t3 
shut  himself  up  in  Lisbonu On  13  August,  1808,  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley 
landed  near  Oporto  with  a  force  of  12,000  men,  bearing  instructions 
to  afford  "  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  nations  every  possible  aid  in 
throwing  off  the  yoke  of  France/'  Thus  began  a  six  years'  conflict 
known  as  the  Peninsular  War.  After  a  terrific  struggle  the  British 
army  which  —  largely  through  the  efforts  of  Castlereagh  1  —  had" 
TDeen  reorganized  into  an  effective  fighting  force,  finally  succeeded  in 
^driving  the  French  across  the  Pyrenees. 

The  French  Evacuate  Portugal  (1808).  The  Spanish  Campaign 
(1808-1809).  —  Castlereagh  had  designed  Wellesley  for  the  supreme 
command  in  Portugal;  but  the  latter's  efforts  were  hampered  for  a 
time  by  the  fact  that  two  ineffective  seniors  were  placed  over  him  in 
succession.  He  routed  the  French,  21  August,  1808;  but  was  not 
allowed  to  follow  up  his  victory,  and  terms  were  made  by  which  Junot's 
army  was  permitted  to  evacuate  Portugal.  In  October,  Sir  John 
Moore  was  ffiven  the  command  under  orders  to  cooperate  with  the 
Spanish  against  the  French  forces  in  Spain,  south  of  the  Ebro. Owing* 
to  inadequate  equipment  and  the  ineffective  support  of  the  native  levies 
hewas  obliged  to  turn  and  flee  before  the  French.  Conducting  a 
masterly  retreat,  he  reached  Corunna,  16  January,  1809,  where  he  man- 
aged to  repulse  his  pursuers  and  cover  the  embarkation  of  his  troops, 
though  he  himself  was  mortally  wounded  and-was  buried  on  the  field 
of  battle.  Such  were  the  unpromising  beginnings  of  a  great  triumph. 
Napoleon,  who  declared  that  "  no  Power  under  the  influence  of  Eng- 
land can  exist  on  the  Continent,"  failed  to  realize  the  strength  of  a 
people,  however  incapable  and  undisciplined,  once  roused  to  defend 
their  native  land  against  foreign  aggression.  The  boastfulness  of  the 
Spanish  far  exceeded  their  achievements ;  often  they  embarrassed  the  \ 
British  by  their  untrustworthiness  and  insubordination;  but,  by  their. y 
relentless  hostility  to  the  invader  and  their  persistent  guerilla  warfareT  ^ 
they  contributed  in  no  small  degree  toward  the  final  success  of  their 
ally  in  liberating  their  country.  - 

Wagram  and  Walcheren(i8o9).  — The  Spanish  example  encouraged 
Austria  once  more  to  enter'  the  lists ;  but  Napoleon  hurried  an  army 

1  As  Secretary  for  War  (1807-1809),  in  a  new  Cabinet  which  replaced  the 
"Ministry  of  all  the  Talents  "  March,  1807. 


THE  STRUGGLE  AGAINST  NAPOLEON  605 

across  Europe,  and,  by  a  series  of  victories  culminating  in  the  bloody 
battle  of  Wagram,  6  July,  forced  her  to  sign  a  peace.  a.t  Vienna  w>|jc]^ 
I*  put  her  out  of  the  fighting  for  four  years.  Meantime,  the  British,  28 
Jufy^had  sent  a  tremendous  armament  to  attack  Antwerp,  to  close 
the  Scheldt  and  to  reduce  the  island  of  Walcheren ;  but  the  expedition 
was  hopelessly  mismanaged,  and,  27  December,  returned  ingloriously 
home.  Fortunately,  2  April,  1809,  Wellesley  had  finally  been  appointed 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  British  armies  in  the  Peninsula.  Before 
leaving  England  he  submitted  to  the  Government  a  plan  for  the  con- 
duct of  the  war  to  which  he  adhered  steadfastly  in  his  subsequent 
campaigns.  This  was  to  make  Portugal  the  center  of  his  operations. 
With  the  sea  on  the  west  and  the  mountains  on  the  east  he  had  a  base 
which  could  be  readily  supplied  by  the  British  navy,  and  which  could 
be  easily  defended  against  the  French.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  he 
advanced  into  Spain,  in  the  direction  of  Madrid,  with  a  combined  force 
of  British  and  Spanish ;  but  though,  27,  28  July,  he  defeated  a  French 
army  drawn  up  to  bar  his  progress,  his  victory  was  barren  of  immediate 
results.  The  diverting  of  men  and  supplies  for  the  fruitless  Wal- 
cheren expedition  threw  him  on  his  own  resources  and  exposed  him 
to  great  deprivation,  at  a  time  when  Napoleon's  victorious  Austrian 
campaign  freed  thousands  of  French  troops  who  overran  Spain.  So 
he  retired  to  Portugal  to  wait  for  better  times. 

The  Beginning  of  the  Regency  (1811).  —  In  November,  1810, 
George  III,  after  six  years  of  failing  eyesight,  became  blind  :  his  insanity 
came  on  again  as  well,  and  he  passed  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life  in 
complete  mental  and  physical  darkness.  Within  a  few  months,. the 
Prince  of  Wales  was  made  permanent  Regent,  but  contrary  to  the 
hopes  of  the  Whigs  his  advent  brought  no  change  in  the  party  situa- 
tion ;  for  the  overtures  which  he  chose  to  make  were  not  such  as  they 
could  accept.  When,  n  May,  1812,  Spencer  Perceval  — who  had 
been  Prime  Minister  since  1809  — was  struck  down  by  a  demented 
assassin,  Lord  Liverpool  was  chosen  to  head  the  Cabinet ;  most  of  the 
Ministers  were  retained  and  the  Tory  ascendancy  continued  unbroken 
for  fifteen  years. 

The  Peninsular  Campaign  (1810-1812). — The  Turn  of  the  Tide 
(1812).  — The  French  made  a  vain  attempt,  during  the  winter  months 
of  1810-1811,  to  penetrate  impregnable  lines  of  def  ense.which  Welling- 
ton 1  had  constructed  between  the  Tagus  and  the  sea,  north  of  Lisbon, 
after  which  they  retired  from  Portugal  much  spent  by  the  campaign. 
The  following  year  was  marked  by  bloody  battles  along  the  Spanish 
border  and  by  harassing  guerilla  warfare  conducted  by  the  natives. 
1  Wellesley  had  been  created  Viscount  Wellington  in  1809. 


606     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Owing:  to  Napoleon's  withdrawal  of  60.000  of  his  best  troops  to  assist 
in  the  invasion  of  Russia,  Wellington  made  notable  gains  early  in  1812. 
Securing  control  of  the  northern  and  southern  roads  between  Spain  ancT 
Portugal,  he  marched  north  and  defeated  a  French  army  in  the  decisive 
fjattle :  ot  Salamanca,  by  which  he  forced  Joseph  to  abandon  Madrid^ 
With  inadequate  supplies  and  equipment  he  pressed  on  after  the  rem- 
nant of  the  beaten  army,  to  the  great  peril  of  his  recently  acquired 
lines  of  communication  from  other  French  forces  south  and  west. 
Thus  endangered,  and  suffering  from  lack  of  food,  his  troops,  becoming 
utterly  demoralized,  broke  loose  from  all  restraints.  It  required  all 
his  iron  will  to  restore  discipline ;  but  it  proved  to  be  the  last  crisis  he 
had  to  weather.  The  Liverpool  Ministry,  backed  by  popular  senti- 
ment, had  come  to  appreciate  his  achievements  and  from  now  on  gave 
him  enthusiastic  support,  while  the  French,  weakened  by  the  loss  of 
their  best  troops  and  worn  down  by  the  incessant  attacks  of  the  natives, 
steadily  lost  ground. 

The  Close  of  the  Peninsular  Campaign  (April,  1814).  — He  opened  the 

Campaign  of  l8n  with  the  fixed  intention  nf  driving  the  Frpprfr  out  of 

Spain.  With  his  army  recruited  and  supplied  in  Portugal,  he  advanced 
northeast,  driving  the  enemy  before  him,,  and  at  Vittoria  foughtr  i\ 
June,  the  greatest  battle  of  the  war.  The  French  were  nearly  surrounded 
and  only  finally  saved  themselves  by  headlong  flight.  Then  Welling^ 
ton  forced  the  passage  of  the  Pyrenees,  in  October,  and  drove  his  oppo- 
nent from  Bayonne  to  Bordeaux  and  thence  to  Toulouse,  which  the 
British  finally  captured  in  April,  1814,  though  it  cost  them  more  troops 
than  the  French.  Meantime,  Napoleon  had  been  overcome  and 
compelled  to  abdicate  and  the  Peninsular  War  was  over.  Wellington, 
while  he  made  many  mistakes  in  tactics  and  strategy,  deserves  the^ 
utmost  credit  for  realizing  the  significance  of  the  liberation  of^ 
Portugal  and  Spain  as  a  decisive  fa ftor  ™  ^A  Ftri1pjT1p  qg{"ngt 
Napoleon,  and  for  sticking  to  his  work  in  the  teeth  of  all  manner^ 

of  discouragements  and  hardships,  until  VIP  brought  it  to  a  glorious 

conclusionl 

The  Russian  Campaign  (1812).  —  Some  time  before,  Napoleon's 
annexations  and  his  rigid  enforcement  of  the  Continental  System  had 
prepared  the  way  for  a  breach  with  Russia.  In  January,  1811,  the 
Tsar  asserted  himself  by  opening  his  ports  to  neutrals  and  imposing 
a  duty  upon  French  commodities,  whereupon  Napoleon,  for  a  second 
time  disregarding  the  irresistible  power  of  popular  national  hostility, 
took  the  fatal  step.  Invading  Russia,  24  June,  1812,  with  a  great  army 
of  over  300,000  men,  he  marched  to  certain  destruction,  through  a  vast 
barren  country,  teeming  with  a  sullen  hostile  population,  and  driving 


THE   STRUGGLE  AGAINST  NAPOLEON  607 

before  him  an  army  ready  to  turn  and  pounce  upon  him  when  his  forces 
were  sufficiently  exhausted.  On  7  September,  the  bloody  but  inde- 
cisive battle  of  Borodino  cost  the  French  30,000  men  and  the  Russians 
40,000.  Thence  the  Russian  commander  retreated  to  Moscow,  but 
departed  with  all  the  military  stores  and  the  bulk  of  the  inhabitants 
on  the  approach  of  Napoleon.  On  the  i4th,  the  day  the  French  entered 
the  city,  a  destructive  fire  broke  out  which  raged  for  six  days.  Failing 
to  bring  Alexander  to  terms,  Napoleon  was  obliged  to  evacuate  Moscow 
and  retrace  his  steps  with  the  Russians  hanging  on  his  rear.  Worn 
down  by  the  frequent  attacks  of  his  pursuers  and  by  the  hardships  of 
a  terrible  winter,  a  miserable  remnant  of  not  more  than  60,000  from 
the  army  of  invasion  dragged  themselves  out  of  the  country.  The 
Russians  were  too  exhausted  to  deal  a  crushing  blow,  and  the  other 
Powers  did  not  at  once  realize  the  magnitude  of  the  disaster  which 
had  befallen  the  hitherto  victorious  despot. 

The  War  of  Liberation  (1813-1814).  —  Napoleon,  with  unquench- 
able energy  and  resource,  was  able,  by  a  drastic  conscription,  to  gather 
a  new  army  and  resume  the  offensive  in  the  following  year.  But 
Prussia  and  Austria  had  at  length  roused  themselves  and  combined 
forces  with  Russia.  Although  Great  Britain  sent  no  troops  to  Ger- 
many, where  the  conflict  centered T  she  sent  subsidies,  which  was  alj 
and  more  than  could  be  expected  of  her,  since  she  was  bearing  the^ 
burden  of  the  Peninsular  campaign  and  had  a  war  with  the  United 
States  as  well.,.  The  Russians  opened  the  memorable  campaign  of 
1813  by  resuming  their  pursuit  of  the  retreating  French  through  north- 
ern Germany!!  Frederick  William,  in  spite  of  an  alliance  which  he 
had  been  forced  to  conclude  with  Napoleon  on  the  eve  of  the  Russian 
invasion,  had  issued  stirring  appeals  to  his  people  to  join  the  War  of 
Liberation,  and  declared  war  against  France,  17  March,  1813.  Napo- 
leon's plan  was  to  crush  Russia  and  Prussia,  and  then  to  concentrate 
ins"  whole  strength  on  Austria^  who  clung  for  a  lime  to  a  policy  of  medi- 
ation ;  but  his  plan  came  to  naught.  Austria  declared  war,  12  August, 
and  in  the  "Battle  of  the  Nations  "  at  Leipzig,  17,  18, 19  October,  he 
received  a  crushing  defeat.  In  those  three  bloody  days  Prussia  showed 
the  fruits  of  a  wonderful  administrative  and  military  reorganization 
which  her  patriotic  statesmen  and  generals  had  been  slowly  perfecting 
during  the  recent  years  of  her  humiliation,  and  her  Landwehr  or  na- 
tional levy,  aided  by  Russian  and  Austrian  allies,  gloriously  revenged 
the  past.  National  risings  against  the  French  domination  spread 
throughout  Europe.  Napoleon's  troops  were  forced  to  abandon  every- 
thing beyond  the  Rhine,  the  Alps  and  the  Pyrenees. and  to  take  refuge 
behind  their  own  borders.  The  Allies  moved  on  France  with  three 


608      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

great  armies,  and,  31  March,  occupied  Paris  and  proclaimed  the  resto- 
ration of  the  Bourbon  line  in  the  person  of  Louis  XVIII.1  Napoleon^, 
after  ajyain  attempt  to  recover  the  capital,  was  forced  to  consent  to_ar^ 
unconditional  ahdi^ti'rtr^  XI  April,  1814.  The  Allies,  however,  al- 
lowed him  the  island  of  Elba  as  an  independent  principaiit^jghere 
he  arrived  4.  May. 

The  War  of  1812  with  the  United  States :  Its  Causes.  — Great  Brit- 
ain was  now  free  to  devote  her  energies  to  the  war  with  the  United 
States  which  had  broken  out  nearly  two  years  before,  as  a  direct  result 
of  the  Continental  System.  During  the  first  years  of  the  French  War 
the  United  States  drove  a  thriving  neutral  trade,  but  all  was  changed 
when  Napoleon  and  the  British  Government  by  Imperial  Decrees  and 
Orders  in  Council  proclaimed  a  state  of  blockade,  and,  particularly, 
when  the  two  contending  Powers,  in  order  to  force  the  United  States 
into  an  alliance,  began  to  seize  her  ships  accused  of  trading  with  the 
prohibited  ports.  £resident_  Jeff erson  and  the  Republican  party 
sought  to  avoid  war,  but  the~~^ederalists,  hoping  to  secure  greater 
commercial  privileges  from  the  mistress  of  the  seas,  favored  Great 
Britain.  The  British,  however,  aroused  increasing  animosity  by  the 
rigid  exercise  of  the  right  which  they  claimed  of  searching  American 
vessels  and  impressing  such  of  the  crews  as  were  British  born,2  the 
friction  being  accentuated  by  the  British  contention  that  the  Americans 
encouraged  desertion  by  offers  of  higher  pay.  Following  a  temporary 
measure,  in  1806,  forbidding  the  import  of  a  number  of  British  com- 
modities, Jefferson,  in  1807,  caused  an  Embargo  Act  to  be  passed  pro- 
hibiting all  trade  with  European  countries.  Owing  to  the  fact  that 
this  restriction  hurt  the  Americans  as  much  as  those  against  whom  it 
was  aimed,  a  Non-intercourse  Act  was  substituted,  i  March,  1809, 
which  applied  only  to  Great  Britain,  France,  and  their  dependencies. 
It  expired  in  May,  1810,  with  the  provision  that  if  either  Power  re- 
pealed its  Orders  or  Decrees  it  might  be  revived  against  the  other. 
Madison,  who  became  President  in  1809,  having  been  led  to  believe 
that  Napoleon  had  canceled  his  Decrees,  revived  the  Non-intercourse 
Act  against  Great  Britain  in  February,  1811.  Directly  the  Liverpool 

1  He  was  a  younger  brother  of  Louis  XVI,  whose  son,  nominally  Louis  XVII, 
died  a  prisoner  of  the  Revolutionary  Government,  8  June,  1795.     There  is  ap- 
parently little  doubt  that  the  little  Dauphin  died,  though  many  pretenders  appeared 
later  to  impersonate  him. 

2  According  to  the  British  law  no  subject  could  forsake  his  allegiance  without 
the  consent  of  the  Government,  while,  according  to  the  United  States,  any  foreigner 
could  become  an  American  citizen  after  residing  in  the  country  for  a  specified  term 
of  years,  and  fulfilling  certain  legal   requirements.     The   British    did   not   alter 
their  law  till  1870. 


THE   STRUGGLE  AGAINST  NAPOLEON  609 

Ministry  took  office,  it  withdrew  the  Orders  in  Council;  but  it  was 
too  late,  for  the  United  States  declared  war,  18  June,  1812.     • 

The  Course  of  the  War  (1812-1814).  The  Treaty  of  Ghent  (24 
December,  1814).— Neither  side  was  in  a  position  to  be  very  effective. 
While  Great  Britain  was  involved  in  the  Peninsular  War,  the  United 
States  was  ill-prepared  with  money,  supplies,  and  troops.  It  was  a 
great  disappointment  to  the  Americans  that  the  Canadians  remained 
loyal ;  the  Indians,  too,  were  on  the  British  side,  and  the  campaigns  on 
the  Canadian  border  proved  generally  ineffective.  The  failures  in 
that  direction,  however,  were  redeemed  by  a  series  of  brilliant  vic- 
tories at  sea.  Contrary  to  the  prevailing  traditions  of  the  past  two 
centuries,  the  fighting  consisted  of  engagements  between  individual 
ships  instead  of  fleets.  The  American  ships,  though  fewer  in  number, 
were  superior  in  every  way  to  those  of  the  enemy ;  they  were  larger 
and  better  built ;  they  carried  more  and  heavier  guns ;  their  crews 
were  bigger;  they  included  a  greater  proportion  of  able  seamen  and 
more  accurate  marksmen.  While  defeats  in  single  engagements  were 
far  less  disastrous  than  those  in  which  whole  squadrons  were  in- 
volved, they  had  the  effect  of  seriously  lowering  the  maritime  prestige 
which  the  British  had  so  long  enjoyed.  The  success  of  Commodore 
Perry  on  Lake  Erie,  in  1813,  was  another  asset  for  the  Americans, 
though,  as  the  war  progressed,  they  gained  fewer  victories  at  sea. 
Profiting  by  experience,  the  British  avoided  ships  likely  to  outclass 
them  and  improved  their  gunnery.  Moreover,  they  maintained  a 
more  effective  blockade  in  American  waters,  in  consequence  of  which 
the  Americans,  while  the  more  destructive  of  commerce,  suffered  severely 
from  the  cutting  off  of  their  own  trade.  After  the  overthrow  of  Na- 
poleon, 14,000  British  regulars  were  sent  over ;  but  owing  to  ineffec- 
tive generalship,  they  accomplished  far  less  than -had  been  expected. 
One  force,  however,  succeeded  in  capturing  Washington,  and  during 
an  occupation  of  less  than  a  week  they  burned  all  the  public  buildings, 
a  regrettable  action  that  has  been  defended  on  the  ground  that  the 
Americans  had  set  the  example  in  two  small  towns  on  the  Canadian 
border.  Toward  the  close  of  the  year,  another  army  of  Peninsular 
veterans  was  dispatched  across  the  Atlantic,  which  was  defeated  at 
New  Orleans  by  General  Andrew  Jackson,  8  January,  1815.  It  was 
a  needless  sacrifice  of  life ;  for  peace  had  already  been  signed  at  Ghent, 
24  December.  The  Tjreaty  provided  for  a  mutual  restoration  pf  con- 
quests and  for  the  appointrnentj)f  commi^onerrtrTspftTp  outstanding 
differences,  notebTy_thja§elEeiaiing  la  boundaries^  Strangely  enough, 
nre~f§sues  which  led  to  the  conflict  were  not  mentioned :  the  Orders 
in  Council  had  been  withdrawn  before  the  opening  of  hostilities,  and 


6  10     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

with  the  fall  of  Napoleon  the  encroachments  on  neutral  trade  ceased. 
Yet,  as  a  result  of  this  otherwise  futile  war,  Great  Britain  tacitly 
dropped  her  claim  to  right  of  search. 

The  First  Treaty  of  Paris  (30  May,  1814),  and  the  Opening  of  the 
Congress  of  Vienna.  —  By  a  treaty,  signed  at  Paris^o  May,  1814, 
between  the  new  French  Monarch  and  the  four  allied  Powers  of  Great 
Britain,  Russia^  Austria  and  Prussiat  the  boundaries'  of  France  were 
reduced  to  thosfi  of  1702  and  the  independence  of 


jugated  by  JNapoleon  was  recognized.  In  order  to  readjust  the  ciis- 
turbed  European  situation  and  to~ma£e  the  necessary  arrangements 
for  carrying  out  the  terms  of  the  Treaty,  a  Congre  ss 


to  meet  at  Vienna,,  which  assembled  in  September  and  continued  till 
June  1815.  Castlereagh  represented  Great  Britain  till  February, 
when  Wellington  came  to  take  his  place.  The  Duke,1  however,  was 
soon  called  away  by  the  startling  news  that  Napoleon  had  escaped 
from  Elba  and  had  landed  at 


The  Return  of  Napoleon  from  Elba  (i  March,  1815).  —  Although 
Napolejon's  return  had  not  been  wholly  unexpected,  no  proper  precau- 
tions had  been  taken  to  meet  it.  He  came  with  only  four  hundred  of 
his  guards,  but  thousands  flocked  to  join  him  as  he  passed  through 
France  The  bulk  of  the  soldiers  and  the  lower  classes  had  been  sorely 
disappointed  by  the  reactionary  measures  of  the  Bourbons,  who,  it 
is  said,  had  learned  nothing  and  forgotten  nothing.  Many,  too,  were 
drawn  to  his  side  by  the  sole  magnetism  of  his  presence,  and,  20 
March,  he  was  once  more  in  possession  of  Paris^  The  brief  period  of 
his  supremacy  is  known  as  the  "  Hundred  Days.."  United  by  pressing 
danger  the  Powers,  who  had  been  wrangling  at  Vienna,  acted  with 
energy,  and  with  all  possible  speed  the  allied  troops  were  massed  on  the 
frontier  from  the  Low  Countries  to  the  Upper  Rhine.  To  Wellington 
was  assigned  the  command  of  the  British,  Hanoverian  and  Netherland 
contingents,  amounting  altogether  to  about  80,000  men,  while  the 
forces  on  the  lower  Rhine,  numbering  not  far  from  120,000,  were  placed 
under  the  Prussian  Marshal  Bliicher.  Wellington  took  up  his  head- 
quarters at  Brussels,  while  Bliicher  posted  his  main  force  at  Namur 
with  a  line  of  defense  stretching  westward  almost  to  the  town  of  Ligny. 
Napoleon,  whose  total  force  amounted  to  125,000  men,  including  20,000 
of  the  Imperial  Guard,  started  from  Paris,  7  June,  planning  to  make  a 
rapid  dash  into  the  Netherlands,  to  push  between  two  forces  opposed 
to  him,  to  crush  Bliicher,  and  then  to  fall  upon  Wellington  before  re- 
enforcements  could  reach  him.  Partly  through  his  own  fault,  but  more 
especially  owing  to  the  mistakes  of  his  Marshals,  his  plan  miscarried. 

1  Wellington  had  been  created  a  duke  at  the  close  of  the  Peninsular  war. 


THE  STRUGGLE  AGAINST  NAPOLEON  6ll 

The  Waterloo  Campaign,  Ligny  and  Quatre  Bras  (16  June,  1815). — 
The  Waterloo  campaign,  extending  from  16  to  18  Tune  inclusive,  con- 
sisted of  the  double  battle  of  Ligny  and  Quatre  Bras,  fought  on  the  i6th, 
of  the  main  battle  of  Waterloo  and  a  skirmish  at  Wavre  on  the  i8th. 
Wellington,  who  had  expected  Napoleon  to  advance  on  Brussels,  re- 
mained there  until  well  into  the  night  of  the  i5th  with  the  bulk  of  his 
army.  He  had  a  smaller  force  at  Quatre  Bras,  sixteen  miles  to  the 
south.  At  half-past  two  on  the  afternoon  of  the  i6th,  Napoleon  at- 
tacked Bliicher,  who  had  advanced  the  main  body  of  his  army  to  meet 
him  at  Ligny,  situated  six  miles  to  the  southeast  of  Quatre  Bras.  In 
a  hot  fight,  which  raged  till  evening,  the  Prussians  were  overwhelmed, 
but  retreated  in  good  order  to  Wavre  some  miles  northward.  On  the 
same  day,  Marshal  Ney  was  engaged  in  a  furious  battle  with  the  Allies 
at  Quatre  Bras._  He  made  two  mistakes^  which  had  an  important 
effect  on  the  ultimate  issue.  For  one  thing,  disregarding  Napoleon's 
orders  to  stand  merely  on  the  defensive,,  he  failed  to  furnish  a  contin^. 
gent  on  which  Napoleon  counted  to  block  Blucher's  retreat  from  Lignv^ 
a  manoeuvre  that  would  have  prevented  the  Prussians  from  reen- 
forcing  Wellington  at  Waterloo  on  the  i8th.  Nev's  other  mistake* 
was  jn  delaying  his  attack  until  Wellington  had  time  to  rinrry  ciif- 
ficient  troops  from  Brussels  to  repulse  him.  With  all  day  before 
him  —  for  the  British  reinforcements  did  not  arrive  till  the  evening 
of  the  1 6th  —  he  lost  a  golden  opportunity  of  destroying  the  Prince 
of  Orange's  inferior  force  of  Dutch  and  Belgians.  Wellington, 
who,  after  his  repulse  of  Ney,  learned  of  the  Prussian  retreat 
from  Ligny,  drew  off  his  own  troops  towards  Brussels.  Then 
Napoleon  himself  was  responsible  for  two  costly  blunders.  He 
sHould  have  hastened  on  the  i?th  to  join  Ney  and  overwhelm  Welling- 
ton before  Bliicher  could  recover  sufficiently  to  come  to  the  assistance 
of  the  British  commander.  Not  only  did  he  fail  to  do  so,  but  he  also 
allowed  himself  to  be  deceived  as  to  Bh'ichpr'c;  linp  of  n>trmt^  Cal- 
culating that  he  would  retire  to  his  base  of  supplies  at  Namur  he  sent 
Marshal  Grouchy  eastward,  while  the  Prussians  were  hurrying  straight 
north.  With  the  comfortable  but  erroneous  hope  that  he  had  check- 
mated Blucher,  Napoleon  rested  a  whole  day  before  attacking  Welling- 
ton, who  had  taken  a  position  just  to  the  south  of  Waterloo. 

The  Battle  of  Waterloo  (18  June,  1815).  —  Having  detached  a  force 
of  17,000  to  guard  the  approach  to  Brussels,  Wellington  was  left  with 
only  67,000,  of  whom  less  than  24,000  were  British,  to  face  71,000 
Frenchmen,  most  of  them  veterans  of  the  Grand  Army.  His  opponents 
were  superior  in  cavalry  and  artillery  as  well,  though  their  advantages 
were  offset  by  the  fact  that  they  were  scantily  supplied  with  food. 


6l2      SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Nevertheless,  in  the  battle  which  Napoleon  opened  on  the  morning  of 
18  June,  the  British  troops  with  magnificent  steadfastness  withstood 
the  furious  onslaughts  of  the  French,  even  a  final  heroic  charge  of  the 
Imperial  Guard,  until  Bliicher  arrived  to  turn  the  scale..  Grouchy, 
who  finally  discovered  the  real  line  of  retreat  of  the  Prussians, 
had  reached  Wavre  too  late  to  intercept  any  but  a  remnant.  Aided 
by  Blucher's  reinforcements,  the  Allies,  charging  against  the  brokeri 
columns  of  the  French^,  drove  them  from  the  field.  _  The  retreat  be- 
came a  rout,  but  the  troops  who  had  borne  the  heat  and  burden  of  the 
day  left  the  pursuit  to  the  Prussians,  who  never  stopped  until  they  had 
chased  the  fleeing  Frenchmen  across  the  Sambre.  With  all  Europe 
arming  against  him,  the  ultimate  triumph  of  Napoleon  would  doubtless 
have  been  impossible  even  had  he  won  at  Waterloo ;  but  he  might  have 
prolonged  the  contest  for  some  time  longer.  His  defeat  rendered  im- 
mediate overthrow  certain  and  was  followed  by  forty  years  of  peace. 
He  abdicated  for  a  second  time,  22  June,  while,  in  July,  the  Allies 
once  more  occupied  Paris.  Napoleon,  after  a  vain  effort  to  escape, 
surrendered  on  board  the  British  ship  Bellerophon^  In  agreement 
with  the  other  Allied  Powers  the  British  Government  sent  him  to  the^ 
island  of  St.  Helena,  where  he  remained  a  prisoner  till  his  death  in 
i82iM 

The  British  and  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  The  Quadruple  Alliance 
(20  November,  1815). — The  work  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna  in  settling 
the  general  European  situation  was  completed  in  June,  though  the 
boundaries  of  France  were  not  definitely  defined  till  the  second  Treaty 
of  Paris,  20  November  I8I5.1  Great  Britain's  territorial  gains,  though 
they  excited  the  contempt  of  Napoleon,  were  considerable.  They 
included  Malta,  Ceylon,  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Mauritius,  Trinidad, 
St.  Lucia,  Tobago,  Heligoland,  and  the  protectorate  of  the  Ionian 
Islands.  The  Tsar  got  Austria  and  Prussia  to  sign,  26  September,  a 
so-called  Holy  Alliance,  which  was  a  fantastic  scheme  for  uniting  all 
European  rulers  in  bonds  of  Christian  brotherhood  and  pledging  them 
to  mutual  service  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace.  All  the  Continen- 
tal rulers,  except  the  Pope  and  the  Sultan,  either  joined  or  gave  their 
approval  to  this  "  sonorous  nothing,"  as  Metternich,  the  Austrian 
Minister,  described  it.  Since  the  leading  British  statesmen  either 
had  no  sympathy  with  it 2  or  positively  distrusted  it,  Great  Britain 
refused  to  become  a  party.  It  has  sometimes  been  held  responsible 

1  Reduced  by  the  treaty  of  1814  to  the  boundaries  of  1792,  they  were  now  still 
further  reduced  to  those  of  1790.     France  was  also  forced  to  pay  the  Allies  an 
indemnity  of  700,000,000  francs. 

2  Castlereagh  pronounced  it  a  "  piece  of  sublime  mysticism  and  nonsense." 


THE  STRUGGLE  AGAINST  NAPOLEON  613 

for  the  policy  of  repression  which,  under  the  guidance  of  Metternich, 
stifled  all  attempts  at  liberalism  and  nationalism  in  Europe  for  a 
number  of  years  to  come.  That  policy,  however,  was  really  due  to 
the  Quadruple  Alliance,  signed  by  Great  Britain,  Russia,  Austria  and 
Prussia,  20  November,  1815,  by  which  they  pledged  themselves  to' 
intervene,  in  case  of  another  revolution  or  usurpation  which  might 
threaten  the  tranquillity  of  any  of  the  States.  They  also  arranged  for 
frequent  Congresses  which  should  consider  s.uch  measures  as  might 
be  necessary  "  for  the  maintenance  of  the  peace  of  Europe." 

ADDITIONAL    READING    FOR    CHAPTERS   XLV,    XLVI,  XLVII 

Narrative.  Hunt,  Political  History,  chs.  XIV-XX,  and  Brodrick  and 
Fotheringham,  Political  History  of  England,  1801-1837  (1906).  Robertson, 
England  under  the  Hanoverians.  Sir  H.  Maxwell,  A  Century  of  Empire 
(vol.  1, 1909),  a  conservative  history  of  the  nineteenth  century;  vol.  I  covers 
the  period  1801-1822.  Cambridge  Modern  History,  VI.  Lecky,  Eighteenth 
Century,  V,  to  1793.  Bright,  History  of  England,  III.  J.  H.  Rose,  William 
Pitt  and  the  National  Revival  (1911)  and  William  Pitt  and  the  Great  War 
(1911),  the  standard  work  on  the  younger  Pitt  and  a  notable  contribution 
to  the  general  history  of  the  period;  very  favorable  to  Pitt.  For  further 
authorities  dealing  with  the  years  1784-1815,  see  Hunt,  459-469 ;  Brodrick 
and  Fotheringham,  443-450;  Robertson,  517-532,  and  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  VI,  902-912,  and  VIII,  791  ff.,  dealing  with  the  French  Revolution 
in  general,  and  IX,  773  ff.,  dealing  primarily  with  the  Napoleonic  Wars. 

India.  Bright,  III,  1113-1134,  contains  a  good  survey  of  India  from 
1600  to  1784,  see  also  Seeley's  Expansion  of  England,  pt.  II.  A.  D.  Innes, 
A  Short  History  of  the  British  in  India  (1902).  A.  C.  Lyall,  The  Rise  and 
Expansion  of  the  British  Dominion  in  India  (sth  ed.,  1910).  The  best 
apology  for  Warren  Hastings  is  to  be  found  in  G.  W.  Hastings,  Vindication 
of  Warren  Hastings  (1909)  and  should  be  contrasted  with  Macaulay's  famous 
essays  on  Hastings.  For  further  references  in  India,  see  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  VT,  925-932;  Robertson,  523,  530;  Hunt,  468;  Brodrick  and 
Fotheringham,  449.  See  also  chs.  LVII  and  LX  below. 

Ireland.  O'Connor  Morris,  Ireland,  1494-1905  (26.  ed.,  R.  Dunlop, 
1909).  Lecky,  Ireland,  in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  I-V.  Froude,  The  English 
in  Ireland.  T.  D.  Ingram,  Critical  Examination  of  Irish  History  (2  vols., 
1900)  and  History  of  the  Irish  Union  (1887)  an  attempt  to  justify  the  English 
methods.  For  further  references  see  Cambridge  Modern  History,  VI  (913- 
924),  VIII  (878-882);  Hunt,  468,  Robertson,  521-22.  See  Turner  and 
Joyce  already  cited. 

French  Revolution.  Lecky,  VI.  J.  H.  Rose,  The  Revolutionary  and 
Napoleonic  Era  (1901).  H.  M.  Stephens,  European  History,  1789-1815 
(1900).  L.  H.  Holt  and  A.  W.  Chilton,  A  Brief  History  of  Europe,  1789- 
1815  (1919).  For  further  references  see  Cambridge  Modern  History,  VIII, 


614     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

791  ff.,  especially  791-793.  For  the  Napoleonic  Era,  J.  H.  Rose,  Napoleon 
(2  vols.,  1902,  i  vol.  ed.,  1907).  Lanfrey,  History  of  Napoleon  I.  (Eng.  tr. 
4  vols.,  1871-79)  incomplete,  very  hostile  to  Napoleon.  For  further  refer- 
ences see  Cambridge  Modern  History,  IX,  773  ff.,  especially  773-786. 

Military  and  Naval.  Fortescue,  British  Army,  III- VIII,  to  1812.  Sir 
W.  Napier,  History  of  the  War  in  the  Peninsula  (6  vols.,  1834-1840).  C. 
Oman,  History  of  the  Peninsular  War  (vols.  I-IV  to  1811,  1902-1911)  and 
Wellington's  Army,  1809-1814  (1913).  J.  C.  Ropes,  The  Campaign  o'f 
Waterloo  (1892-3).  Marian,  Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  the  French  Revolu- 
tion (2  vols.,  1893) ;  Life  of  Nelson  (2  vols.,  1897) ;  and  Sea  Power  in  its 
Relation  to  the  War  of  1812  (2  vols.,  1905). 

Biographies  and  Special  Works.  G.  Pellew,  Life  and  Correspondence 
of  Lord  Sidmouth  (Addington)  (3  vols.,  1847).  Rosebery,  William  Pitt 
(1891).  W.  Sichel,  Sheridan  (2  vols.,  1909).  R.  and  S.  Wilberforce,  Life 
of  William  Wilberforce  (5  vols.,  1839).  A.  G.  Stapleton,  The  Political  Life 
of  George  Canning  (3  vols.,  1831);  George  Canning  and  His  Friends  (ed. 
J.  F.  Bagot,  2  vols.,  1909) ;  good  short  Lives  are  those  by  H.  W.  V.  Temperly 
(1905)  and  J.  A.  R.  Marriott  (1903).  Sir  H.  Maxwell,  The  Life  of  Welling- 
ton (2  vols.,  1899).  W.  T.  Laprade,  England  and  the  French  Revolution 
(1909).  W.  T.  Hall,  British  Radicalism,  1797-1797  (1912).  P.  A.  Brown, 
The  Influence  of  the  French  Revolution  in  English  History  (1918).  Fortescue, 
British  Statesmen  of  the  Great  War,  1793-1814  (1911)  marked  by  strong 
prejudices. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  256-259.  Robert- 
son, Select  Statutes,  pt.  I,  nos.  XXXVIII-XLIII ;  pt.  II,  XXII-XXIV. 


CHAPTER  XLVIII      . 

FROM  THE  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  THE  EVE  OF  THE 
GREAT  REFORM  BILL.  THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  HI  AND 
THE  REIGN  OF  GEORGE  IV  (1815-1830) 

The  Period  from  1815  to  1830.  — The  close  of  the  War  was  hailed  in 
England  with  general  rejoicing.  The  dominant  Tory  party  nourished 
the  comfortable  assurance  that  their  aristocratic  privileges,  which  the 
French  had  threatened  to  subvert,  were  now  secure.  With  the  cessa- 
tion of  the  drain  of  heavy  war  taxes  and  the  end  of  the  vexatious 
Continental  System,  the  masses  hoped  for  a  return  of  prosperity  and 
contentment.  Instead,  the"  peace,  which  only  the  farmers  had 
dreaded,  was  marked,  during  its  first  few  years,  by  discontent,  agita- 
tion, violence  and  repression.  Happily  this  grievous  state  of  affairs 
did  not  last  very  long;  for  economic  conditions  began  to  improve, 
manifestations  of  popular  unrest  ceased  for  a  time,  and  far-reaching 
reforms  were  undertaken  which  profoundly  changed  the  industrial, 
social,  religious,  and  political  system.  The  Industrial  Revolution, 
beginning  in  the  previous  century,  had  produced  a  great  body  of 
wealthy  merchants,  manufacturers  and  traders  who  were  bound  to 
demand  an  increasing  share  in  the  control  of  public  affairs.  Moreover, 
the  principle  of  equality  promulgated  by  the  French  Revolution  acted 
as  an  inevitable  stimulus,  so  soon  as  the  danger  from  France  had  been 
overcome  and  the  unrest  in  England  had  been  quieted.  Yet,  while 
the  humbler  folk  gained  something  by  these  changes,  they  represented 
in  a  large  degree  a  triumph  of  the  middle  classes. 

The  Political  Situation  at  the  Close  of  the  War.  —  T.m-H  T,ivprpQQlT 
Premier  from  1812  until  1827,  was  only  nominal  head  of  the  Govern^ 
ment,  occupied  chiefly  in  trying  to  induce  his  Ministers  to  work  in. 
Harmony? The  real  directors  of  the  Cabinet  policy,  during  the  half 
dozen  years  following  the  close  of  the  Great  War,  were  Viscount  Castle: 
reagh,  Foreign  Secretary  and  Leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
Lord  Chancellor  Kldon,  whose  regime  was  marked  by  iegislaTTvF 
stagnation  and  the  repression  ot  all  popular  demands.  The  Whig 
' 


616     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Opposition  was  torn  by  internal  divisions  between  conservatives  and 
the  Radicals  *  and  discredited  by  the  hot  zeal  of  the  latter.  Never- 
theless, divided  and  discountenanced  as  they  were,  they  manfully 
raised  their  voice  against  the  dominant  oligarchy  and  cried  for 
"  peace,  retrenchment  and  reform."  They  accused  the  Government 
of  designing  to  maintain  an  expensive  establishment  in  order  to  aid 
Continental  Sovereigns  in  the  suppression  of  popular  rights,  and  of 
reckless  extravagance  in  other  respects.  The  first  charge  was,  to  some 
degree,  justified  by  the  aims  of  the  Quadruple  Alliance  to  which  Great 
Britain  was  a  party ;  the  second  was  even  more  well  founded.  The 
War  had  fostered  a  spirit  of  wastefulness  which  the  example  of  the 
Regent,  who  regarded  himself  as  the  "  first  gentleman  in  Europe," 
further  encouraged.  The  public  debt  had  climbed  to  over  £860,000,- 
ooo,  bearing  an  annual  interest  of  more  than  £32,000,000,  while  George 
every  year  spent  more  than  twice  the  sum  allotted  to  him  in  the  Civil 
List. 

Industrial  Depression  and  Distress  among  the  People.  —  The 
thriftlessriess  of  the  Government  and  the  upper  classes  was  all  the 
more  indefensible  since,  in  place  of  the  expected  prosperity,  the 
country  had  to  face  a  period  of  acute  distress.  ^During  the  Waj 
British  manufactures  and  commerce  had  thriven,  owing  to  the  success- 
ful_evasion  of  trade  restrictions,  to  the  effective  protection  rendered^ 
by  the  .British  navy^and  to  the  enormous^  demand  for  clothes,  food, 
and  munitions  of  war  to  support  the  armies  and  the  fleets.  The 
pressure'  of  military  necessity  and  the  dangers  involved  in  the  traffic 
had  forced  prices  up  to  dizzy  heights.  With  the  advent  of  peace, 
inflated  prices  dropped  to  their  normal  level.  /^Continental  countries, 
so  long  devastated  by  war,  bought  as  little  as  possible  and  sought  tp^ 
buildup  their  own  shattered  industries.  Moreover,  the  reduction 
of  the^army  and  navy  to  a  peace  footing  flooded  the  country  with  men^ 
seeking  employment.  Owing  to  the  increasing  use  of  labor-saving 
machinery  there  was  little  or  no  opportunity  in  the  industries.-  while 
a  bad  harvest  in  7X16  threw  numbers  of  agricultural  laborers  out  pf 
work?L  Widespread  distress  led  to  alarming  outbursts  of  violence  — 
to  rick-burning  and  machine-breaking,  while  the  authorities,  who 
attributed  all  this  to  revolutionary  spirit  rather  than  to  misery, 
resorted  to  coercive  legislation  and  repression  instead  of  seeking 
remedies  to  alleviate  the  causes  of  discontent.  The  only  excuse  for 
their  attitude  was  the  fact  that  political  agitators  were  busy  inflaming 
the  mob  in  addresses  and  pamphlets.  Radicals  were  of  all  grades : 
some  were  "  visionary  and  sincere,"  some  were  "  unprincipled  and 

1  This  group  got  its  name  from  its  advocacy  of  "  radical  reform." 


FROM  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  GREAT  REFORM  BILL    617 

self-seeking,"  some  were  socialists,  others  looked  merely  toward  politi- 
cal reform.  The  man  who  exercised  perhaps  the  greatest  influence  was 
William  Cobbett,  through  the  medium  of  his  Weekly  Political  Register, 
and  he,  even  though  some  of  his  demands  were  wildly  extreme,  was 
not  in  favor  of  violence  at  all.  Yet  hide-bound  Tory  Ministers  lumped 
the  Radicals,  violent  and  peaceful,  frenzied  and  sensible,  without 
discrimination,  as  revolutionists.  Many,  even  of  the  Whigs,  sought  to 
clear  their  skirts  of  contamination  by  violent  denunciation  of  those 
who  held  more  advanced  views  than  themselves.  Pitt  had  at  least 
this  justification  for  repression,  that  he  had  to  deal  with  revolutionary 
agitators  looking  for  aid  to  the  men  and  arms  of  France.  Now  there 
was  no  such  danger :  "  not  Jacobin  theories,  but  economic  and  social 
facts  were  the  real  causes  of  the  disturbances  "  which  filled  the  winter 
of  1816-1817. 

The  Disturbances  of  1816-1817.  The  Repressive  Policy  of  the  Gov- 
ernment.—  Plans  were  made  for  a  great  demonstration,  2  December, 
1816,  but  the  mob,  after  doing  some  damage  and  causing  some  blood- 
shed, was  easily  dispersed.  In  February,  1817.  the  Regent's  carriage 
was  attacked  on  his  return  from  the  opening  of  Parliament  Fearing 
that  a  design  existed  to  subvert  existing  institutions  and  to  distribute 
or  destroy  all  private  property,  the  Government,  thereupon,  launched, 
a  series  of  repressive  measures.^  A  new  Seditious  Meetings  Bill  was 
passed;1  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  was  a^ain  suspended,2  and  the 
local  magistrates  were  ordered  to  seize  all  persons  charged  with  pub- 
lishing or  writing  seditious  or  blasphemous  literature^  The  most 
serious  manifestation  of  discontent  was  the  "  Derbyshire  Insurrection," 
in  which  armed  rioters,  forcing  the  more  peacefully  inclined  to  join 
their  ranks,  terrorized  the  neighborhood.  The  magnitude  and  danger 
of  this  and  other  outbreaks  was  greatly  exaggerated  by  a  Govern- 
ment agent,  known  as  "  Oliver  the  Spy."  Doubtless,  too,  he  helped 
to  stir  up  risings  for  his  own  purposes,  though  it  is  not  true,  as  some 
believed  at  the  time,  that  the  Government  encouraged  him  in  this 
sort  of  thing;  nevertheless,  the  authorities  were  all  too  ready  to  see 
evidences  of  organized  conspiracy  in  isolated  outbreaks.  Moreover, 
they  went  altogether  too  far,  in  most  instances,  in  charging  the  accused 
with  treason.  The  juries  were  with  the  people,  so  that,  except  in 
the  case  of  Derbyshire  rioters,  three  of  whom  were  sentenced  to  death 
and  several  to  transportation,  no  convictions  were  secured.  While 
this  tended  to  bring  the  authorities  into  contempt,  the  manifestations 

1  The  measure  of  1795  had  been  limited  in  duration. 

'-  The  suspension  lasted  till  1818.     Since  that  date  the  suspension  has  never  been 
repeated  in  England. 


618     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

of  1816—1817  proved  very  disastrous  to  the  Whig  party.  Those 
who  sided  with  the  repressive  policy  lost  their  influence  with  the 
masses,  while  those  who  showed  popular  sympathy  were  shunned  by 
moderate  men  as  dangerous  radicals. 

The  "  Peterloo,"  or  Manchester  Massacre  (1819).  —  Owing  to  a 
temporary  return  of  better  times  comparative  quiet  prevailed  in  1818  [ 
but,  in  1813,  another  bad  harvest,  together  with  renewed  industrial 
depression,  brought  iresh  trouble.  The  agitation  for  parliamentary 
reform  reached  a  fever  heat.^  In  Manchester,  which  did  not  enjoy 
theprivilege  of  sending  regular  members  to  Parliament,  an  enormous 
meeting^  was  planned  for  16  AugustTo  choose  a  "  legislative^  repre- 
sentative.^ Although  the  magistrate  declined  to  authorize  the^ro- 
posed  meeting,  ,go,ooo  people  assembled  in  St.  Peter's  Fields  bearing 
banners  with :  "  Equal  representation  or  death."  and  similar  inscrip- 
tions. In  an  attempt  to  arrest  the  speaker  who  was  to  address^  the 
meeting,  the  magistrates,  losing  their  heads,  ordered  the  mounted 
soldiery  to  charge  the  crowd.  As  a  result,  five  or  six  were  killed  and 
about  fifty  wounded.  Rumor,  however,  greatly  exaggerated  the 
number,  and  popular  sentiment  was  bitter.  The  affair  is  known  to 
history  as  the  "Manchester  "  or  "  Peterloo  Massacre."  Parliament, 
directly  it  met,  passed  a  series  of  measures,  known  as  the  "  Six  Acts," 
reviving  and  extending  the  temporary  legislation  of  1817.  The  first 
two,  empowering  the  magistrates  to  seize  arms  and  to  prevent  military 
training  for  unlawful  purposes,  as  well  as  the  third,  designed  to  secure 
speedy  trials,  were  justifiable.  The  fourth,  providing  for  the  punish- 
ment of  publishers  of  seditious  libels  and  the  seizure  of  their  works, 
was  not  long  enforced  and  was  repealed  in  1830*  The  fifth,  aimed  at 
publications  like  Cobbett's  "  two-penny  trash,"  1  imposed  a  stamp 
duty  on  small  pamphlets.2  The  sixth  act  was  the  most  burdensome  of 
all.  Prohibiting  meetings  in  corporate  towns  and  counties  unless 
summoned  by  the  Mayor  and  the  Lord  Lieutenant  respectively,  it  fell 
with  peculiar  heaviness  on  towns  like  Manchester,  which ,  since  they 
were  unrepresented  in  Parliament,  were  thus  practically  deprived 
of  their  only  means  of  voicing  their  grievances.  Happily  the  duration 
of  the  Acts  was  limited  to  five  years.  Once  more,  economic  conditions 
improved,  and  there  was  little  manifestation  of  popular  discontent  for 
some  time  to  come. 

The  End  of  the  Regency  (1820).  The  Accession  and  Character  of 
George  IV.  —  George  III  died,  29  January,  1820,  after  lingering  on 
for  a  decade  as  a  blind  and  imbecile  wreck.  George  IV,  as  his  suc- 

1  His  Political  Register,  which  sold  for  2d. 

2  A  similar  tax  on  newspapers  had  been  in  force  since  Queen  Anne's  time. 


FROM  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  GREAT  REFORM  BILL    619 


cessor  now  came  to  be  called,  had  reached  hisjifty-frighth  year.  His 
manners,  when  he  chose,  were  gracious  and  winning;  but  he  nevej: 
acquired  any  stability  of  character,  he  never  shook  off  those  vices 
for  whjchjie^was  so  notorious  in  his  youth.,  Moreover,  his  word  coulo^ 

lieveFbVlLrusted  ;  he  was  mean  and  treacherous  to  his"  father,  to  hi<T 
wife,to  bis  daughter,  and  to  his  subjects*.  More  wicked  Kings  have 
reigned  over  England,  but  none  who  was  more  contemptiblex  One 
service  only  the  country  owes  him  ;  just  because  he  was  so  despicable, 

FThe  growth  of  the  personal  power  of  the  Sovereign,  which  his  father 
fiad  done  so  much  to  revive,  received  a  decided  check^7 

Queen  Caroline  and  Her  History  (1795—1820).  —  In  the  first  year 
of  his  reign,  George  and  his  Ministers  had  to  face  a  crisis  growing  out 
of  the  King's  relations  with  his  unfortunate  Queen  Caroline.  The 
Ministry  weathered  the  storm  which  threatened  its  destruction  ;  but 
the  loyalty  and  respect  of  the  middle  classes  for  the  Sovereign  and  his 
supporters  were  shaken  beyond  recovery.  Caroline,  daughter  of  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick,  had  been  forced  into  this  ill-starred  marriagg_ 
against  her  will  8  April,  1705.  while  the  Prince  had  consented  l  solely 
because  it  was  the  only  condition  on  which  Pari?*""**"^  youM  vote 
to  pay  his  debts^  Her  good  qualities  he  could  not  appreciate,  and  her 
frivolity,  her  indiscretions,  and  lack  of  breeding  shocked  his  fastidious 
nature.  They  separated  in  1706,  though  she  continued  to  live  in.  the 
neighborhood  of  London  until  1814,  when  she  went  abroad^  Her  manner 
of  life  was  lit  least  questionable,  and,  in  1818,  the  Regent  sent  over  a 
secret  committee  to  secure  evidence  for  a  divorce;  but  it  was  the 
Queen  herself  who  finally  forced  the  issue.^  Already  smarting  from 
the  humiliation  of  receiving  no  official  recognition  at  foreign  courts, 
she  was  stung  to  fury  when  her  name  was  omitted  from  the  new  Prayer 
Book  issued  at  the  accession  of  her  royal  Consort.2  So  in  June,  1820, 
she  started  for  England  to  appeal  to  the  people  and  to  plead  her  cause 
in  person.  Public  chivalry  was  aroused  in  the  cause  of  a  woman 
who,  whatever^  her  faults,  had  been  despitefully  treated  by  one  who 
was  a  notorious  evil  liv^r,  while  the.  Whig  politicians  rallied  to  her 
support  as  a  means  of  striking  both  at  the  party  in  pmypr  anH 
who  had  deserted 


The  Struggle  over  Her  Divorce  (1820).  —  After  Caroline  had  re- 
fused any  concession  on  the  two  essential  points  —  her  formal  recogni- 

1  In  1785  he  had  married  secretly  Mrs.  Fitzherbert,  a  widow  of  Roman  Catholic 
faith  ;   but  the  match  was  held  to  be  illegal,  because  contrary  to  the  provisions  of 
the  Royal  Marriage  Act.     She  was  ultimately  awarded  a  pension  and  lived  till 
1837. 

2  It  is  customary  to  insert  a  prayer  for  the  King  and  Queen  by  name. 


620     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  -ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

tign  at  foreign  courts  and  the  insertion  of  her  name  in  the  Prayer  Book 
—  Lord  Liverpool  introduced  a  bill  to  deprive  her  of  her  title  and_to 
divorce  her  from  King  Georgej  but  in  the  face  of  a  steadily  dwindling 
majority,  (the  Prime  Minister  finally  withdrew  the  measure.  The 
news  was  hailed  with  tumults  of  joy,  and  London  was  illuminated  for 
three  nights.  Thus  encouraged,  Caroline  continued  the  fight;  yet 
she  failed  to  get  her  name  in  the  Prayer  Book,  Further,  she  failed 
inafrantic  effort  to  have  herself  crowned  with  the  King,  and  alienated 
maiw  by  committing  the  fatal  blunder  of  making  an  undjgnjfied 
attempt  to  force  her  way  into  Westminster  Abbey  on  coronation  day. 
19  July,  1821.  She  did  not  long  survive  her  disappointment  ;  for  she 
died,,  7  August,  much  to  the  relief  of  King  George.  , 

The  Advent  of  tfie  Liberal  Tories  (1822).  —  While  Liverpool's 
Tory  Ministry  hung  on  till  1827,  its  character  was  profoundly  modified 
in  1822.  Napoleon,  disturber  of  the  peace  of  Europe,  was  dead, 
popular  outbreaks  had  ceased,  and  the  middle  class,  relieved  from 
fear  of  invasion  or  revolution,  were  prepared  to  demand  more  freedom 
oT  commerce,  a  greater  voice  in  public  affairs,  andT  in  general,  a  re- 
sumption of  the  work  of  reform  in  which  Pitt  had  been  so  rudely 
interrupted.  The  Queen's  cause  had  served  as  a  means  of  focusing 
and  manifesting  their  strength,  and  had  made  it  clear  to  the  tyrannical 
clique  who  had  thus  far  clung  so  stoutly  to  the  existing  system,  that 
at  least  some  degree  of  concession  was  necessary.  In  conseguence 
they  took  the  momentous  step  of  admitting 


fiberal  Tories^  whoforthwith  set  on  foot  a  series  of  legislative  and 
administrative  changes  which  opened  a  new  era. 

Peel,  Canning,  and  Huskisson.  —  In  January.  1822.  Robert  Peql 
(1788-1850),  who  was  destined  for  a  rpmarkahlp  future,  r>p 
Home  Secretary.  On  12  August  Castlereagh  1  committed  suicide. 
Contemptuous  of  popular  aspiration  and  stifler  of  progress  though  he 
was,  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  he  was  largely  rpspnnsihlp.  for  thp^ 
effective  reo  navigation  of  the  British  army  and  for  the  Peninsular 
campaign,  that  he  selected  and  supported  Wellington,  that  he  headed, 
thecomMnation  of  Powers  that  overcame  Napoleon  ajid  played  a 
leading  r61e  in  shaping  the  peace  which  A  though  all  too  regardless  of 
liberty  and  nationality,  averted  another  European  conflict  for  fifty 
years.  George  Canning  (1770-1827),  who  succeeded  him  as  Foreign 
Secretary  and  Leader  of  theJHtouse  of  Commons,  was  brilliant,  versatile, 
progressive,  and  doubtless  one  of  the  most  eloquent  orators  and  one  of 
the  most^jikillful  debaters  and  parliamentary  managers  of  the  century 
ManyThowever,  distrusted  his  sincerity  and  his  judgment.  William 

1  He  had  succeeded  his  father  as  Marquis  of  Londonderry  in  1821. 


FROM  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  GREAT  REFORM  BILL    621 

Huskisson  (1770-1830),  who  became  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
though  his  abilities  were  only  slowly  recognized,  was  the  greatest 
authority  of  his  time  in  finance,  trade,  and  commerce.^  Canning, 
"burdened  with  the  double  weight  of  the  home  and  foreign  policy  of  his 
country,  depended  much  upon  his  new  colleagues  for  initial  sugges- 
tions and  the  working  out  of  details  in  domestic  reforms.  The  re- 
medial legislation  which  they  undertook  covered  all  sorts  of  fields  — 
legal,  judicial,  social,  colonial,  commercial,  and  industrial.  While 
great  strides  were  made  during  the  next  few  years,  much  remained  for 
later  generations  to  perfect  and  complete. 

The  Beginning  of  Huskisson's  Reforms.  His  Colonial  Policy.  — 
In  1823  Huskisson  substantially  modified  the  operation  nf  thp  Naviga- 
tion Laws,  though  they  were  not  actually  repealed  till  1849,  By  a 
Reciprocity  of  Duties  Bill,  European  countries  were  allowed  a  share 
in  the  British  Colonial  trade,  subject  to  certain  restrir.rions,  provided, 
they  would  extend  equal  privilege  to  Crpaf  "Rrifain  j  Contrary 
to  the  prevailing  notion  that  the  British  Colonial  system  was  a  mo- 
nopoly belonging  to  the  Mother  Country  because  of  the  protection 
and  defense  which  she  rendered,  Huskisson  declared  that  the  trade 
interests  of  the  Colonies  deserved  consideration  and  that  they  were 
inseparably  bound  up  with  those  of  England.  The  Home  trader 
continued  to  receive  a  certain  preference  in  tariffs;  but  Colonial 
commerce  and  immigration  were  systematically  fostered.  While 
some  abuses  persisted,  Huskisson's  wise  and  generous  policy  aroused 
a  sentiment  of  loyalty  in  the  Colonies  hitherto  unequaled. 

His  Tariff  and  Taxation  Reforms.  —  In  this  same  year  Great  Britain, 
doubtless  owing  to  Huskisson's  suggestion,  was  finally  relieved  of  that 
old  incubus  the  Sinking  Fund.  Henceforth,  it  was  provided  that  no 
additions  were  to  be  made  to  the  Sinking  Fund  except  from  the  sur- 
plus for  the  year.  Huskisson  proceededr  in  i8?1j  tr>  grq]T1p  "rltVl  t>>A- 
whole  existing  system  of  tariffs  and  taxation^  Much  as  Pitt  had  done 
to  unravel  the  tangle,  hosts  of  anomalies  remained.  Furthermore, 
many  new  taxes  had  been  imposed  in  a  more  or  less  random  fashion 
to  meet  the  needs  of  a  war  revenue.  There  were  bounties  to  assist 
old  and  decrepit  industries,  while  those  that  were  young  and  growing 
received  no  support.  Many  productions,  propped  up  by  bounties, 
were  in  turn  weighed  down  by  a  heavy  excise.  Furthermore,  trade 
and  manufactures  were  hampered  by  vexatious  duties.  Huskisson 
was  in  principle  a  free  trader.  Convinced  that  bnnnti'ps  and  pro- 
hibitive restrictions  fostered  unprofitable  industries  and 
invention  and  progress,  he  abolished  as  many  as  he  could,  and 
1  The  United  States  had  secured  similar  concessions  in  1814 


622     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

vided  for  the  gradual  doing  away  with  many  more.  At  the  same  time, 
he  swept  away  various  unproductive  taxes,  revising  others  or  dis- 
tributing them  more  equallvT  In  remodeling  the  tariff  he  follnwpft 
the  plan  of  leaving  a  slight  duty  to  protect  the  manufacturer,  as  well 
as  further  to  assist  him  by  making  raw  materials  as  free  as  possible. 
TEe  old  duties  ranged  from  18  to  40  per  cent,  those  which  HuskissorT 
substituted,  from  15  to  30.  The  loss  of  revenue  due  to  reduction  in 
taxes  was,  to  a  large  degree,  offset  by  increase  of  trade  as  well  as  by 
the  future  suppression  of  smuggling,  which  the  old  duties  had  en- 
couraged. Much  as  Huskisson's  measures  contributed  to  the  strik- 
ing increase  in  exports  and  shipping  which  followed,  other  causes 
were,  to  a  still  greater  degree,  operative.  The  Spanish-American 
colonies  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain  and  opened  their  trade  freely  to 
the  world.  The  Portuguese  possession  of  Brazil,  which  became  an 
independent  empire  in  1822,  did  the  like.  Moreover,  commercial 
relations  with  the  United  States  steadily  improved  after  the  War  of 
1812.  And,  finally,  the  recovery  of  the  European  Continent  from  its 
exhaustion  affected  England  as  a  buyer,  as  a  seller,  and  as  a  distrib- 
uting agent. 

His  Combination  Laws  (1824-1825).  —  Huskisson  was  also  respon- 
sible for  various  measures  regulating  and  improving  the  conditions 
of  the  working  classes  and  their  relations  with  the  capitalists.  t  Laws 
forbidding  the  exportation  of  machinery  and  the  emigration  of  laborers. 
which  it  had  always  K^pn.  difficult  to  enforce,  were  abolished,  In 
1824  he  passed  an  Act  allowing  peaceful  workingmen  to  meet  without 
penalty,  and,  indeed,  legalizing  every  sort  of  combination.  _  This 
step,  however,  had  to  be  partially  retraced  the  following  year;  for, 
owing  to  a  temporary  return  of  hard  times,  a  number  of  disturbances 
and  riots  broke  out.  In  consequence,  a  new  Act  was  passed  in  182^ 
forbidding  certain  kinds  of  meetings  and  empowering  the  roagfe-J 
trates  to  deal  in  a  summary  fashion  with  either  employers  or  workmen 
who  resorted  to  threats  or  intimidation. 

Canning's  Ministry  (April-August,  1827).  —  On  17  February,  1827, 
a  stroke  of  paralysis  brought  Lord  Liverpool's  long  career  as  Prime 
Minister  to  a  sudden  end.  For  some  time  his  tact  alone  had  held  the- 
two  factions  in  the  Cabinet  together,  for  they  hH  prarHraHy  nothing 
in  common  except  opposition  to  parliament  nry  reformr  Now  a  split 
was  inevitable.  The  progressive  section  led  by  Canning^which  stood 
for  aiding  subject  nationalities  abroad  and  for  C 


and  the  extension  of  free  trade  at  home,  had  a  majority  in  the  Com- 
mons, while  the  chief  strength  of  the  old  Eldonian  Tories  was  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  Canning  was  the  logical  successor  as  Premier,  but 


FROM  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  GREAT  REFORM  BILL    623 

he  was  broken  in  health  and  bitterly  opposed  by  the  Kingr  partly^ 
because  of  his  advanced  views  and  partly  because  he  had  championed 
the  cause  of  Queen  Caroline/  Wellington  declined  the  post,  and  after 
the  Government  had  been  six  weeks  without  a  head,  George  finally 
gave  in.  Canning,  during  the  few  months  that  he  survived,  had  to 
fight  against  tremendous  odds.  The,  chief  jitruggle  centered  about  an 
attempt  to  substitute  for  an^Act  of  1815,  prnVnhiHng  \^  import  of 
foreign  corn  free  of  duty  until  the  domestic  price  had  reached  80 
shillings  the  quarter,  a  measure  providing  for  a.  sliding  scale  of  duties 
which  went  down  as  the  price  went  up.  _  The  artisans  and  the  agri- 
cultural laborejrs  —  who  worked  for  hire  —  clamored  for  cheap  food, 
and  the  manufacturers  supported  the  change,  since  dear  tood  meant 
high  wages.  In  the  teeth  of  the  opposition  of  the  landlords  and  of  the 
farmers  —  burdened  with  exorbitant  rents  and  excessive  poor  rates  — 
the  measure  passed  the  Commons,  but  was  blocked  in  the  Lords  by  a 
hostile  amendment. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Question.  —  Canning  died,  8  August,  i827^and 
after  a  transient  and  futile  Ministry,  the  only  one  in  English  history 
which  never  faced  a  Parliament,  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  backed  by^ 
the  landed  interest  and  the  rigid  Protestants,  became  Premier  on  the 
understanding  that  Roman  Catholic  reliej  —  for  which  there  was 
a  growing  demand  —  was  not  to  be  made  a  Cabinet  question.,  The 
Roman  Catholic  disabilities  and  penal  laws,  which  only  began  to  be 
mitigated  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century,  exhibited  a 
harshness  and  an  ingenuity  of  cruelty  and  oppression  which  even  the 
circumstances  that  called  them  forth  cannot  justify.  By  the  Acts 
of  1562  and  1678  Roman  Catholics  were  excluded  from  both  Houses 
of  Parliament,  by  the  Test  Act  all  public  offices,  civil  and  military, 
were  closed  to  them,  and  by  an  Act  of  1696  they  were  even  deprived  of 
the  right  to  vote.  Such  were  their  political  disabilities.  In  addi- 
tion, they  were  subject  to  penal  laws  which  if  enforced  would  have 
rendered  their  position  well-nigh  intolerable.  It  should  be  said, 
however,  that  as  the  danger  from  papal  aggression  and  Jacobitism 
disappeared  and  as  rationalism  and  religious  indifference  began  to 
spread,  the  penal  laws  ceased  to  be  enforced.  These  "  ferocious 
threats  "  were  mostly  effaced  from  the  Statute-book  in  1778  and  1791 ; 
but  the  political  disabilities  remained. 

The  Struggle  for  Catholic  Emancipation.  Daniel  O'Connell.  — 
Pitt,  as  has  been  seen,  failed  to  secure  further  measures  of  Catholic 
relief  in  fulfillment  of  the  pledges  given  to  carry  the  Union.  Various 
other  enlightened  statesmen  championed  the  cause  in  Parliament; 
but  the  only  fruit  of  years  of  struggle  was  the  Military  and  Naval 


624     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Officers'  Oath  Bill  of  1817,  opening  all  ranks  in  the  service  to  Roman 
Catholics.  At  the  same  time  the  agitation  was  being  actively  carried 
on  in  Ireland.  The  old  agrarian  difficulties  —  absenteeism,  rack- 
renting  and  tithes  —  still  lay  at  the  root  of  the  discontent  of  the  lesser 
folk ;  but  their  leaders  pushed  to  the  front  the  question  of  the  political 
disabilities  —  exclusion  from  office  and  Parliament.  Their  most 
skillful  organizer  and  agitator  was  Daniel  O'Connell,  a  Roman  Catholic 
barrister,  whose  knowledge  of  his  countrymen,  coupled  with  wit, 
eloquence,  and  fervid  enthusiasm,  made  him  a  popular  idol.  Organ- 
ized societies  and  mass  meetings  were  molded  by  his  masterly  hand 
into  perfect  and  responsive  instruments,  and  no  one  did  more  than  he 
to  arouse  a  truly  national  feeling.  Although  often  violent  in  his 
language  he  always  opposed  the  use  of  force,  declaring  on  one  occasion 
that  "  no  political  change  is  worth  a  drop  of  human  blood."  In  1823 
he  founded  the  Catholic  Association  for  peaceful  and  public  agitation 
of  grievances.  When  the  Government  in  alarm  passed  a  bill  aiming  to 
declare  illegal  not  only  this  but  all  societies  for  similar  objects,  the 
resourceful  O'Connell  forthwith  founded  a  new  association  which 
evaded  the  terms  of  the  Act. 

The  Repeal  of  the  Test  and  Corporation  Acts.  The  Clare  Election 
(1828).  —  In  1828,  Lord  John  Russell  t  destined  to  become  one  of  the 
Whig  leaders,  carried  through  Parliament  a  measure  for  repealing 
the  provisions  in  the  Te.^.  and  Corporation  Acts,  which  required  as  a 
qualification  for  office,  the,  taking  Of  the  sacrament  according  to  the 
Anglican  form.  Thus  the  Protestant  Dissenters  were  admitted  tou 
privileges  which  they  had  enjoyed  hitherto  only  by  an  ungracious 
indemnity.  Catholics  were  still  excluded  by  the  necessity  of  taking  the 
Oaths  of  Allegiance  and  Supremacy,1  but  their  victory  was  not  far 
off.  During  this  same  year  there  was  a  by-election  for  Parliament 
in_  the  county  Clare.  O'Connell  became  a  candidate,  to  the  amaze- 
ment of  everybody,  for,  even  if  elected,  he  was  disqualified  from  sitting.^ 
In  a  five  days'  contest  in  which  he  and  the  priests  took  care  that  the_ 
proceedings  should  be  absolutely  peaceful,  he  won  a  complete  triumph. 
The  outcome  of  the  election  convinced  Wellington  that  political^ 
equality  could  no  longer  be  withheld  from  the  Roman  Catholics  ^ex- 
cept at  the  risk  of  civil  war^_ 

The  Passage  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Emancipation  Bill  (1829). — 
Any  other  Prime  Minister  would  have  resigned.  By  remaining  in 

1  By  the  Act  of  1828  a  new  declaration  for  the  protection  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land was  required  from  all  holders  of  any  office,  employment,  or  place  of  trust. 
Since  it  had  to  be  affirmed  "upon  the  true  faith  of  a  Christian,"  Jews  were  ex- 
cluded, not  only  from  office  but  from  Parliament. 


FROM  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  GREAT  REFORM  BILL  625 

office  and  bending  all  his  energies  to  carry  the  measure  he  was  pledged 
to  oppose,  the  Duke  was  furiously  denounced  by  the  old  line  Tories 
as  a  betrayer  of  their  principles.  Although  his  courage  and  honesty 
were  above  question,  he  failed  to  understand  the  English  party  system. 
His  political  tactics  were  those  of  the  general  —  to  hold  a  position  as 
long  as  possible  and  then  to  yield ;  moreover,  he  had  a  sense  of  public 
duty  that  was  superior  to  party  allegiance.  Convinced  that  delay 
was  fatal  he  realized  that  no  one  in  the  country  was  as  likely  as  himself 
to  overcome  the  obstinacy  of  the  King.  After  notice  had  already 
been  given  that  the  Bill  would  be  introduced,  King  George  sought  to 
interpose  an  obstacle  by  declaring  that  he  would  consent  to  no  alter- 
ation^in  the  Oath  of  Supremacy^  Wellington  at  once  resigned,  and, 
finding  it  impossible  to  form  another  Ministry,  George  was  obliged 
to  give  way.  The  measure  passed  the  House  of  Commons,  and  poor 
old  Eldon.  though  he  shed  tears  and  foretold  the  ruin  of  the  British" 
Empire,  failed  to  inHnrp  fVip  majority  of  the  Tory  peers  fo  vote  against 
itj.  While  the  King  reluctantly  signed  the  measure  he  vented  his_ 
spite  by  treating  its  supporters  with  premprHtaterl  rudeness  and  bv_ 
showering  favors  upon  those  who  had  opposed  it.  _ 

The  Terms  of  the  Act.  —  The  Act  conceded  full  political  and  civil 
rights  to  Roman  Catholics,  with  certain  specified  exceptions  and  under 
certain  conditions  devised  as  safeguards.  The  Oaths  of  Allegiance, 
Supremacy,  and  Abjuration  were  done  away  with,  as  well  as  the  re- 
nunciation of  belief  in  transubstantiation,  invocation  of  saints,  and 
the  sacrifice  of  the  mass.  Instead,  members  of  Parliament  and  office 
holders  had  to  take  a  new  oath  swearing  allegiance  to  the  Sovereign^ 
renouncing  the  temporal  supremacy  of  the  Pope  within  the  realm, 
and  pledging  support  to  the  Protestant  settlement  of  Church  an4 
State.  Priests  were  prohibited  from  sitting  in  Parliament1  and 
RornarT'Catholics  were  excluded  from  the  offices  of  Sovereign,  Lor3 
Chancellor  of  England  or  Ireland,  and  Lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland.* 
These  concessions  —  a  tardy  measure  of  justice  —  did  not  have  the 
hoped-for  effect  in  quieting  the  Irish  discontent ;  indeed,  Wellington's 
frank  admission  in  the  House  of  Lords  that  he  had  only  acted  from 
dread  of  civil  war,  encouraged  the  use  of  force  in  time  to  come.  Two 
further  reasons  help  to  explain  the  dissatisfaction.  For  one  thing, 
because  so  many  had  voted  so  boldly  in  the  recent  Clare  election, 
the  forty-shilling  freeholders  were  disfranchised  and  the  qualification 
for  voting  raised  to  ten  pounds.  Moreover,  apparently  for  the  express 

1  Church  of  England  clergymen  had  been  excluded  from  the  House  of  Commons 
since  1801.  A  few  disabilities  still  remained ;  for  example,  marriages  celebrated  by 
Catholic  priests  were  not  recognized  by  law  till  1838. 

2S 


626     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

purpose  of  excluding  O'Connell,  the  Government  had  unwisely  in- 
serted a  clause  in  the  Relief  Bill  that  its  provisions  should  not  be 
retroactive.  O'Connell  appeared  at  the  bar  of  the  House  prepared  to 
take  the  new  oath,  but,  though  he  argued  his  case  with  moderation 
and  skill,  was  turned  away.  He  was  easily  reflected ;  but  the  sense- 
less and  ungracious  trick  which  had  been  practiced  on  him  turned 
him  into  a  fiery  advocate  of  the  repeal  of  the  Union. 

The  Last  Months  of  the  Wellington  Ministry,  and  the  Death  of 
George  IV.  —  The  last  months  of  the  Wellington  Ministry  were 
gloomy  enough,  for  the  Duke  and  his  supporters  never  recovered  their 
popularity.  The  Tories  regarded  thenTas  traitors,  the  King  nevejifor" 
gave  them  for  forcing  his  hand,  while  the  Canningites  were  hopelessly 
alienated,  and  as  a  matter  of  fact,  most  of  them  went  over  to  the 
Whigs,  who  were  once  more  becoming  strongly  organized.  Another 


factor  which 'told  against  Wellington  was  that  parliamentary  reform, 
to  which  he  was  stoutly  opposed.  hp.H  now  hpmmp  an  issue  bound  to 
prevail.  George  IV  died,  26  June,  1830,  unloved  and  unregretted. 
With  the  accession  of  his  brother  William,  who  was  friendly  to 
reform,  the  Duke's  Ministry  was  doomed.  Events  abroad,  which 
reached  a  crisis  in  1830,  gave  great  impetus  to  the  popular  movement 
in  England. 

Great  Britain  and  the  European  Situation  at  the  Close  of  the  Great 
War.  —  The  effect  of  the  French  Revolution  and  of  the  Napoleonic 
Wars  had  been,  on  the  one  hand,  to  arouse  a  spirit  of  liberty  ajid 
national  independence  among  the  peoples  of  many  Continental  StateSj 
on  the  other,  to  unite  most  of  the  European  Sovereigns  in  a  policy^ 
of  reaction  and  repression.^  The  chief  engine  for  carrying  through 
this  work  was  the  Quadruple  Alliance,  which  provided  for  frequent^ 
Congresses,  where  all  movements  which  threatened  the  tranquillity 
of  Europe  were  discussed,  and  concerted  action  determinedj  Prince 
Metternich,  the  Austrian  Minister,  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the 
despotic  regime.  While  he  was  opposed  to  any  intervention  which 
might  disturb  the  balance  of  power,  he  induced  the  larger  States  of 
Germany  to  combine  under  Prussian  leadership  for  the  purpose  of 
aiding  the  lesser  to  stifle  the  least  signs  of  revolution ;  he  stood  ready 
to  crush  out  all  evidences  of  unrest  in  Italy,  where  through  the  posses- 
sion of  Lombardy  and  Venice,  Austrian  interests  were  predominant ;  and 
he  was  pledged  to  maintain  the  Bourbons  of  France.  Castlereagh,  who 
guided  British  foreign  policy,  was  a  far  more  decided  advocate  of  non- 
intervention, while  Alexander  of  Russia  represented  the  opposite  policy. 

A  Year  of  Revolutions  (1820).  — The  year  1820  witnessed  a  series^ 
of  revolutions.    The  first  occurred  in  Spain.    Though  Alexander  was 


FROM  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  GREAT  REFORM  BILL    627 

hot  for  joint  intervention,  Castlereagh,  backed  by  Metternich,  suc- 
ceeded in  frustrating  his  designs.  In  the  summer,  revolts  followed  in 
Naples,  Sicily,  and  Portugal.  Castlereagh  was  quite  willing  to  allow 
Austria  to  interfere  in  Italy,  on  the  ground  that  her  possessions  were 
endangered  ;  but  he  declared  against  proposals  of  joint  intervention. 
He  was  really  in  sympathy  with  crushing  revolutionary  movements, 
and  seems  to  have  given  the  European  Powers  private  assurances  of 
support,  though  he  played,  to  satisfy  British  public  opinion,  a  double 
game  by  openly  opposing  their  efforts.  The  upshot  was  that  Austria 
sent  an  army  to  Naples  which  restored  the  deposed  King  and  like- 
wise suppressed  a  revolt  which  had  broken  out  in  Piedmont.  Thus, 
with  the  help  of  Castlereagh,  she  carried  out  a  policy  of  intervention 
when  it  suited  her  interests,  and  defeated  the  Russian  project  for  joint 
action,  which  she  regarded  with  disfavor. 

The  Spanish  Situation  (1820-1823).  —  The  situation  in  Spain 
was  complicated  from  the  fact  that  the  ultra-royalists,  who  had  secured 
control  in  France,  fearing  the  contagion  of  the  Spanish  revolutionary 
principles,  insisted  upon  intervention.  Castlereagh,  before  his  death, 
12  August,  1822,  had  already  made  up  his  mind  to  resist  the  French 
as  he  had  previously  resisted  the  Russian  proposals  of  intervention, 
and  Canning,  his  successor  as  Foreign  Secretary,  adopted  the  same 
attitude  ;  where  he  differed  from  his  predecessor  was  in  his  sincere 
belief  that  each  nation  should  be  left  free  to  choose  its  own  form  of 
government,  and  he  acted  with  an  energy  that  was  in  striking  con- 
trast to  the  half-heartedness  of  the  late  Foreign  Secretary.  In  spite 
of  the  efforts  of  Wellington,  who  was  sent  as  plenipotentiary  to  a 
Congress  at  Verona,  the  project  of  French  intervention  was  adopted, 
and  Canning  finally  agreed  not  to  interfere  with  the  invaders  so  long 
as  they  observed  certain  conditions:  they  should  not  destroy  the 
independence  of  Spain  ;  France  should  not  possess  herself  of  any 
Spanish  colonies;  and  the  occupation  should  not  be  permanent.  A 
French  army  entered  Spain  in  April,  1823.  Before  the  close  of  the 
year  the  Revolution  was  suppressed  and  absolutism  was  again  trium- 
phant. 

Canning  and  the  Recognition  of  the  South  American  Republics 
(1823-1825).  —  In  more  than  one  ether  direction,  however,  Canning 
contributed  to  check  the  reactionaries,  notably  in  the  Pprtngnpse. 
and  Spanish  colonies  in  America,  and  in  Greece.  In  October.  1822^ 
Pedro,  son  of  the  King  of  Portugal  r  proclaimed  tVif> 


of  Brazil  and  assumed  the  title  of  Emperor,  a  step  which  was  recog- 
nized by  the  Portuguese  Sovereign.  Tulv.  1821;,  in  accordance  with  the 
recommendations  of  a  conference  in  London  composed  of  British, 


628      SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

Austrian,  Portuguese,  and  Brazilian  representatives,.  Already,  in 
January,  1825,  Great  Britain,  following  the  lead  of  the  United  States, 
jiad  recognized  the  independence  of  Mexico  and  of  two  of  the  republics 
Injaouth  America  whererevolutions'  against  Spain  had  been  going 
on  since  1810,  The  possibility  of  European  intervention  was  pre- 
vented by  the  efforts  of  Canning  and  the  United  States.  While  the 
American  Secretary  of  Stater  John  Quincy  Adams,  declined  the  pro- 
posals of  the  British  Foreign  Minister  for  jy>int  arHnn  Mnrjrnp  jp 
"his  famous  presidential  message  of  December,  1823.  declared,  in  s 
stance,  that  interference  on  f.hp  parf  nf  any  F-1ir°PpflP  T>nwpr 
American  Governments,  whose  independence  had  been  maintained 
and  recognized  by  the  United  States,  would  be  regarded  in  the  light 
of  an  unfriendly  atf .*  Thus  supported,  Canning  was  able  to  pre- 
vent  France  from  calling  in  the  other  Powers  to  undertake  the  recon- 
quest  of  the  Spanish  colonies.  In  phrases  which  have  become  famous, 
Canning  declared  in  Parliament :  "  Contemplating  Spain  such  as 
our  ancestors  had  known  her,  I  resolved  that  if  France  had  Spain,  it 
should  not  be  Spain  with  the  Indies.  I  called  the  New  World  in 
existence,  to  redress  the  balance  of  the  old."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he 
called  nothing  into  existence ;  he  merely  recognized  States  that  had 
already  accomplished  their  independence  and  took  the  step  after  the 
United  States  had  led  the  way.  Nevertheless,  the  significance  of 
his  achievement  must  not  be  forgotten.  In  the  face  of  a  great  Euro- 
pean combination  and  of  the  opposition  of  King  George,  backed  by  a 
strong  party  in  the  Cabinet,  he  had  arrayed  his  country  on  the  side 
of  revolutionary  Governments  against  the  forces  of  reaction. 

Canning  and  the  Greek  Revolution  (1823-1827).  —  In  eastern 
Europe  also,  where  a  different  problem  had  to  be  faced,  Canning 
adopted  the  cause  of  an  insurgent  people.  In  1821  the  Greeks  had 
risen  in  revolt  against  the  Turks,  to  whom  they  had  long  been  sub iectT 
Here,  too,  Russia  was  keen  for  intervention,  but  this  time  on  the  side 
of  the  oppressed  nationality.  Popular  sentiment  in  Great  Britain  was^ 
naturally  inclined  to  favor  the  Greeks,  while.  Cast.lereagh  opposed 
the  Russian  projects  on  two  ground^  He  feared  the  encourage- 
ment it  might  lend  to  the  revolutionary  spirit~which  was  spreading 
through  Europe,  and  he  feared,  still  more,  that  defeat  of  the  Turks  by 
Russian  arms  would  lead  to  Russian  supremacy  in  the  Black  Sea 

1  The  sentences  in  which  this  view  was  expressed,  as  well  as  those  aimed  against 
the  designs  of  Russia  on  the  northwest  coast,  which  announced  that :  "  the  American 
Continents  .  .  .  are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects  for  future  coloniza- 
tion by  any  European  Power,"  were  written  by  Adams.  The  doctrine  which  they 
embody  has  been  rightly  called  the  "Monroe  Doctrine,"  in  that  Monroe  assumed 
the  responsibility.  It  was  the  enunciation  of  a  principle  as  old  as  Washington. 


FROM  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  GREAT  REFORM  BILL    629 

and  Asia  Minor,  and  to  a  consequent  menace  of  the  British  power  in  the 
Mediterranean  and  in  India.  While  Canning  had  no  sympathy 
with  the  first  consideration,  the  question  of  Russian  aggrandizement 
presented  a  serious  problem  in  his  eyes.  He  did  not  hesitate  to 
recognize  the  Greeks  as  belligerents,  25  March,  1823 ;  but,  for  some 
time,  he  stood  out  against  acknowledging  their  independence  or  inter- 
vening with  force  of  arms  on  their  behalf,  and  sought  to  secure  con- 
cessions from  the  Turks  by  mediation.  He  was  only  forced  to  con- 
template intervention  by  the  furious  devastation  and  bloodshed 
of  Ibrahim  Pasha,  son  of  Mehemet  Ali,  ruler  of  Egypt,  whom  the 
Sultan  called  in  to  reduce  Morea. Popular  enthusiasm  for  the  Greek 
cause  in  England  and  elsewhere  was  tremendous.  Volunteers  florkeH 
to  the  scene  of  action,  and  money  and  supplies  were  joyfully  con- 
tributed. Canning,  who  continued  his  policy  of  cautious  restraint, 
signed,  6  July,  1827.  Just  before  his  final  illness,  the  Treaty  of  London, 
which  aimed  to  secure  autonomy  for  the  Greeks,  coupled  with  the 
payment  "f  tribute  tr>  thp  Sultan.  In  the  event  of  Turkey's  refusal, 
the  allied  fleets  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  Russia  were  to  combine 
in  enforcing  the  terms^ 

Triumph  of  Greek  Independence  (1829).  —  The  reply  of  the  Porte 
was  to  order  a  fleet  from  Egypt  which  took  its  station  in  the  harbor  of 
Navarino  under  the  command  of  Ibrahim.  Thence  he  landed  troops, 
harried  the  land  and  massacred  the  inhabitants  at  will.  This  was  too 
much  for  Admiral  Codrington,  the  commander  of  the  allied  squadron, 
who  entered  the  harbor,  20  October,  1827,  and  inflicted  a  crushing 
defeat  upon  his  adversaries.  Canning,  who  might  have  supported 
him,  was  no  more,  while  Wellington,  who  soon  became  Premier,  was 
disinclined  to  break  with  Turkey  in  the  interests  of  the  Greeks.  Hence 
Codrington's  noble  victory  was  described  in  the  King's  speech  of  29 
January,  1828,  as  "  a  collision  wholly  unexpected  by  his  Majesty," 
and  "an  untoward  event,"  which  "his  Majesty  hoped  would  not  be 
followed  by  further  hostilities."  This  declaration,  which  raised  a 
storm  of  protest  on  the  part  of  the  friends  of  Greek  freedom,  en- 
couraged Turkey  to  demand  satisfaction  for  the  destruction  of  her 
fleet.  When  this  insolent  demand  was  refused,  she  proceeded  to  defy 
all  Europe,  and  Russia  in  particular,  whom  she  denounced  as  the 
prime  mover  in  the  Greek  revolt.  Russia,  thereupon,  declared  war  and 
moved  her  troops  into  the  Danubian  provinces.  In  vain  she  urged 
Great  Britain  and  France  to  send  their  fleets  through  the  Dardanelles, 
though  at  length,  the  Conference  of  London,  which  had  resumed  its 
sittings,  agreed  that  the  French  should  undertake  the  expulsion  of 
Ibrahim.  Meanwhile,  Codrington,  who  had  been  recalled,  sailed  to 


630     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Alexandria  before  the  order  went  to  effect,  and  extorted  an  agreement 
from  Mehemet  Ali  to  withdraw  the  greater  part  of  the  Egyptian 
fleet.  This  greatly  simplified  the  work  of  the  French  in  driving  the 
invaders  from  the  coast,  while  the  Greeks  carried  on  the  war  with  the 
greatest  vigor,  and  the  Russians  pressed  down  over  the  Balkans.  It 
soon  became  clear,  however,  that  they  had  got  themselves  into  a 
dangerous  position,  whereupon  the  Tsar  hastened  to  make  terms. 
Peace  was  signed,  14  September,  1829,  and  Turkey  consented  to  sub- 
mit the  decision  of  the  Greek  question  to  the  Conference  of  London. 
As  a  result  it  was  provided  that  Greece  should  be  erected  into  an 
hereditary  Principality,  independent  of  the  Porte. 

The  Year  of  Revolutions  (1830).  The  Three  Days'  Rising  in 
Paris  (27-29  July).  —  The  year  1830  was  notable  for  a  series 
of  revolutionary  movements,  in  which  France,  for  the  second 
time,  led  the  way.  Louis  XIII  died  in  1824  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  brother  Charles  X  who,  with  his  Ministers,  developed  a  policy  of 
reaction  which  aroused  intense  opposition.  The  result  was  a  revolt 
which  took  the  form  of  a  three  days'  street  fight  in  Paris,  27-29  July. 
Charles  X  was  driven  from  the  throne  and  Louis  Philippe  —  a  de- 
scendant of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  brother  of  Louis  XIV  —  was  pro- 
claimed King.  Wellington,  convinced  of  the  pacific  policy  of  the  new 
"  Citizen  King,"  secured  his  recognition  and  choked  in  its  inception 
a  hostile  combination  of  Austria,  Russia,  and  Prussia. 

The  Belgian  Revolution  (1830). — The  effect  of  the  French  revolu- 
tionary movement  was  first  manifested  in  the  neighboring  Belgium, 
formerly  the  Austrian  Netherlands.  The  Belgians  had  sorely  chafed 
under  the  rule  of  the  Dutch  King  William  I,  who  had  been  set 
over  them  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna ;  they  were  French  in  sympathy, 
they  were  Roman  Catholics  and  chiefly  engaged  in  manufacturing 
pursuits.  The  Dutch,  who  were  the  dominant  partners  in  the  united 
Kingdom,  were  anti-French,  stanch  Protestants,  and  mainly  com- 
mercial in  their  interests.  Furthermore,  they  controlled  the  States 
General  and  held  a  large  share  of  the  public  offices,  while,  in  addition, 
the  King  alienated  his  Belgian  subjects  and  roused  their  resentment 
by  a  series  of  encroachments:  among  other  things  suspending  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  and  proscribing  the  use  of  French  in  public  busi- 
ness. Following  the  revolt  in  Paris  a  popular  rising  took  place  in 
Brussels,  25  August,  1830,  whence  it  spread  through  the  provinces. 
At  first  the  insurgents  asked  only  for  a  separate  administration,  but 
national  sentiment  soon  came  to  demand  the  abolition  of  the  personal 
union.  While  the  Powers,  assembled  at  the  London  Conference  to 
settle  the  Greek  question,  went  to  work  discussing  boundaries,  and 


FROM  OVERTHROW  OF  NAPOLEON  TO  GREAT  REFORM  BILL    631 

the  form  of  government  which  the  Belgians  should  adopt,  a  Belgian 
National  Congress  had  assembled,  which  proclaimed  the  independence 
of  Belgium,  voted  for  a  constitutional  Monarchy,  and  elected  as  King 
the  second  son  of  Louis  Philippe.  Since  the  Powers  objected  to  this 
choice,  the  crown  was  afterwards  tendered  to  Leopold  of  Saxe-Coburg, 
who  accepted  in  January,  1832,  though  it  was  not  till  1839  that  the 
Dutch  King  finally  accepted  the  terms  of  the  London  Conference. 

The  Effect  of  the  Revolutionary  Movements  on  England.  —  From 
France  and  Belgium  the  revolutionary  movement  spread  to  various 
German  States,  to  Switzerland,  Italy,  and  Poland.  The  Continental 
uprisings  played  an  important  part  in  precipitating  the  demand  for 
reform  in  England.  The  restraint  which  had  governed  the  July 
revolution  in  Paris  was  of  particular  significance  in  demonstrating 
to  the  conservative  middle  classes  that  results  could  be  accomplished 
without  anarchy  and  destructive  excesses.  Accordingly,  they  led  an 
attack  on  the  aristocratic  regime,  in  which  they  gained  a  notable 
victory  in  a  peaceful  parliamentary  way. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Brodrick  and  Fotheringham ;  Bright,  III;  Maxwell, 
Century  of  Empire,  I ;  and  Cambridge  Modern  History,  X.  J.  A.  R.  Marriott, 
England  since  Waterloo  (1913).  Sir  Spencer  Walpole,  History  of  England, 
1815-1856  (6  vols.,  cab.  ed.,  1907),  the  most  thorough  history  of  the  period ; 
moderate  Liberal  standpoint.  Harriet  Martineau,  History  of  England 
during  the  Thirty  Years1  Peace,  1816-1846  (4  vols.,  ed.  1877)  practically 
a  contemporary  work.  G.  Slater,  The  Making  of  Modern  England  (1915), 
an  excellent  survey ;  very  liberal. 

Parliament  and  Parliamentary  Reform.  See  especially,  May,  Constitu- 
tional History  (ed.  1907),  I,  and  E.  Porritt,  The  Unref armed  House  of  Com- 
mons (2  vols.,  1902,  new  ed.  1909). 

Biographies  and  Special  Works.  For  Wellington,  Canning  and  Sid- 
mouth,  see  ch.  XL VII  below.  C.  M.  Atkinson,  Life  of  Jeremy  Bentham 
(1905).  E.  I.  Carlyle,  Life  of  Wm.  Cobbett  (1904).  A.  Bain,  Life  of  James 
Mill  (1882).  G.  Wallas,  Life  of  Francis  Place  (1891).  S.  Walpole,  Life  of 
Earl  Russell  (2  vols.,  1898).  There  are  brief  Lives  of  Peel  by  Lord  Rosebery 
(1899),  J.  B.  Thursfield  (1891),  Justin  McCarthy  (1892),  F.  C.  Montague 
(1888)  and  G.  Barnett  Smith  (1881).  The  fullest  work  on  Peel  is  Sir  Robert 
Peel,  His  Life  from  His  Private  Correspondence  (3  vols.,  1891-99,  ed.  C.  S. 
Parker). 

Political  Parties.  W.  Harris,  History  of  the  Radical  Party  in  Parliament 
(1885).  C.  B.  R.  Kent,  The  English  Radicals  (1899).  T.  E.  Kebbel, 
History  of  Toryism  (1886).  J.  A.  Roebuck,  History  of  the  Whig  Party 
(2  vols.,  1852).  W.  L.  Blease,  A  Short  History  of  English  Liberalism  (1913)- 


632     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

B.  Ward,  The  Dawn  of  the  Catholic  Revival,  1781-1803  (1909)  and  The  Eve  of 
Catholic  Emancipation,  1803-1829  (3  vols.,  1912). 

Contemporary.  Brougham,  Memoirs  of  His  Own  Times  (1871),  very 
biased.  C.  G.  Greville,  Journal  of  the  Reigns  of  George  IV  and  William  IV 
(ed.  Henry  Reeve,  1888) ;  owing  to  his  high  family  connections  and  his 
position  as  clerk  of  the  Privy  Council,  Greville  had  exceptional  means  of 
information. 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams,  and  Stephens,  nos.  260-261. 
Robertson,  Select  Statutes,  pt.  I,  XLIV-XLVI;  pt.  II,  XXV-XXVI. 


CHAPTER  XLIX 
ENGLAND  AT  THE  EVE  OF  THE  REFORM  BILL 

General  Features.  —  The  period  between  the  beginning  of  the  In- 
dustrial Revolution  and  the  First  Reform  Bill  was  marked  by  many 
evidences  of  progress.  Manners  and  morals  improved  steadily.  There 
was  a  growing  humanitarian  spirit,  and  in  spite  of  the  prevalence  of 
laissez-faire,  the  legislative  stagnation  during  the  French  War  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  ensuing  decade  was  followed  by  measures  for  better- 
ing the  condition  of  the  subject,  though  little  enough  to  improve  the 
lot  of  the  lesser  folk  who  suffered  so  acutely  both  from  the  War  and 
from  the  revolution  in  agriculture  and  industry.  In  literature  the 
romantic  revolt  reached  a  glorious  climax. 

Manufactures.  —  Some  new  methods  in  manufacturing  were  intro- 
duced ;  on  the  whole,  however,  this  was  an  age  of  perfecting  existing 
processes,  of  extending  the  factory  system  and  organizing  labor,  rather 
than  of  new  inventions  in  production.  The  increased  cheapness  of 
processes  is  striking,  —  for  example,  in  1815  it  cost  only  eightpence  to 
spin  a  pound  of  cotton  of  a  much  finer  quality  than  had  cost  forty-two 
shillings  in  1775,  —  while  the  amazing  growth  in  production  is  evident 
from  the  fact  that  exports  had  increased  from  £8,197,788  in  1740  to 
£58,624,550  in  1815. 

British  Shipping.  —  The  tonnage  of  shipping  of  Great  Britain  was 
619,000  in  1780 ;  with  that  of  Ireland  added,  it  had  gone  up  to  2,201,000 
in  1830.  The  growing  dependence  on  world  markets  naturally  in- 
creased the  instability  of  trade,  accentuated  by  the  American  and 
French  wars,  which  increased  the  uncertainty  and  risk  of  business, 
caused  violent  fluctuations  in  prices,  encouraged  speculation  and  led 
to  unsteadiness  of  employment.  The  Continental  System  had  the 
particular  effect  of  cutting  off  some  sources  of  food  supply  and  giving 
an  artificial  stimulus  to  English  tillage.  But  Great  Britain,  thanks 
to  her  command  of  the  sea,  and  to  her  improved  processes  in  textile 
and  iron  manufacture,  was  able  to  increase  enormously  her  carrying 
trade,  and  to  extend  her  markets.  Napoleon  himself  was  compelled 

633 


634     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

very  reluctantly  to  buy  her  goods ;  while,  to  encourage  French  and 
Italian  agriculture  and  to  drain  his  rival  of  gold,  he  even  allowed  the 
export  of  foodstuffs  to  British  ports  in  1811.  The  most  serious  diffi- 
culties arose  from  the  strained  relations  with  the  United  States  during 
the  years  preceding  and  including  the  War  of  1812,  when,  for  a  time, 
an  important!  jnarket  for  manufactured  goods,  as  well  as  a  source  for 
food  and  raw  cotton,  was  almost  wholly  cut  off.  As  has  been  seen, 
the  end  of  the  French  War  did  not  bring  the  prosperity  which  had  been 
anticipated.  Continental  nations  were  too  exhausted  to  buy  much, 
and  it  was  some  years  before  the  peace  markets  grew  to  equal  those 
which  the  artificial  demands  of  the  War  had  created. 

Road  Building.  —  This  period  marked  an  epoch  in  communication 
and  transportation.  Thomas  Telford  (1757-1834)  did  a  notable  work 
in  road  construction,  in  building  canals  and  bridges,  and  in  improving 
harbors,  though  much  as  Telford  accomplished,  the  man  with  whom 
the  modern  road  system  is  chiefly  associated  is  John  McAdam  (1756- 
1836)  whose  process,  adopted  throughout  the  civilized  world,  is  known 
to-day  as  "  macadamizing."  The  new  roads  supplemented  the  canals 
in  facilitating  transportation  and  gave  a  great  impetus  to  traveling. 
The  old  cumbersome  vehicles  drawn  by  strong  slow  horses  were  re- 
placed by  a  lighter  type,  and  an  average  speed  often  to  twelve  miles 
an  hour  was  attained.  Remote,  isolated  towns  awoke  from  their 
torpor  and  rubbed  off  their  provincialism.  Country  gentlemen,  who 
had  hitherto  traveled  on  horseback,  commenced  to  make  use  of  the 
public  coaches,  and,  by  mingling  with  men  in  other  walks  of  life,  began 
to  discard  their  prejudices  and  self-sufficiency.  But  the  real  revolu- 
tion in  travel  and  transportation  was  wrought  by  steam. 

The  Steamboat  and  the  Railroad.  —  The  idea  of  steam  navigation 
was  very  old ;  but  no  practical  results  were  obtained  until  after  Watt's 
invention  had  proved  workable.  In  1807  Robert  Fulton,  provided 
with  a  Watt  engine,  successfully  operated  his  Clermont  on  the  Hudson. 
Henry  Bell's  Comet  began  to  run  on  the  Clyde  in  1813,  and  very  soon 
steamboat  travel  became  general.  The  successful  application  of 
steam  power  to  rail  traction  was  due  to  George  Stephenson  (1781- 
1848),  who  began  life  as  a  herder  of  cows,  turned  collier,  and  rose  to  be 
engine  wright  at  a  colliery.  His  first  locomotive,  tried  in  1814,  ran 
at  the  rate  of  three  miles  an  hour.  Later  he  became  engineer  for  the 
first  steam  railway  —  the  Stockdale  and  Darlington  —  opened  in 
1825.  When  he  was  chosen  to  undertake  the  operation  of  a  line  from 
Manchester  to  Liverpool,  he  nearly  wrecked  the  project  by  asserting 
that  trains  might  be  run  at  the  rate  of  ten  miles  an  hour.  However, 
his  Rocket,  in  competition  for  a  prize  which  he  won,  attained  a  speed 


ENGLAND   AT  THE   EVE  OF  THE  REFORM   BILL  635 

of  thirty-five.  The  opening  of  the  road,  in  1830,  marked  the  beginning 
of  a  new  era,  not  only  in  transportation,  but  in  opportunities  for  in- 
definitely increasing  the  employment  of  labor  and  capital. 

Agriculture.  — The  revolution  in  agriculture,  although  it  owed  much 
to  the  factory  system,  was  still  further  stimulated  by  the  French  wars. 
During  the  reign  of  George  III  between  five  and  six  millions  of  acres 
were  enclosed,  and  more  than  half  the  total  fell  within  the  years  be- 
tween 1800  and  1820.  Special  Acts  and  agreements  between  parties 
were  found  too  slow  and  cumbersome,  so,  beginning  in  1801,  a  series 
of  general  Acts  were  passed  to  facilitate  the  work.  While  his  predeces- 
sors had  pointed  the  way,  Arthur  Young  (1741-1820)  did  more  than 
any  other  single  man  to  complete  the  transformation  of  agricultural 
methods.  In  1767  he  began  to  make  tours  through  Great  Britain  and 
France,  and  has  left  invaluable  information  in  his  graphic  reports. 
Until  1810  he  was  constantly  active,  urging  consolidation  of  holdings, 
reclamation  of  waste,  granting  long  leases  to  large  tenants  and  the 
investment  of  capital  in  land.  He  spread  the  results  of  the  latest 
experiments  in  tillage  and  stock  breeding,  advocated  the  use  of  ma- 
chinery for  mowing,  reaping  and  threshing,  and  fostered  farmers'  clubs 
and  agricultural  fairs.  Aside  from  the  extinction  of  the  small  culti- 
vator, the  only  evil  result  of  the  new  development  was  the  fact  that 
the  war  prices  encouraged  many  to  sink  money  in  unproductive  lands 
which  could  only  be  farmed  at  a  loss  when  prices  fell  to  their  normal 
level. 

Scientific  Progress.  —  The  modern  era  in  science  was  heralded  by 
the  researches  and  discoveries  of  this  period.  Much  of  the  notable 
work  was  done  by  Continental  scholars ;  but  Englishmen  contributed 
their  fair  share.  Henry  Cavendish  succeeded  in  converting  hydrogen 
and  oxygen  into  water  and  proved  that  it  was  a  compound  made  up  of 
these  two  gases.  John  Dalton  was  the  first  to  show  that  chemical 
elements  are  composed  of  atoms  or  ultimate  particles  each  of  definite 
weight.  This  atomic  theory  placed  the  science  on  a  new  'basis.  Sir 
Humphrey  Davy,  in  addition  to  contributions  on  the  mechanical 
theory  of  heat  and  important  electrochemical  researches,  conferred 
a  priceless  boon  by  his  invention  of  the  safety  lamp  (1815-1816)  for 
miners ;  by  covering  the  flame  with  gauze  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
causes  of  explosions  was  practically  eliminated.  When  Sir  Charles 
Lyell  (1797-1875),  in  his  Principles  of  Geology,  showed  that  "  the  great 
geological  changes  of  the  past  are  not  to  be  explained  by  catastrophes, 
followed  by  successive  creations,  but  as  the  product  of  the  continuous 
play  of  forces  still  at  work,"  a  long  step  was  taken  toward  the  evolu- 
tionary theory  which  was  soon  to  be  established  by  Darwin.  Edward 


636     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Jenner  made  the  momentous  discovery,  first  published  in  1798,  that 
occasional  vaccination  with  the  virus  of  cow-pox  rendered  human 
beings  practically  immune  from  small-pox,  and,  in  cases  where  it  was 
contracted,  greatly  mitigated  the  disease,  though  not  till  1853  did 
England  take  the  step,  already  adopted  by  many  Continental  coun- 
tries, of  making  vaccination  compulsory. 

Philosophical  and  Economic  Thinking.  —  While  there  was  a  vigor- 
ous reaction  against  the  doctrine  that  external  objects  have  no  exist- 
ence except  in  man's  ideas  of  them,  in  general  the  period  was 
more  notable  for  its  political  and  economic  than  for  its  purely  philo- 
sophical thinking.  The  teachings  of  three  men  stand  out  preeminently. 
Adam  Smith's  free  trade  principles  began  to  gain  increasing  currency. 
Jeremy  Bentham  (1748-1832)  was  a  pioneer  in  the  aim  to  secure  the 
greatest  happiness  of  the  greatest  number  by  scientific  legislation. 
Thomas  Mai  thus,  in  his  Essay  on  Population,  1798,  argued  that  a 
chief  source  of  misery  was  the  natural  tendency  of  population  to  in- 
crease more  rapidly  than  means  of  subsistence,  and  advocated  check- 
ing its  growth.  Yet  at  the  same  time,  he  admitted  that  disease  and 
poverty  operated  to  partially  modify  his  law,  nor  was  he  a  simply  hard- 
hearted theorist ;  for  he  enthusiastically  supported  the  improvement 
of  the  lot  of  children  by  factory  legislation. 

Heralds  of  Romantic  Revolt  in  Poetry.  —  The  decline  in  poetry 
during  the  second  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  has  been  attributed 
to  the  influence  of  Pope.  A  more  important  factor,  however,  was 
the  essentially  prosaic  character  of  the  age.  Yet,  as  has  been  seen, 
there  were  evidences  of  tendencies  to  break  away  from  convention, 
to  search  back  into  the  romance  and  mystery  of  the  past,  to  sound  the 
depths  of  fundamental  human  problems  and  to  appreciate  the  beau- 
ties of  external  nature.  William  Cowper  (1731-1800)  unconsciously  re- 
vealed a  new  attitude  in  his  charming  descriptions  of  rural  life,  notably 
in  The  Task.  He  was  a  gentle  soul  in  whom  occasional  fits  of  gayety 
were  darkened  by  long  periods  of  religious  melancholia.  John  Gilpin's 
Ride,  1783,  was  a  product  of  one  of  his  rollicking  moods.  Robert 
Burns  (1759-1796),  a  Scotch  farmer  boy,  was  a  unique  apparition  in 
lyric  poetry.  During  a  stormy  life,  brought  to  a  premature  close 
by  his  own  weakness  and  folly,  he  produced  a  body 'of  verse,  ranging 
from  pathos  to  mirth,  which  touches  the  deepest  springs  of  human 
experience  and  which  has  the  spontaneous  melody  of  the  songbird. 

The  Romantic  Revolt.  The  "  Lake  School."  —  The  really  epoch- 
making  event  in  the  romantic  reaction  was  the  publication,  in  1798, 
of  the  Lyrical  Ballads,  a  little  volume  which  was  the  joint  work  of 
William  Wordsworth  (1770-1850)  and  Samuel  Taylor  Coleridge  (1772- 


ENGLAND  AT  THE  EVE  OF  THE  REFORM  BILL          637 

1834).  The  collaboration  was  due  to  warm  personal  friendship  and  a 
common  revulsion  against  the  existing  literary  traditions.  Yet  the 
two  were  strikingly  unlike,  both  as  poets  and  men.  Coleridge's  mind 
was  prone  to  soar  away  into  the  regions  of  the  supernatural,  of  dream- 
land and  mystery,  though  he  never  went  to  the  lengths  of  inartistic 
unreality,  and  he  clothed  his  weird  fancies  in  exquisitely  melodious 
verse.  His  finest  achievements,  the  Ancient  Mariner  —  contributed 
to  the  Lyrical  Ballads  —  Kubla  Khan,  and  Christabel  were  all  written 
as  early  as  1801,  though  Christabel  was  not  published  till  1816.  In  his 
later  life  he  shone  chiefly  as  a  talker,  as  a  critic,  and  as  an  interpreter 
of  German  transcendentalist  philosophy.  Owing  to  a  growing  in- 
firmity of  will,  of  which  addiction  to  opium  was  at  once  a  symptom 
and  a  cause,  his  projects,  after  his  early  manhood,  were  greater  than 
his  achievements.  As  to  Wordsworth,  no  poet  has  shown  a  greater 
love  of  nature,  a  more  sensitive  appreciation  of  her  varied  aspects  and 
of  her  subtle  influence  on  those  who  reverently  contemplate  her.  Nor 
has  any  other  nature  poet  reproduced  with  more  fidelity  what  he  has 
seen  and  felt.  Yet,  lacking  in  humor  and  desirous  to  avoid  artificial 
pomp,  he  sometimes  sank  to  dull  and  almost  ludicrous  commonplace. 
The  Excursion,  his  longest,  but  not  his  best  poem,  shows  him  at  his 
best  and  worst,  for  it  contains  long  arid  stretches  relieved  by  oases  of 
lofty  beauty.  Coleridge  and  Wordsworth  are  the  leading  representa- 
tives of  the  so-called  "  Lake  School,"  a  term,  however,  which  is  very 
misleading ;  since  it  meant  no  more  than  a  group  of  writers  of  widely 
different  traits  who  were  drawn  by  the  ties  of  friendship  to  take  up 
their  residence  in  the  Cumberland  Lake  district. 

Scott  and  Byron.  —  Sir  Walter  Scott  (1771-1832),  by  his  antiqua- 
rain  researches  into  the  history  and  legends  of  Scotland,  as  well  as  by 
his  astonishing  productivity  in  romantic  prose  and  poetry,  did  more 
than  any  other  single  man  to  foster  the  reviving  interest  in  the  past. 
In  1802-1803  appeared  three  volumes  of  Border  Minstrelsy,  a  collection 
of  Scotch  ballads.  Then  came  his  splendid  series  of  poems  —  the 
Lay  of  the  Last  Minstrel,  Marmion,  The  Lady  of  the  Lake — between 
1805  and  1815.  Owing  to  the  sudden  vogue  of  a  new  figure  in  the  poetic 
world  —  Lord  Byron  (1788-1824)  —  he  turned  to  prose.  Byron  was 
destined  to  prove  a  tempestuous  spirit  in  life  and  literature.  Scott 
was  a  Tory  by  temperament  and  tradition,  while  Coleridge  and  Words- 
worth, though  they  began  as  enthusiasts  for  the  French  Revolution, 
were  driven  into  the  conservative  ranks  by  the  excesses  which  followed. 
Byron,  on  the  other  hand,  was  a  persistent  revolutionist  against  exist- 
ing institutions  and  met  his  death  as  a  volunteer  in  the  war  for  Greek 
Independence.  He  first  manifested  his  fiery  temper  in  English  Bards 


638     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

and  Scotch  Reviewers,  1809,  a  reply  to  a  scathing  criticism  of  his  early 
poems.  After  a  journey  to  Greece  and  the  Orient  he  published  the 
first  two  cantos  of  Childe  Harold  in  1812.  Most  of  his  verse  in  this 
period  was  struck  off  at  a  white  heat,  brilliant,  but  careless,  stagey 
and  lacking  in  depth  of  feeling  and  sureness  of  imaginative  range. 
His  best  poetry  came  a  little  later  —  the  remaining  cantos  of  Childe 
Harold,  and  Don  Juan,  to  mention  only  the  long  works.  Don  Juan 
was  a  sardonic  satire  on  the  immorality  and  cant  prevailing  in  the 
society  of  the  day.  Byron  was  a  militant  egotist,  and  taught  the  dan- 
gerous message  of  individual  lawlessness;  but  his  personal  beauty 
and  his  lameness  which  gave  it  a  touch  of  pathos,  his  picturesque  tem- 
perament, his  wild  irregular  career  and  tragic  end,  all  contributed,  to- 
gether with  his  splendid  power  of  rhetoric  and  the  intensity  of  his 
passions,  to  gain  for  him  a  popularity  which  was  followed  by  an  equally 
strong  reaction.  This,  in  its  turn,  has  been  succeeded  by  a  more  dis- 
criminating appreciation  of  his  enduring  poetic  qualities. 

Shelley  and  Keats.  —  There  are  many  points  of  resemblance  be- 
tween Byron  and  Percy  Bysshe  Shelley  (1792-1822).  Both  were  poets 
of  revolt  against  the  religious,  social  and  political  institutions  of  their 
time,  and  both  led  short  and  stormy  lives.  Shelley  was  drowned  off 
the  coast  of  Italy  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age.  His  earliest  long  poem, 
Queen  Mob,  appeared  privately  in  1813,  a  crude  harbinger  of  what  was 
to  come,  —  Alastor;  the  Revolt  of  Islam;  the  Cenci;  Prometheus  Un- 
bound. These,  together  with  numerous  shorter  poems  and  a  consider- 
able body  of  prose,  including  translations,  were  all  produced  within 
ten  years.  Shelley  was  a  generous  and  impulsive  visionary  who  had  a 
real  philosophy  of  revolution,  and  who  wrote  with  spiritual  fervor 
and  matchless  melody.  No  poet  ever  surpassed  him  in  his  finest  lyrical 
flights ;  but  the  beauties  of  his  thought  and  expression  are  unearthly, 
ethereal  in  character.  John  Keats  (i795-f82i)  was  a  frankly  human 
poet  with  a  love  of  the  beauty  of  the  earth  and  its  people,  and,  unlike 
either  Byron  or  Shelley,  he  bore  no  message  of  revolt  to  mankind. 
Though  dependent  upon  translations,  in  the  case  of  Greek,  he  saturated 
himself  with  the  legends  of  antiquity,  and,  with  the  further  aid  of  Spen- 
ser and  some  of  the  seventeenth-century  poets,  he  reproduced  the  spirit 
of  the  classic  times  with  wonderful  imaginative  power.  His  first 
volume  of  verses  was  published  in  1817,  Endymion  followed  in  1818, 
and,  in  1820,  came  a  collection  of  poems  which  marks  the  supreme 
fruition  of  his  genius.  Keats  had  to  struggle  against  early  disadvan- 
tages, and  he  succumbed  to  consumption  at  the  age  of  twenty-five ; 
but,  in  his  brief  interval  of  activity,  he  prepared  a  heritage  which  has 
permanently  enriched  the  English  speech. 


ENGLAND   AT  THE   EVE  OF  THE   REFORM   BILL  639 

Novelists.  —  Novel  writing  showed  a  marked  development  as  the 
century  advanced.  Beginning  with  realistic  pictures  of  English  life, 
chiefly  on  the  external  side,  the  scope  of  prose  fiction  gradually  widened 
and  deepened,  as  historical  study  and  travel  increased  the  knowledge 
of  past  times  and  other  lands,  and  as  men  began  to  study  more  closely 
into  the  psychology  of  human  conduct.  William  Godwin,  a  free- 
thinker and  pioneer  among  political  radicals,  published  Caleb  Williams 
in  1794,  a  protest  against  the  injustice  of  the  aristocracy  toward  the 
poor.  Maria  Edgeworth  (1767-1849),  an  Irishwoman,  wrote  a  series 
of  novels,  of  which  Castle  Rackrent,  1800,  is  the  best,  chiefly  to  depict 
the  wrongs  which  her  country 1  had  to  suffer  from  absentee  landlords 
and  other  evils,  and  furnish  valuable  pictures  of  contemporary  Irish 
life.  According  to  Scott's  own  modest  testimony,  her  achievements 
in  this  particular  suggested  to  him  the  plan  of  his  famous  Waverley 
Novels  which  tell  us  so  much  about  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
century  Scotland.  The  success  they  attained  encouraged  him  to 
write  his  equally  famous  works  relating  to  the  Middle  Ages.  While 
his  facts  were  not  always  strictly  accurate  and  while  his  pictures  of 
medieval  life  do  not  always  correspond  to  actual  historical  conditions, 
his  work  is,  nevertheless,  remarkable  for  its  high  and  varied  excellence. 
Jane  Austen  (1775-1817)  had  no  moral  lessons  to  expound,  and  she 
made  no  effort  to  deal  with  life  outside  the  provincial  society  of  south- 
ern England ;  but  she  describes  the  folk  in  her  own  restricted  circle 
with  such  penetrating  observation,  rare  humor  and  artistic  fidelity 
as  to  gain  for  her  a  place  in  the  first  rank  of  English  artists.  Pride 
and  Prejudice  is  her  best  known,  and,  all  told,  her  finest  book. 

The  Essayists.  —  This  period  was  famous  for  its  essayists,  among 
whom  De  Ouincey  and  Lamb  stand  the  foremost,  with  Hazlitt  and 
Leigh  Hunt  not  far  behind.  Thomas  De  Quincey  (1785-1859)  is  per- 
haps best  known  for  his  Confessions  of  an  English  Opium  Eater.  His 
distinction  as  a  stylist  rests  upon  his  "  impassioned  prose  "  —  an 
attempt  to  revive  the  long  rhythmical  sentences  and  gorgeous  imagery 
of  the  pre-Restoration  period.  Charles  Lamb  (1775-1834),  who, 
jointly  with  his  sister  Mary,  did  the  Tales  from  Shakespeare,  produced 
his  best  work  in  the  Essays  of  Elia,  where  he  showed  an  inimitable  art 
of  transforming  with  literary  grace  the  commonest  incidents  of  Lon- 
don life  and  weaving  about  them  the  spell  of  romance.  Leigh  Hunt 
(1784-1859)  produced  charming  pieces  of  critical  and  miscellaneous 
prose  and  excellent  verses  as  well.  His  Abou  Ben  Adhem  is  a  popular 
classic.  William  Hazlitt  (1778-1830)  has  been  described  as  "  the 

1  Thomas  Moore's  Irish  Melodies  voice  beautifully  in  verse  the  spirit  of  his  native 
land. 


640    SHORTER   HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

most  accomplished  dramatic  critic  England  has  produced."  His  best 
essays  owe  their  engaging  quality  to  the  personal  touches  he  has  in- 
troduced. 

Periodical  Literature.  —  One  of  the  most  notable  features  of  the 
early  nineteenth  century  was  the  appearance  of  two  periodicals  which 
contributed  much  to  organize  criticism  as  a  distinct  branch  of  English 
letters,  assumed  the  position  of  literary  dictators,  and  became  potent 
influences  in  politics  as  well.  The  Edinburgh  Review  was  projected, 
in  1802,  by  Francis  Jeffrey,  Brougham  and  Sidney  Smith.  Under 
the  able  editorship  of  Jeffrey  it  dominated  the  field  until  1809,  when 
Scott,  an  occasional  contributor,  becoming  alienated  by  its  Whig  bias, 
joined  Canning  in  founding  the  Quarterly  Review,  which,  although  it 
attracted  many  gifted  writers,  never  attained  quite  the  brilliancy  of 
its  older  rival.  The  growing  importance  of  periodicals  and  the  rise 
of  women  authors,  which  began  with  Fanny  Burney,  are  among  the 
most  distinctive  facts  of  modern  English  letters.1 

Painting.  —  While  portrait  painters  of  reputation  flourished  during 
this  period,  none  of  them  rank  with  their  three  famous  predecessors, 
and  the  significant  feature  in  the  history  of  painting  is  the  slow  but 
steady  development  of  the  landscape  art  to  the  triumphant  achieve- 
ments of  Turner  and  Constable.  Worthy  of  mention  as  they  are, 
the  intervening  names  must  be  passed  by.  Joseph  Mallord  William 
Turner  (1775-1851)  was  the  son  of  a  London  hairdresser,  but  never- 
theless had  a  long  and  thorough  training  in  his  art.  Up  to  1820  he 
was  mainly  occupied  in  imitating  the  old  masters.  Then  he  struck 
out  for  himself,  and,  for  about  fifteen  years,  his  chief  aim  was  to  pro- 
duce ideal,  poetic  creations  rather  than  actual  reproductions  from  na- 
ture. The  choicest  fruit  of  this  period  was  Ulysses  Deriding  Poly- 
"phemus  (1829),  generally  regarded  as  his  masterpiece.  In  the  third 
phase  of  his  artistic  career  he  devoted  himself  to  depicting  what  he 
actually  saw,  though,  even  then,  his  gorgeous  colorings,  particularly 
his  glowing  sunsets,  mark  him  as  a  romantic  poet  with  the  brush. 
This  is  evident  in  his  famous  Fighting  T enter  air  e  (1839).  John  Con- 
stable (1776-1837)  was  the  great  master  of  English  landscape  painting, 
of  the  prose  as  distinguished  from  the  poetic  type.  It  was  he  who 
completed  the  emancipation  from  all  convention,  and  founded  a 
school  with  the  guiding  aim  of  reproducing  natural  scenery  with  the 
utmost  fidelity.  While  his  own  countrymen  were  slow  in  appreciating 

1  The  Times,  the  greatest  newspaper  in  the  world,  took  its  rise  about  the  time 
that  the  daily  press  was  beginning  really  to  count  as  a  factor  in  politics.  It  was 
founded  by  John  Walter  in  1785;  but  did  not  assume  its  present  name  till  three 
years  later. 


ENGLAND   AT  THE  EVE  OF  THE  REFORM   BILL  641 

his  art,  the  French  welcomed  it  with  promptness  and  enthusiasm,  and 
he  exercised  a  potent  influence  on  Corot,  Millet  and  the  other  members 
of  the  famous  coterie  of  Barbizon. 

Social  Effects  of  the  French  Revolution.  —  The  social  effects  of  the 
French  Revolution  were  as  striking  as  the  political.  Cut  off  from 
making  the  Grand  Tour  by  reasons  of  safety  and  economy  alike, 
people  of  fashion  confined  their  holiday  to  trips  to  English  watering 
places.  Also  Fox  and  his  set,  who  had  hitherto  set  the  fashion  in 
dandified  dress,  began  to  affect  republican  simplicity.  Poverty  as 
well  as  caprice  induced  many  to  follow  his  example,  even  to  the  extent 
of  appearing  in  Parliament  in  greatcoats  and  top-boots,  instead  of 
the  customary  Court  dress  and  sword^  Various  causes  contributed  to 
transform  radically  the  prevailing  style  of  costume.  Improved  pro- 
cesses of  woolen  and  cotton  manufacture  resulted  in  a  steadily  d&- 
creasing  use  of  silks,  satins  and  velvets  by  both  sexes.  In  consequence 
l)f  the  tav  r>n  pnwrlpTj  women  ceased  to  powder  t.'he.ir  hair.  Wipjs,  ex^~ 
cepflh  the  case  of  judges,  professional  men  and  clergy,  had  been  gen- 
erally discarded  early  in  the  reign  of  George  III,  and  now  those  of  the 
extremer  sort  began  to  wear  their  hair  short.  In  the  last  decade  of 
the  century,  buckled  knee  breeches  began  to  give  way  to  pantaloons 
and  Hessian  boots,  sparrow-tail  coats  became  the  fashion,  and  the 
cocked  hat  yielded  to  the  top  or  "  sugar-loaf  "  hat.  These  innova- 
tions, however,  were  taken  up  at  first  only  by  the  upper  classes.  The 
ordinary  citizen  and  the  countryman  still  clung  to  knee  breeches  and 
wide-skirted^  coats. 

The  French  Revolution  was  also  not  without  effect  on  morals.  So- 
cial dissipation  and  extravagance  gave  place  to  greater  simplicity  and 
earnestness.  One  evidence  was  a  strong  reaction  against  excessive 
gambling.  In  1796,  the  Chief  Justice  threatened  certain  ladies  of  rank 
with  the  pillory  for  keeping  faro  banks  in  their  houses,  and,  during 
the  next  year,  three  were  actually  fined.  More  important  than  re- 
pression was  the  fact  that  stress  of  events  offered  food  for  conversa- 
tion, and  opened  avenues  of  activity  in  military  and  political  life  more 
engrossing  than  idle  frivolity.  New  societies  were  founded  for  the 
reformation  of  manners  and  the  better  observance  of  the  Sabbath, 
while  the  philanthropic  spirit  aroused  by  the  evangelical  revival  was^ 
stimulated  by  the  misery  engendered  by  the  War  and  the  introduction^ 
of  machinery7.  Heavy  drinking  was  a  still  prevalent  vice.  Men  were 
not  ashamed  to  appear  drunk,  even  in  Parliament,  and7  unhappily, 
had  a  sorry  example  in  the  otherwise  austere  Pitt.  However,  except 
in  the  case  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  his  boon  companions,  a  marked 
improvement  was  noticeable  among  the  political  leaders  during  the 


642     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

first  two  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Dueling  was  common, 
and  generally  approved  by  society  throughout  this  period.  Owing, 
however,  to  increasing  protests,  earnest  efforts  were  later  made  to 
stamp  out  the  practice.  In  1830  two  judges  declared  the  survivor 
in  a  duel  guilty  of  murder,  in  1844  the  amended  Articles  of  War  pro- 
vided that  officers  should  give  and  accept  apologies  and  should  be 
cashiered  if  they  fought,  and,  in  1845,  a  Radical  member  brought  a 
challenge  before  the  House  as  a  breach  of  privilege.  These  measures, 
backed  by  a  gradual  change  in  public  opinion,  proved  effective. 

The  Game  Laws.  —  While  the  country  gentry  were  increasing  their 
rent  rolls,  the  merchants  and  manufacturers  were  steadily  encroach- 
ing upon  their  old  social  and  political  exclusiveness.  The  change  in 
the  game  laws  was  one  indication  of  the  breaking  down  of  the  old 
Aristocratic  privileges.  Since  the  seventeenth  century  no  man  had 
been  allowed  to  kill  game,  even  on  his  own  land,  unless  he  possessed  a 
freehold  estate  worth  £100  a  year,  or  a  £150  leasehold.  The  sale  of 
game  was  altogether  prohibited.  The  laws  were  evaded  in  ingenious 
ways.  Landowners  provided  shooting  for  their  younger  sons  or 
brothers  by  making  them  gamekeepers,  while,  in  spite  of  heavy  pen- 
alties, poaching  and  selling  game  were  very  common.  The  injustice 
of  the  existing  system  was  somewhat  mitigated  by  a  bill,  in  1832,  pro- 
viding that  the  killing  and  selling  of  game  be  allowed  to  anyone  ob- 
taining a  license  from  the  inland  revenue  department. 

Laws  Against  Cruelty  to  Animals.  —  An  increasing  humanitarian 
spirit  was  seen  in  measures  against  cruelty  to  animals.  Richard 
Martin  (1754-1834),  a  wealthy  Irish  landowner,  was  a  pioneer  in  this 
work,  which  earned  him  the  name  of  "  Humanity  Martin."  In  1823 
he  carried  a  bill  to  prevent  the  ill-treatment  of  horses  and  cattle ;  but 
he  was  not  even  allowed  to  introduce  a  measure  to  prohibit  bull-baiting 
and  dog-fighting,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  interfere  with  the  sports 
of  the  poor.  Undaunted  by  this  setback  he  founded,  in  1824,  the 
Royal  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Animals,  and  the  fruit 
of  his  efforts  was  a  law,  passed  ten  years  later,  which  did  away  with 
bull-baiting,  ox-driving,  and  cock-fighting. 

The  Reform  of  the  Criminal  Law.  —  This  period  marks  the  first 
steps  in  the  reform  of  the  barbarous  and  unreasonable  criminal  code, 
which,  at  the  beginning  of  the  century,  included  nearly  two  hundred 
offenses  involving  capital  punishment.  For  instance,  picking  a 
pocket  to  the  value  of  twelvepence,  robbing  a  shop  to  the  amount  of 
five  shillings  or  a  house  to  the  amount  of  forty,  were  punishable  by 
death.  What  with  misery,  excessive  drinking  and  an  ineffective 
police  system,  crime  increased  with  startling  rapidity.  But  signs 


ENGLAND  AT  THE  EVE  OF  THE  REFORM  BILL          643 

of  improvement  were  already  evident.  In  1815  the  pillory  was 
done  away  with  for  every  offense  except  perjury,  and  twenty  years 
later  it  was  abolished  for  that  offense  as  well.  The  flogging  of 
women  was  declared  illegal  in  1817.  Brougham  did  much  to  sim- 
plify procedure,  while  Peel,  who  prepared  the  way  for  a  better  en- 
forcement of  the  laws  by  the  establishment  of  the  metropolitan 
police  system  in  1829,  greatly  improved  the  criminal  code,  and,  before 
he  left  office,  he  had  reduced  the  capital  penalties  to  about  a  score, 
including  murder,  arson,  highway  robbery,  house-breaking,  cattle- 
stealing,  counterfeiting,  and  forgery.  While  he  deserves  much  credit, 
his  work  would  have  been  impossible  but  for  a  change  in  public  opinion 
to  which  the  persistent  efforts  of  Sir  Samuel  Romilly  largely  contrib- 
uted.1 All  together,  while  the  great  epoch  of  reform  came  after  1832, 
not  a  little  was  done  in  the  previous  decade  to  break  down  old  exclu- 
sive privileges,  and  to  legislate  with  a  view  to  promoting  the  greatest 
happiness  of  the  greatest  number. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

General  Conditions.  Traill,  Social  England,  VI.  S.  Walpole,  History  of 
England,  I,  chs.  I-III.  Brodrick  and  Fotheringham,  ch.  XX. 

Social  and  Industrial.  J.  Ashton,  Social  Life  under  the  Regency  (1890). 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  X,  ch.  XXIII  (bibliography  883-889) .  Cunning- 
ham, English  Industry  and  Commerce.  Porter,  Progress  of  the  Nation. 
Rogers,  Six  Centuries  of  Work  and  Wages  and  Agriculture  and  Prices.  Wm. 
Cobbett,  Rural  Rides  (new  ed.,  1886)  and  Tour  in  the  Northern  Counties 
(1833).  R.  M.  Garnier,  History  of  the  English  Landed  Gentry  (1893)  and 
Annals  of  the  British  Peasantry  (1895).  Hammond,  The  Town  Labourer 
and  The  Village  Labourer.  Prothero,  English  Farming.  Webb,  Trades  Union- 
ism. Usher,  Industrial  History.  H.  R.  Hodge,  Economic  Conditions,  1815- 
1914  (1917). 

Literature  and  Scholarship.  Cambridge  Modern  History,  X,  chs.  XXII- 
XXIV  (bibliographies  879-882,  890-892).  Moody  and  Lovett.  Taine, 
III.  Saintsbury,  Nineteenth  Century  Literature  (1896).  O.  Elton,  A  Survey 
of  English  Literature,  1780-1830  (2  vols.,  1913).  G.  M.  C.  Brandes,  Main 

1  By  successive  Acts,  passed  at  intervals  during  the  next  generation,  capital 
penalties  were  steadily  reduced,  and,  since  1861,  the  only  offenses  punishable  by 
death  are  four,  i.e.  treason,  murder,  piracy  with  violence,  and  setting  fire  to  arsenals 
and  dock-yards.  It  is  commonly  said  that  the  excessive  death  penalties  furnished 
the  most  fruitful  encouragement  to  crime,  since  juries  shrank  from  convicting.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  percentage  of  convictions  was  fairly  high,  though  the  utmost 
rigor  of  the  law,  in  the  case  of  first  offenders,  was  usually  evaded  by  a  merciful  dis- 
regard of  the  facts.  For  example,  when  a  culprit  had  robbed  a  house  of  clearly 
more  than  405.  he  was  found  guilty  of  stealing  395.  iod.,  and  not  let  off,  but  sen- 
tenced to  some  lighter  punishment,  such  as  transportation. 


644     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Currents  in  Nineteenth  Century  Literature  (Eng.  tr.  V,  1905).  L.  Stephen, 
Hours  in  a  Library  (3  vols.,  1892).  H.  A.  Beers,  English  Romanticism  in 
the  Nineteenth  Century  (1899).  E.  Dowden,  The  French  Revolution  and 
English  Literature  (1897).  W.  J.  Courthope,  A  History  of  English  Poetry, 
(1905).  W.  V.  Raleigh,  The  English  Novel  (1894).  W.  L.  Davidson, 
Political  Thought  in  England:  the  Utilitarians  from  Bentham  to  J.  S.  Mill 
(1915). 


CHAPTER  L 
THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM.    WILLIAM  IV  (1830-1837) 

William  IV.  —  William,  Duke  of  Clarence,  the  third  son  of  George 
III,  had  nearly  completed  his  sixty-fifth  year  when  he  came  to  the 
throne.  While  naturally  kind-hearted,  he  was  full  of  prejudices,  liable 
to  sudden  fits  of  passion,  and  prone  to  make  long  rambling  and  absurd 
speeches  on  the  most  inappropriate  occasions.  At  his  accession,  how- 
ever, these  peculiarities  were  not  generally  known,  and  he  proved  so 
good-natured,  frank  and  simple  that  he  was  received  with  popular  en- 
thusiasm almost  unheard  of.  In  spite  of  his  shortcomings  and  follies 
he  had  right  instincts,  and  a  rough  common  sense,  which  proved  a  great 
help  to  his  Ministers  in  the  first  great  crisis  of  his  reign. 

The  Causes  of  the  Reform  Movement.  —  Catholic  Emancipation 
had  been  carried  in  Parliament  against  the  popular  will,  while  parlia- 
mentary reform,  which  was  now  coming  to  be  the  burning  issue,  owed 
its  passage  to  the  demands  of  a  majority  of  the  English  people./  The 
revolution  in  public  opinion  which  had  recently  begun  to  rtfanifest 
itself  was  due  to  a  combination  of  four  causes.  The  first  Avas  the 
,iransferenc(L£if-.tho  balance  of  wealth  from  the  landed  aristocracy  to 
the  great  merchants  an^  manufacturers.  The  second  was  the  shift- 
ing of_the  centers  of  population  from  the  south  and  east  to  the  midlands 
and  the  north,  which  r£aj]e_yieune_qiialjj  islribulion  of  _rc]Kescn  1  a  t  i  on_ 
between  thelwo  sections  a  crying  grievance.  The  third  was  the  fact^ 
tbatJJisJip.rrors  of  the  French  Revolution  and  the  Napoleonic  aggres- 
sioiyajicUiadeexL  of  the  domestic  unrest  which  followed  the  Great 


_ 

tVlp  m^mmy  r.f  F.nglj^hmf  riK  wTiilp  the  recent 

course  of  events  in  Paris  was  such  as  to  stimulate  rather  than  to  retard 
their  ardor.  The  fourth,  and  perhaps  the  most  significant  cause  of 
all,  was  thejnfluence  of  the  advanced  thinkers  and  the  zeal  of  the  prac- 
tical statesmen  who  labored  to  prepare  the  way  during  the  long  and 


ears  of  reaction. 


Jeremy  Bentham  and  His  Influence.  —  Foremost  in  influence  was 
the  pioneer  of  the  Utilitarians,  Jeremy  Benthamji748-i8.^2),  of  whom 
it  is  perhaps  not  too  much  to  say  "  progressive  and  practical  reformers 

645 


646      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

throughout  the  world  owe  more  .  .  .  than  to  any  other  single  man." 
When  he  was  twenty  years  of  age  he  adopted  as  his  maxim  "the  great- 
est happiness  of  the  greatest  number^"  and  the  means  which  he  adopte^ 
for  realizing  his  end  was  scientific  legislation^  Beginning  as  an  advo- 
cate  of  moderate  and  gradual,  reform,  the  refusal  of  the  statesmen  in 
power  to  listen  to  him  was  responsible  for  turning  him  into  a  radical, 
though  his  conversion  was  somewhat  delayed  by  his  fear  of  the  French^ 
Revolution^  His  Catechism  of  Parliamentary  Reform,  in  which  he 
outlined  his  political  views,  was  written  in  1809,  but  was  not  published 
till  1817.  Assuming  that  the  aim  of  all  government  is  utility  —  the 
good  of  the  governed  —  he  argued  that  the  existing  system  was  hope- 
lessly at  fault,  since  it  was  the  instrument  of  the  aristocratic  minority 
for  the  promotion  of  class  interests.  Curiously  enough,  he  had  a  low 
opinion  of  mankind,  believing  that  the  governing  motive  of  the  in- 
dividual was  the  furtherance  of  his  own  ends.  For  that  very  reason, 
however,  he  advocated  the  extension  of  popular  government,  on  the 
ground  that  the  control  of  the  majority  would  make  for  the  good  of 
the  greatest  number.  He  failed  to  realize  that,  even  if  all  men  were 
selfish,  their  individual  interests  were  bound  to  conflict,  and  that  the 
sum  total  would  not  be  harmony,  but  discord ;  nevertheless,  his  argu- 
ments for  increased  parliamentary  representation  had  great  force  and 
wide-reaching  effect.  Owing,  however,  to  the  diffuseness  and  obscur- 
ity of  his  style,  his  views  were  spread  more  through  his  disciples 
than  by  his  own  writings.  Philosophical  radicals,  popular  agitators, 
and  practical  statesmen  all  contributed  to  carry  his  teachings  into 
effect. 

Movement  for  Parliamentary  Reform.  —  While  parliamentary 
reform  did  not  become  an  issue  in  practical  politics  till  the  beginning 
of  the  reign  of  William  IV,  the  subject  had  been  discussed  at  intervals 
for  nearly  a  century.  Best  known  among  its  early  and  unsuccessful 
advocates  were  Chatham,  Wilkes,  and  Pitt.  Jn  i?Q2,  th"e  Society  of 
the  Friends  of  the  People  was  formed  for  promoting  the  movement^ 
but  sober  folk  very  generally  coupled  it  with  Revolutionary  designs^ 
The  cause  was  still  further  prejudiced  when  the  Radicals  took  it  up 
and  proceeded  to  demand  also  universal  suffrage,  annual  parliaments, 
equal  electoral  districts  and  vote  by  ballot.  In  1819,  however,  Lord 
John  Russell,  by  introducing  a  motion  for  moderate  reform,  once  more 
identified  the  question  with  the  Whig  party.  Though  he  gained  an 
increasing  body  of  supporters,  he  fought  an  uphill  fight  for  thirteen 
years. 

The  Eve  of  Triumph.     Whig  Gains  in  the  Election  of  1830.  —  For 
a  time  even  the  liberal  remnant  of  the  Canningites  persisted  in  re- 


THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM  647 

garding  the  existing  parliamentary  system  as  the  only  breakwater 
against  the  rising  tide  of  democracy,  but  the  temperate  attitude  of 
the  Whig  leaders  had  won  the  confidence  of  the  conservative  middle 
classes.  They  contended  that,  while  universal  suffrage  was  wild  and 
dangerous,  the  enfranchisement  of  householders  and  the  transfer  of 
votes  from  small  decayed  boroughs  to  populous  towns  was  not  only^ 
safe  and  reasonable  but  an  imperative  recognition  of  the  growing^ 
importance  of  the  commercial  and  industrial  classes,.  Parliament 
was  dissolved  during  the  summer  of  1830,  and  in  the  general  election 
which  followed,  the  Whigs  made  such  decisive  gains  that  the  doom  of 
the  old  Tory  party  was  sounded. 

Advent  of  Grey's  Reform  Ministry  (November,  1830). — Neverthe- 
less, the  King's  speech  at  the  opening  of  Parliament  contained  no 
reference  on  the  subject  of  reform.  The  disappointment  of  the  re- 
formers was  turned  to  fury  when  Wellington,  in  the  Lords,  declared 
that  the  existing  representative  system  "  possessed  the  full  and  entire 
confidence  of  the  country."  Insisting  further  that  "  no  better  system 
could  be  devised  by  the  wit  of  man,"  he  announced  that  not  only7 
would  he  never  introduce  a  Reform  Bill  himself,  but  that  "  he  should 
always  feel  it  his  duty  to  resist  such  measures  when  proposed  by  others.*7 
The  effect  of  the  speech  was  to  overthrow  his  Government.  Appar-" 
ently  the  Duke  spoke  on  his  own  authority ;  but  the  Cabinet  stood 
by  him  and  resigned  in  November,  on  an  adverse  vote  on  the  Civil 
List,  without  waiting  to  face  the  inevitable  question.  Thereupon, 
Earl  Grey  (1764-1845)  consented  to  form  a  Ministry,  on  condition 
that  parliamentary  reform  should  be  made  a  Cabinet  question.  He 
had  grown  old  in  the  service  of  the  Whig  party  during  the  period  of 
its  adversity.  Fear  of  radicalism  had  ra.nspH  him  for  a  time  to  hold 
aloof  from  reform^  of  which  he  had  been  an  early  pioneer ;  but  he  had 
^gain  taken  up  the  work,  and  it  was  fitting  that  the  surviving  Nestor 
of  the  cause  should  be  chosen  Premier  on  the  return  of  the  Whigs  to 
office.  The  Ministers  whom  he  selected  were  almost  exclusively  peers 
or  men  of  titled  connections;  however,  it  was  a  remarkable  group, 
four  of  whom  subsequently  became  Prime  Ministers.  The  task  con- 
fronting the  new  Ministry  was  a  tremendous  and  complicated  one. 

The  Unreformed  House  of  Commons.  Inequalities  of  Represen- 
tation. —  The  existing  representative  system  was  both  inadequate 
and  rornipf.  The  franchise  was  restricted  to  a  few,  and  was  unequally, 
distributed.  The  area  embraced  by  the  ten  southern  counties  of 
England  had  almost  the  same  number  of  representatives  as  that  of 
the  thirty  midland  and  northern  counties  where  there  were  nearly 
three  times  as  many  inhabitants.  Lancashire  and  Cornwall  offered 


648     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  most  glaring  contrast ;  the  former  had  i  ,000,000  inhabitants  and 
19  members,  while  the  latter  with  about  a  quarter  of  this  population 
had  44.  It  is  easy  to  explain  how  these  inequalities  arose.  The  evil 
was  manifest  chiefly  in  the  cities  and  boroughs.  Originally  such  had 
been  selected  as  would  be  most  likely  to  vote  supplies  to  the  Crown. 
The  burgesses  and  citizens,  who  looked  upon  representation  as  a  bur- 
den so  long  as  they  had  little  share  in  legislation,  usually,  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  sought  to  evade  their  obligations.  In  consequence,  the  Sovereigns 
and  sheriffs  were  accustomed  to  add  to  the  list  or  omit  from  it  at  will. 
Gradually,  however,  it  came  to  be  recognized  that  a  town  which  had 
once  sent  members  was  entitled  to  do  so  ever  after.  Then,  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  II,  it  was  decided  that  no  new  boroughs  could  be  created. 

The  Abuses  of  the  Existing  Borough  System.  —  While  these  latter 
provisions  were  some  protection  against  despotic  Sovereigns,  they  were 
responsible  for  the  fact  that  small  decayed  places  continued  to  send 
representatives,  while  new  and  flourishing  centers  of  industry  got  none. 
Old  Sarum,  for  instance,  was  no  longer  anything  but  a  green  mound, 
while  Dunwich  was  gradually  being  covered  by  the  North  Sea,  so  that 
it  was  suggested  that  the  voters  would  soon  have  to  go  out  in  boats 
to  exercise  their  electoral  privileges.  Malmesbury  contained  thirteen 
electors  none  of  whom  could  write.  Such  deserted  or  half -deserted 
constituencies  fell  an  easy  prey  to  territorial  magnates,  to  the  agents 
of  the  Crown,  or  to  rich  speculators  who  gained  control  in  one  way  or 
another,  sometimes  by  buying  the  borough  outright,  sometimes  by 
bribing  the  scanty  body  of  electors.  As  a  result,  it  is  probably  safe 
to  say  that,  by  1830,  not  more  than  a  third  of  the  House  was  freely 
chosen  and  then  only  by  a  very  limited  body  of  electors. 

Types  of  Boroughs.  Qualifications  for  Voting.  —  There  were  four 
types  of  boroughs,  (i)  There  were  nomination  or  pocket  boroughs  where 
the  patron  or  proprietor  had  the  absolute  right  of  returning  the  can-, 
didates^  (2)  Next  there  were  the  rotten  boroughs  where  the  electors^ 
were  controlled  bv  bribery  and  influence^,  (3)  In  still  another  type 
of  borough  the  body  of  electors  was  numerous^  but  restricted.  (4) 
Finally  there  were  a  very  few  where  the  right  of  voting  rested  on  a 
democratic  basis.  The  qualifications  for  voting  in  boroughs  were 
varied  and  curious  They,  again,  may  be  divided  into  four  main 
groups.  The  first  were  based  on  tenure-  In  a  few  towns  which  had 
been  made  counties  by  charter,  the  county  qualification  of  ownership 
of  a  forty-shilling  freehold  prevailed.  More  common  was  the  bu.rgage 
holding,  an  ancient  form  of  freehold  tenement,  very  limited  in  number, 
m  towng^  Secondly,  there  were  a  number  of  residence  qualifications. 
In  some  caseslthe  "  inhabitant  householders  "  could  vote  In  others^ 


THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM  649 

it  was  those  liable  to  scot  and  lot  —  certain  old  local  taxes,  together 
with  local  duties  such  as  serving  in  municipal  offices! In  still  other" 
cases  ijiose  who  had  a  single  room  where  they  couTd  cook  their  OWQ 
food  could  vote.     This  class  was  known  as  potwallers  or  potwallopers 
—  corruptions  of  the  original  term  potboiler.     In  the  third  class  of" 
boroughs  the  franchise  was  confined  to  the  freemen  of  the  municipal 
corporation!     This  right  could  be  acquired  by  inheritance  from  the" 
original  freemen,  by  marriage  to  the  heiress  of  a  freeman,  by  admission 
to  a  trading  company  or  gild,  or  by  purchase.     Finally,  there  were 
the  close  boroughs  where  the  right  to  vote  was  confined  to  the  govern- 
ing body  of  the  municipality  —  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and  councilors. 
Most  of  the  charters  of  the  Tudors  and  Stuarts  limited  the  electorate 
in  this  fashion.     Even  in  boroughs  where  a  democratic  qualification 
existed,  the  number  of  electors  was  usually  so  small  that  they  could 
be  easily  bribed. 

Bribery  and  Corruption  in  Elections.  —  Bribery  first  began  to  be 
systematic  under  Charles  II,  and  increased  with  the  growing  influence 
of  the  House  of  Commons.  It  reached  its  height  in  the  reign  of  George 
III,  when  two  causes  especially  fostered  its  growth.  One  was  the  firm 
determination  of  the  King  to  reestablish  the  waning  royal  asre.nda.nry. 
The  other  was  the  appearance  of^a  class  of  men,  known  as  nabobs^ 
who  having  made  fortunes  in  the  East  and  West  Indies,  spent  their 
money  lavishly  .to  secure  parliamentary  seats ;  their  competition  and 
that  of  the  steadily  increasing  class  of  opulent  merchants  and  manu- 
facturers in  England  sent  the  prices  soaring.1  Bribery  was  an  offense 
at  Common  Law ;  an  occasional  Act  was  passed  to  remedy  the  evil, 
and  a  few  of  the  more  corrupt  cases  were  exposed ;  but  it  was  all  to 
little  purpose,  particularly  so  long  as  George  III  actively  promoted  r 
the  system.  Moreover,  the  penalties  were  light :  disfranchisement  of 
the  guilty  or  the  merging  of  the  constituency  into  one  slightly  larger. 
Not  only  were  individual  electors  bribed,  but  nomination  and  rotten 
boroughs  were  sold  outright ;  indeed,  seats  were  advertised  openly 
and  shamplp^ly  In  1809  an  Act  imposing  the  penalties  of  fine  and 
forfeiture  of  seat  achieved  little  more  at  first  than  to  make  the  practice 
less  open. 

The  County  Franchise.  —  In  the  counties,  although  conditions  were 
better,  the  system  was  not  free  from  anomalies  and  abuses.  The 
forty-shilling  freehold  qualification,  created  in  1430,  insured  a  fairly 
wide  constituency.  On  the  other  hand,  copyholders  and  men  who 
rented  broad  lands  on  lease  were  excluded,  while,  owing  to  the  immense 

1  The  average  price  for  a  borough  went  up  from  £2500  to  £5000.  One  sold  for 
£9000. 


650    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

change  in  money  values,  forty  shillings  had  shrunk  to  a  very  small  sum. 
Many  freeholders  were  merely  poor  dependents  of  their  great  neigh- 
bors, and,  thanks  to  the  custom  of  open  polling,  they  were  peculiarly 
subject  to  corruption  and  intimidation.  The  evils  were  accentuated 
in  county  and  borough  alike,  by  the  long  period  allowed  for  voting 
and  the  drunkenness  and  turmoil  which  prevailed  during  the  elections. 
These  county  elections  were  often  the  arena  where  the  political  rivalry 
of  the  landed  magnates,  many  of  whom  wielded  tremendous  influence, 
was  displayed.1  Each  county  was  represented  by  two  members, 
which  meant  an  even  distribution  throughout  the  country ;  but  it 
put  tiny  shires  like  Rutland  on  the  same  basis  as  large  and  populous 
ones  like  Lancashire. 

Scotland  and  Ireland.  —  In  Scotland  conditions  were  even  worse 
than  in  England.  In  a  population  of  over  2,000,000  there  were  not 
more  than  4000  voters.  The  borough  franchise  was  vested  in  town 
councilors,  while  the  right  to  vote  in  the  counties  was  a  peculiar 
privilege  that  depended  neither  upon  property  nor  residence.  Argyle- 
shire,  with  100,000  inhabitants,  had  115  electors,  of  whom  only  31 
owned  any  land  in  the  county.  Naturally  votes  were  put  up  for  sale ; 
moreover,  the  great  landowners  who  secured  control,  instead  of  fight- 
ing on  party  lines,  commonly  agreed  to  support  the  Government  in 
return  for  patronage  and  other  rewards.  In  Ireland  the  system  of 
borough  franchise  was  bad  enough;  but  that  in  the  counties  was, 
until  1829,  worse.  By  Irish  law,  forty- shilling  freeholders  could  be 
created  without  grant  of  property.  The  landed  potentates  availed 
themselves  eagerly  of  the  opportunity  —  especially  after  the  Union 
—  until  Daniel  O'Connell  and  the  priests  managed  to  tear  from 
their  control  these  lesser  folk  whom  they  had  regarded  as  their 
creatures. 

Bribery  and  Corruption  in  Parliament.  —  A  natural  result  of  the 
faulty  and  corrupt  electoral  system  was  the  venality  and  self-seeking 
of  those  who  secured  seats,  since  most  of  the  members  or  their  patrons 
expected  to  be  compensated  for  their  outlays  to  electors  or  borough- 
mongers.  Inducements  were  offered  to  suit  all  tastes.  The  rich 
and  ambitious  were  tempted  with  peerages,  titles  of  honor,  patronage 
and  favor;  the  poor  and  mercenary  by  places,  pensions,  and  bribes. 
The  Act  of  1705  had  done  something  to  diminish  the  number  of  place- 
men, and,  though  the  incapacity  was  later  extended  to  pensioners, 
grants  were  continued  in  secret.  The  Rockingharp  ^rt  of  TjR?  pnj 
an  effective  check  on  secret  pensions :  moreover,  bv  virtue  of  this  and 

1  Yet  the  voters  when  aroused  could  act  with  independence,  as  is  proved  from 
the  fact  that,  in  1830,  out  of  82  county  members  only  20  Tories  were  returned. 


THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM  651 

other  ActsT  the  number  of  placemen  in  the  Commons  was  further 
reduced  during  the  period  from  George  I  to  George  IV.  Meantime, 
however,  the  practice  of  directly  bribing  members  grew  steadily 
from  the  Restoration  to  the  American  Revolution^  Though  Pitt 
discontinued  the  practice,  he  created  more  peers  than  any  Minister 
before  or  since.  Another  and  more  wasteful  means  employed  by 
George  III  to  secure  supporters  in  the  years  of  his  personal  supremacy 
was  through  loans  and  lotteries,  in  which  the  King's  friends  were 
accorded  the  preference  in  the  distribution  of  shares  and  tickets. 
Pitt  was  also  responsible  for  removing  this  type  of  abuse.1 

Counteracting  Tendencies.  —  Nevertheless,  England  progressed  in 
many  directions  and  achieved  much  in  the  eighteenth  century,  while 
her  people  were  freer  and  her  institutions  far  better  than  those  of  any 
other  European  country.  Many  reasons  explain  why  this  was  so. 
In  the  first  place,  politics  at|rartpH  f^p  q,b1fl*t  and  some  of  the  best_ 
men  of  the  age,  who,  while  they  advanced  their  own  interests.  labored_ 
to  make  their  country  the  leading  Power  in  the  world,  At  rrisfisT 
too,  they  deferred  to  public  opinionr  an  opinion  in  which  the  sound_ 
traditions  of  the  previous  century  survived,  and  which  was  being  fed 
by  the  new  and  enlightened  ideas  of  the  growing  commercial  anH  iru 
dustrial  classes.  Moreover,  after  the  Tories  again  became  a  factor 
in  politics  at  the  accession  of  George  III,  party  rivalry  played  an 
important  role  in  checking  the  evils  which  hacfdeveloped  during  the 
Whig  ascendancy^  The  Whigs  soon  fell  into  eclipse  for  a  time :  but 
their  leaders  were  active  and  courageous  in  denouncing  the  short- 
comings of  their  political  rivals.  The  press,  too,  became  more  and 
more  a  means  of  ventilating  ^.hnsps  anH  rm-mptinn,,  y/Tiile  many 
evils  had  been  checked  or  done  away  with  when  the  Grey  Ministry 
came  to  power,  the  cumbersome,  inadequate  method  of  representation 
which  did  so  much  to  foster  them  still  remained.  Partly  for  that 
reason  and  partly  because  of  the  exclusion  of  many  persons  and 
communities  who  demanded  a  voice  in  pnhlir  affairs,  reform 
necessary  and  inevitable.""^ 

The  First  Reform  Bill  and  Its  Defeat  (19  April,  1831).  —  The  two 
general  objects  in  the  work  whir.h  the  Grey  Ministry  now  undertook^ 
were  to  redistribute  narliarr^entary  seats  on  a  more  equal  basis,  and 
j.0  extend  the  right  of  voting.  Lord  John  ^nsse]!,  who  had  lahorerT 
so  persistently  in  the  causeTwas  chosen  to  introduce  the  measure  and 
to_explain  its  terms.  Outside  Parliament,  the  people  showed  intense 
enthusiasm  in  public  meetings,  in  political  unions.  anH  in  floods  of 

1  The  Rockingham  Act  had  akeady  excluded  contractors  from  the  House  of 
Commons  in  1782. 


652     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

petitions.  Also,  the  borough  interests,  who  had  so  much  at  stake, 
roused  themselves  and  were  backed  by  two  thirds  of  the  Peers,  by 
a  strong  minority  in  the  Commons,  and  by  the  Tory  sentiment  through- 
out the  country.  The  second  reading1  was  carried  by  a  majority  of 
one,  amidst  scenes  of  wildest  joy  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs,  yet  the 
Bill  was  defeated  in  the  committee  stage^  IQ  April,  1831,  by  an  amend- 
ment against  a  provision  for  reducing  the  membership  of  the  Commons^ 
Its  Second  Defeat  and  Its  Final  Passage  (1832).  —  The  Government 
thereupon  persuaded  King  William  to  appeal  to  the  people  in  another 
general  election,  one  of  the  most  momentous  in  English  history. 
The  cry  throughout  the  country  was :  "  The  Bill,  the  wholeJBill,  and 
nothing  but  the  Bill."  The  reformers  triumphed,  and  the  second 
Bill  passed  the  new  House  of  Commons,  21  September,  by  a  majority 

of  109;    nevertheless,  the  Lords  proved   stnhhnrn   and   thrpw  nnt  tVip 

measure  on  the  second  reading. ._  The  leading  newspapers  appeared 
in  mourning,  and  the  Times  declared  that  it  turned  from  "  the  appalling 
sight  of  a  wounded  nation  to  the  means  already  in  action  for  recovery." 
Since  the  reverse  was  not  unexpected,  the  Ministry,  sustained  by  a_ 
vote  of  confidence  in  the  Commons,  merely  prorogue/)  Parliament  and, 
prepared  the  third  BilL  Among  other  changes  the  clause  reducing 
the  membership  was  dropped.  The  agitation  outside,  which,  even 
though  intense,  had  hitherto  been  pearpfnlj  now  hera.mf>  violen^ 
Riots  broke  out  in  London  and  other  cities,  the,  most  serious  of  which 
occurred  in  Bristol,  in  the  last  days  of  October,  when  the  mob 
reigned  supreme  for  two  davs^  The  political  unions,  too,  became  so 
active  and  aggressive  that  a  proclamation  was  issued  suppre&ang 
certain  of  them  by  name.  When  Parliament  met  again,  the  Commons 
sent  the  new  Bill  to  the  Upper  House  with  fl,n  inrrpggprl  majority 
Fearful  of  continuing  toUefy  public  opinion  openly,  the  Lords  yoted 
for  the  second  reading,  by  a  majority  of  nine,  but  in  the  committee^ 
stage  they  insisted  upon  amendments  which  the  Ministry  could jgot 
accepL.  Popular  excitement  became  furious  in  its  intensity,  a  clamor 
arose  that  the  Peers  be  forced  into  line,  and  many  political  associa- 
tions refused  to  pay  taxes.  With  the  country  trejnblinp;  on  trig  verp;e^ 
of  a  revolution.,  Grey  was  persuaded  by  his  colleagues  to  advise  the 
King  to  create  a  sufficient  number  of  new  Peers  to  carry  the  BilL 
Upon  WillianVs  refusal  the  Cabinet  resigned  Wellington  undertook 
to  form  a  Ministry ;  but  finding  the  task  as  hopeless  as  it  was  dangfflr 
ous,  he  counseled  the  King  to  recall  Earl  Grey..  William  even  went 

1  A  Bill  before  its  passage  has  to  be  read  three  times  in  each  House.  The  first 
reading  is  usually  a  mere  formality.  Between  the  second  and  third  readings  there 
is  a  careful  consideration  by  a  committee  of  the  whole. 


THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM  653 

so  far  as  to  consent  to  the  creation  of  new  Peers,  on  condition  that  he 
might  confine  himself  to  the  heirs  of  existing  noblemen;  but,  by" 
using  his  influence  with  the  Tory  Lords,  he  managed  in  the  end  to 
avoid  this  extreme  step.  A  hundred  Peers,  led  by  Wellington,  with- 
drew  from  the  Upper  House  during  the  final  voting.  With  the  Tory 
opposition  thus  weakened,  the  Bill  passed  through  the  committee 
stage  and  the  third  reading,  and  received  the  royal  assent,  7  July, 
1832. 

The  Terms  of  the  Reform  Act  of  1832.  —  The  Act  in  its  final  form 
disfranchised  fifty-six  nomination  and  rotten  boroughs,  each  of  which 
had  less  than  2000  inhabitants  and  which  together  returned  in 
members^  Thirty  boroughs  where  the  population  was  less  than" 
4000  were  deprived  of  a  single  member  each,  while  one  double  borough 
lost  two  of  its  four.  There  were  thus  14.3  seats  for  redistrihutionj 
Twenty-two  large  towns  received  twor  and  twenty-one  a  single  memr 
ber  each.  Furthermore,  the  county  membership  was  increased  from 
94  to  150^  The  remaining  thirteen  representatives  were  left  for  Scot^_ 
land  and*  Ireland.  In  addition  to  redistribution  of  seats,  the  Bill 
undertook  a  moderate  extension  and  equalization  of  the  franchise. 
In  the  boroughs  the  various,  queer,  and  antiquated  franchises  were 
abolished,  with  one  exception,1  and  the  vote  was  given  to  all  house- 
holders paying  a  rental  of  £10  a  year.  In  the  counties,  the  forty- 
shilling  freehold  qualification  was  retained  in  the  case  of  the  voter 
who  occupied  his  estate,  or  who  had  acquired  it  by  inheritance,  mar- 
riage or  other  specified  ways.  In  other  cases,  a  £10  qualification  was 
established  for  freeholders,  copyholders  and  leaseholders  for  terms  of 
sixty  years.  A  qualification  of  £50  was  fixed  for  leaseholders  for 
shorter  terms  and  for  tenants-at-will. 

Scotland  and  Ireland.  —  Scotland  and  Ireland  were  dealt  with  in.^ 
two  separate  bills.     The  Scotch  representatives  were  increased  from, 
45  to  53,  and,  in  the  redistribution,  30  went  to  the  counties  and  23  to 
the  cities  arid  boroughs^    In  the  former,  all  owners  of  property  wnrth 
£10  a  year  and  certain  classes  of  leaseholders  were  given  the  right  to 
vote,  in  the  latter,  the  £10  householders,  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  , 
old  qualifications  were  abolished.     Ireland  was  given  five  more  rep- 
resentatives.2   At  the  time  of   the  Union  a  number  of  nomination 
and  rotten  boroughs  had  been  swept  away.     While  the  remainder  were 

1  Resident  freemen,  created  before  March,  1831,  were  allowed  to  retain  their 
vote.     The  qualification  was  designed  to  get  rid  of  hosts  of  freemen  who  had  been 
created  to  vote  against  the  Reform  Bill. 

2  Making  a  total  of  105.     Two  seats  were  afterwards  taken  away  because  of 
corruption,  leaving  103,  the  present  number. 


654    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

left  undisturbed  by  the  Act  of  1832,  the  right  to  return  members  of 
Parliament  was  taken  from  the  municipal  corporations  and  conferred 
upon  the  £10  householders.1 

The  Results  of  the  Reform  Bill. —The  Revolution  of  T68S  ha/} 
transferred  the  chief  power  from  the  Sovereign  to  the  landed  aristoc- 
racy; the  Reform  Bill  shifted  the  balance  to  the  commercial  and  in- 
dustrial rnirlrllp  rlasa.  Consequently  the  system  of  Cabinet  and  party 
government  now  became  more  of  a  reality ;  for  the  Ministers  hence- 
forth represented  a  popular  majority  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
not  one  depending  upon  the  manipulation  of  the  Sovereign,  the  Minis- 
ters and  the  landowning  magnates.  The  passage  of  the  measure  had 
Demonstrated,  too,  that,  at  a  crisis,  the  House  of  Lords  could  not  defyi 
the  popular  willZ  Furthermore,  the  triumph  was  an  indication  that 
^the  principle  of  change  which  had  been  struggling  for  expression  dui> 
ing  the  past  decade  was  going  to.  prevail.  On  thp  ntVipr  hand  thp 
Reform  Bill  did  not  accomplish  all  that  its  advocates  had  predicted. 
It  did  not  put  an  end,  for  instance,  to  bribery  and  corruption,  though 
the  wiofening  of  the  electorate  tended  further  to  lessen  these  evils. 
Moreover,  while  it  took  a  long  step  in  the  direction  of  equality  of  repre- 
sentation, it  left  the  bulk  of  the  working  classes  —  the  majority  of  the 
population  —  without  the  vote.  Among  this  element  **""•*'  waif  wide- .__ 
spread  discontent,  which,  while  it  was  to  some  extent  stirred  up  by 
disappointed  hopes,  was  due  to  r^fll  suffering.  -— 
The  First  Reformed  Parliament  and  the  Remedial  Legislation  of 
1833.  —  While,  on  the  whole,  the  class  of  members  elected  to  the  first 
reformed  House  of  Commons  was  not  strikingly  different  from  that 
of  the  Parliaments  immediately  preceding,  the  Whigs  and  the  other 
anti-Tory  elements  were  in  an  overwhelming  majority  f  though  they 
were  far  from  being  united.  The  Tory  minority  was  also  divided.  T 
though  not  so  markedly :  there  was  a  considerable  group  of  moderate 
men  led  by  Peel  who  had  discarded  the  old  party  name,  and  who 
adopted  that  of  "  Conservatives^" Indeed,  it  was  not  long  before 
the  terms  Whig  and  Tory  were  completely  superseded  by  those  of 
Liberal  and  Conservative  respectively.  The  distinguishing 
of  the  new  Parliament  was  its  zeal  for  legislation  Among  f^p 
Bit  of  remedial  measures  were :  the  Irish  Church  Temporal iHe.s 
the  abolition  ot  slavery  in  the  British  Colonies :  and,  an,  e.pnr;h-making. 
Factory  Act^ The  leading  measures  of  the  memorable  session  of  ' 
1833  deserve  to  be  treated  in  detail. 

The  Irish  Tithe  War  (1831-1833).  —  The  achievements  of  the  year 
are  all  the  more  remarkable  in  view  of  the  attention  demanded  by 
1  In  1850  the  borough  qualification  was  reduced  to  £8. 


THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM  655 

the  troubled  situation  in  Ireland,  where  a  great  "  tithe  war  "  had 
broken  out  in  1831.  In  a  population  of  nearly  8,000,000  souls,  less 
than  900,000  belonged  to  the  Established  Episcopal  Church,  and 
some  600,000  were  Presbyterians,  while  the  remainder,  more  than 
6,000.000.  were  Roman  Catholics.  Largely  agriculturists ,  whose- 
tiny  holdings  yielded  barely  enough  to  keep  them  from  starvation, 
to  say  nothing  of  supporting  their  own  priests,  the  latter  resented  the 
payment  of  tithes  to  the  hated  representatives  of  an  alien  faith. 
Moreover,  the  method  of  assessment  and  collection  was  irritating  and 
unfair._  Grassland  was  exempt,  and  the  chief  burden  fell  on  the  lesser 
folk  who  could  ill  spare  their  pigs  and  their  poultry^1  Yet,  pitiable 
as  was  the  situation  of  the  Irish  peasantry,  the  ferocity  with  which 
they  tortured  and  murdered  the  tithe-proctors  and  abused  and  intimi- 
dated those  who  obeyed  the  law  is  the  most  deplorable.  After  the 
Government  had  safely  carried  the  Reform  Bill  it  attempted,  though 
with  no  great  success,  to  relieve  the  situation.  Early  in  1832  the  Lord 
Lieutenant  was  authorized  to  advance  money  to  the  clergy  who  were 
suffering  from  failure  to  collect  the  chief  source  of  their  income. 
The  Government  officials  thpp  ""Hprtnnk,  wlfh  fh?  flid  of  fhp  military, 
to  collect  the  arrears :  but  their  effort^  proved  x*  fntilp  as  they  werg 
expensive,  so  the  attempt  was  given  ur>,  a  much  larger  sum  was  ad- 
vanced to  the  clergy,  and  a  new  project  was  set  on  foot,  only  carried 
out  five  years  later  —  to  substitute  for  the  tithes  a  money  land 
tax. 

The  Coercion  Bill  and  the  Irish  Church  Temporalities  Bill  (1833). 
—  Meantime,   the  use  of  military  force  had  only  aggravated   the 
passions  of  the  Trish_    Murders,  assaults,  and  destruction  of  property 
increased  with  alarming  rapidity.     Secret  organizations  multiplied^ 
while  the  courts  were  hampered  by  the  intimidation  of  jurors  and 
witnesses.     To  meet  the  situation1  Stanlevr  the  Irish  Secretary,  intro- 
duced two  measures :  a  Church  Temporalities  Bill  and  a  Peace  Preser-. 
vation  Bill.     The  former  imposed  a  grnHi^  tPH  far  on  H.erical  incomeg 
to  relieve  the  Irish  ratepayers  from  the  burden  of  parish  expenses. 
and  provided  for  the  reduction  of  the  Irish  Episcopate  by  abolishjafr. 
two  of  the  four  archbishoprics  and  eight  of  the  eighteen  bishoprics 
as  vacancies  should  or.curx    An  "  appropriation  clause,"  empowering 
Parliament  to  apply  the  money  thus  saved  to  such  secular  purposes 
as  it  saw  fit,  had  to  be  sacrificed,  owing  to  the  opposition  in  the  House 

1  Tithes  should  be  distinguished  from  church  rates.  The  former  were  paid  in 
kind  for  the  support  of  the  bishops  and  clergy.  The  latter  were  voted  by  the  parish 
for  the  upkeep  of  the  church  fabric,  and,  in  modern  times  at  least,  were  paid  in 
money. 


656     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

of  Lords.  The  Bill,  thus  shorn  of  its  most  popular  feature,  became 
law.  Once  more,  Parliament  had  thrown  away  the  chance  of  granting 
a  freehanded  concession.  The  bitterness  of  O'Connell  and  his  fol- 
lowers was  accentuated  by  the  drastic  character  of  the  accompanying 
Coercion  Bill.  It  gave  the  Lord  Lieutenant  unlimited  power  of  sup- 
pressing public  meetings  and  of  declaring  any  county  in  a  state  of  dis- 
turbance; in  such  districts  inhabitants  were  forbidden  to  be  out  of 
doors  between  sunset  and  sunrise,  trial  by  martial  law  was  introduced, 
and  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  suspended. 

The  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  Colonies  (1833).  —  Stanley,  in 
view  of  the  hostility  which  he  had  excited  in  Ireland,  was  transferred 
to  the  office  of  Colonial  Secretary^  In  his  new  position  he  carried  a 
measure  for  which  the  abolitionists  had  been  struggling  ever  since 
the  slave  trade  had  been  done  away  with  in  1807.  Although  the  lot 
of  those  in  bondage  had  been  somewhat  improved,  the  planters  who 
were  badly  off  —  partly  owing  to  the  fall  in  prices  after  the  French 
War,  and  partly  owing  to  their  own  extravagance  and  wasteful  methods 
—  had  hitherto  been  able  to  exert  an  influence  strong  enough  to  with- 
stand the  pressure  of  a  growing  popular  sentiment.  The  new  Bill, 
passed  ^o  August,  i8.n,  provided  for  a  scheme  of  gradual  emancipa- 
tion. All  children  under  six  years  of  age,  and  all  born  henceforth 
were  declared  free^  Otherci  were  tn  ^PTVP  an  apprenticeship,  giving^ 
three  fourths  of  their  time  to  their  masters  for  seven  vears._.  An 
attempt  was  made  to  placate  the  planters  by  a  grant  of  £20,000,000, 
considerably  less  than  their  estimated  value  of  their  human  property. 
Four  years  of  trial  proved  the  apprentice  system  unworkable,  so  it_ 
was  done  away  with  altogether^ 

The  Factory  Act  of  1833.  —  In  this  session  a  notable  act  was  passed 
to  improve  the  grievous  lot  of  children  employed  in  factories.  Atten- 
tion had  first  been  called  to  the  question  in  1784,  by  Dr.  Percival 
of  Manchester,  and  subsequent  investigations  disclosed  frightful 
conditions.  Children  as  young  as  six  years  of  age  were  worked  for 
thirteen  or  fourteen  hours  a  day  in  unhealthy,  overheated  rooms. 
Exhausted  by  long  and  exacting  labor  and  without  opportunities  for 
play,  sunshine,  or  education,  they  grew  old  before  their  time,  but  re- 
mained stunted  in  body  and  mind.  Two  measures  were  passed,  slightly 
improving  their  lot,  before  they  gained  a  valiant  champion  in  Lord 
Ashley,  later  Earl  of  Shaftesbury.  He  was  bitterly  opposed  by 
the  bulk  of  manufacturers,  who  were,  in  general,  supported  by  both 
parties.  The  Tories  were  averse  to  change,  and  the  Whigs  were 
advocates  of  the  laissez-faire  policy  which  aimed  to  minimize  the  inter- 
ference of  the  State  in  individual  concerns.  Nevertheless,  he  was  able 


THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM  657 


tO  carry,  in  a  slightly  modified  formf  a  mpacnrp  whiVVi  TIP 
in  183.3.  It  prohibited  the  employment  of  children  under  nine  years 
of  age  ;  it  restricted  the  labor  of  children  between  nine  and  thirteen 
to  forty-eight  hours  in  a  week  and  to  nine  in  a  single  day,  that  o| 
young  persons  —  between  thirteen  and  eighteen  —  to  sixty-nine 
hours  a  week  and  to  twelve  in  a  single  dav.  Also  it  provided  for  a^* 
system  of  inspection  to  enforce  the  provision  of  the  Act,  and  enacted 
that  children  under  thirteen  should  attend  school  for  two  hours  a  day. 
The  regulations  of  1833  applied  only  to  the  textile  industries  in 
factories,  and  left  much  to  be  desired  in  other  respects  ;  but  they  were 
the  happy  forerunner  of  later  remedial  legislation  relating  to  con- 
ditions of  labor. 

The  "  New  Poor  Law  "  (1834).  —  In  the  following  year,  Parliament 
carried  another  measure  of  supreme  importance  —  the  Poor  Law 
Amendment  Act,  popularly  known  as  the  "  New  Poor  Law."  The 
chief  fault  of  the  Elizabethan  laws  was  that  they  imposed  the  care  of 
the  poor  on  the  parish  —  a  unit  too  small  to  bear  the  burden  in  dis- 
tricts where  there  was  an  excess  of  paupers.  Another,  and  the  wisest, 
perhaps,  of  the  Elizabethan  provisions  —  namely,  that  the  able- 
bodied  should  be  made  to  work  in  houses  of  correction,  if  necessary, 
and  that  the  sick  and  helpless  should  be  provided  for  in  almshouses 
—  had  broken  down.  In  1795  certain  local  magistrates  began  the 
practice  of  supplementing  inadequate  wages  by  money 


This  practice  of  "  outdoor  relief,"  which  soon  became  general  and 
was  sanctioned  by  Parliament  in  1796,  tended  to  foster  pauperism 
in  more  ways  than  one.  It  discouraged  thrift,  because  ma.ny  who  n 
would  never  have  gone  to  the  poorhouse  were  quite  willing  to  receive 
aid  in  this  way._  It  kept  down  wages,  for  it  tempted  employers  1& 
spare  their  own  pockets  at  the  expense  of  the  rates.  Furthermore, 
it  fostered  Immorality,  since  women  might  be  given  an  allowance 
for  every  one  of  their  children  whether  legitimate  or  not.  To  make 
matters  worse,  iniquitous  "  laws  of  settlement,"  beginning  with  an 
Act  of  1662,  prohibited  paupers  from  leaving  the  parishes  where  work 
was  scarce  for  those  where  there  was  an  abundance.  The  burden  of 
the  rates  became  crushing,  causing  farmers  to  leave  their  farms  ;  in 
one  parish  there  were  one  hundred  and  four  paupers  out  of  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-nine  inhabitants.  At  length,  a  seventh  ff  thp  popu- 
lation came  to  be  dependent  upon  the  rates,  which  reached  ?n  annual 
total  of  £8,5oo,ooo  a  situation  so  intolerable  that  a 


investigation  was  appointed.  Its  report,  February,  1834,  contained 
five  recommendations.  1+  All  outdoor  relief,  except  medical  aid, 
should  be  abolished.  2.  Women  should  support  their  illegitimate 


658    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

children:  3.  The  Law  of  Settlement  should  be  modified  in  order  that 
the  poor  might  be  free  to  go  wherever  work  was  plentiful,  j^.  Par- 
ishes should  be  grouped  into  unions,  so  that  the  prosperous  might  help 
the  poorer.  5.  A  central  poor-law  board  of  three  commissioners 
should  be  created  for  the  supervision  and  control  of  the  whole  local 
system.  In  spite  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  Radicals,  a  Bill,  based 
on  those  recommendations,  became  law  in  August,  183^  The  imme- 
diate result  was  no  little  suffering  and  intense  discontent,  leading 
even  to  riots;  but  the  measure,  in  the  long  run,  proved  to  be 
very  highly  beneficial,  even  though  outdoor  relief  was  never  wholly 
discontinued. 

The  Split  in  the  Liberal  Ranks,  and  the  First  Peel  Ministry  (Novem- 
ber, i834-April,  1835).  —  Meantime,  j^arl  Grev  had  resi^neoL  For 
some  time  his  Government  had  been  declining  in  popularity.  It 
had  offended  various  special  interests  by  its  reform  measures,  while 
it  had  not  gone  far  enough  to  content  the  Radicals.  Its  growing 
weakness  had  been  brought  to  a  head  by  a  hopeless  gplit  in  the  Cabinet 
over  the  Irish  question,  particularly  over  a  revival  of  the  "  Appro-^ 
priation  Clause^  and  a  suspension  of  the  Coercion  Act.  Grey  wa^ 
succeeded  by  Lord  Melbourne,  (1770-1848)  whose  Government 
carried  the  New  Poor  Law..  He  was  an  old-fashioned  Liberal  of  the 
laissez-faire  school  who  was  opposed  to  the  restless  innovating  spirit 
of  the  Radicals ;  indeed,  his  favorite  remark  was :  "  Why  can't  you 
let  it  alone?  "  From  these  political  convictions,  as  well  as  from  his 
languid,  indolent  bearing  —  largely  a  pose  —  he  got  a  reputation 
-for  aimlessness  and  lack  of  firmness  that  was  hardly  deserved.  Con- 
trary to  the  King's  hopes,  Melbourne  and  Peel  would  not  form  a 
coalition,  so  the  Whig  Ministry,  somewhat  reconstituted,  was  con- 
tinued. Very  soon,  however,  personal  animosities  developed  in  the 
Cabinet,  whereupon  the  King  accepted  the  resignation  of  Melboui^g. 
and  chose  Peel  as  Prime  Minister^  Announcing  his  acceptance  of 
the  Reform  Act  as  "  a  final  and  irrevocable  settlement  of  a  great 
constitutional  question,"  Peel  declared  that,  with  due  regard  for  old 
constitutional  principles,  he  was  prepared  to  proceed  with  the  removal 
of  abuses  and  the  initiation  of  "  judicious  reforms. "  He  proceeded  to 
introduce  a  number,  of  a  type  which  drew  upon  him  the  charge  of 
purloining  the  measures  of  his  adversaries,  and  which,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  were  carried  by  the  next  Liberal  Ministry.  He  appointed 
an  ecclesiastical  commission  to  inquire  into  abuses  and  inequalities 
existing  in  the  Established  Church ;  he  introduced  a  bill  to  re- 
lieve Dissenters  from  the  disabilities  of  the  marriage  laws  then  in 
force,  and  another  to  commute  the  English  tithes  into  money 


THE  EPOCH  OF  REFORM  651, 


6 


payments.  In_  April,  1835,  after  an  uphill  fight,  he  was  over- 
thrown. yet,  during  his  brief  tenure,  he  had  established  his  reputa- 
tion at  home  and  abroad  as  a  man  of  capacity,  bound  in  time  to 
return  to  power. 

The  Second  Melbourne  Ministry  (1835-1841),  and  the  Municipal 
Reform  Act  (1835).  —  Since  Grey  refused  to  assume  office,  thp  Kinff 
was  forced  to  turn  again  to  Melbourne.  x  The  most  notable  achieve- 
ment of  the  new  Ministry  was  the  reform  of  the  municipal  corpora- 
tions. In  1833  a  commission  had  been  appointed  to  inquire  into  the 
state  of  the  municipalities.  Its  report,  presented  early  in  1835, 
revealed  a  situation  crying  for  amendment.  The  Reform  BilLhad 
swept  away  many  of  the  small  rotten  boroughs,  and  had  improved 
the  condition  of  parliamentary  representation  and  qualifications  for 
voting  in  those  that  remained.  Its  scope,  however,  did  not  extend 
to  internal  organization  and  administration,  and  town  government  was 
very  generally  in  the  hands  of  councils,  self-elected,  irresponsible  and* 
corrupt.  The  number  of  freemen,  who  in  some  cases  formed  the 
corporation,  was  usually  limited  ;  in  Portsmouth,  for  instance,  there 
were  only  102  out  of  46,000  inhabitants;  in  Cambridge  118  out  of 
20,000.  Moreover,  these  freemen,  usually  descendants  of  the  original 
ratepayers,  together  with  others  arbitrarily  added  for  political  pur- 
poses, were  often  poor  creatures  —  •  paupers,  indeed,  who  shared  in  old 
charitable  endowments  and  enjoyed  exemptions  from  tolls,  as  well  as 
other  burdens.  The  Municipal  Corporations  Bill^  framed  on  the 
basis  of  the  report  of  1835,  became  law  in  September.  It  provided 
for  drastic  changes.  All  boroughs  and  cities,  with  the  exception  of 
London  —  as  well  as  sixty-seven  others  omitted  because  of  their  small 
gize  —  were  to  adopt  a  uniform  plan  of  government, 


be  vested  in  a  town  council,  consisting  of  a  mayorf.  aldermen  and 
councilors.  The  councilors  were  to  be  elected  by  the  ratepaving  occu- 
piers, together  with  the  freemen  who  had  survived  the  Reform  Bill, 
and  were  to  hold  office  for  three  years,  while  the  mayor  was  to  be^ 
chosen  annually  and  the  aldermen  every  six  years  by  the  councilors.^ 
Each  borough,  too,  might,  if  it  chose,  have  a  recorder,  nominated 
by  the  Crown,  .for  the  conduct  of  its  judicial  work.  Exclusive 
trading  privileges  were  broken  up,  and  measures  were  devised  to 
prevent  jobbery  and  thieving.  For  example,  much  Dusmess,  formerly, 
irTthe  hands  ot  small  committees,  was  transferred  to  the  whole  counciL 
whose  meetings  were  to  be  public  and  whose  accounts  were  to  be 
audited 


The  Closing  Years  of  William's  Reign  (1836-1837).  —  In  the  fol- 

lowing year  a  few  other  reforms  were  carried.     Chief  among  them  was 


fe)    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

an  Act  converting  English  tithes  in  kind  into  an  annual  rent  charge.1 
Another  was  a  measure  authorizing  Dissenters  to  celebrate  marriages 
in  their  own  chapels,  with  a  system  of  registration  in  place  of  banns. 
Civil  marriages  were  also  allowed;  but  the  Church  of  England  re- 
tained the  practice  of  marrying  members  with  banns  or  license.  The 
Ecclesiastical  Commission  did  away  with  many  abuses,  such  as  non- 
residence  and  pluralities,  and  performed  a  notable  work  in  reducing 
the  gross  inequalities  of  episcopal  and  clerical  incomes.  Another 
step  in  advance  was  to  allow  to  prisoners  on  trial  for  felony  the 
full  benefit  of  counsel.  What  with  the  difficulties  in  Ireland,  the 
active  obstructionist  tactics  of  the  Conservatives  and  the  claims  of 
the  Radicals  for  more  progressive  measures  — •  for  the  ballot  and 
household  suffrage,  the  repeal  of  the  Septennial  Act,  the  abolition  of 
the  property  qualification  for  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  reform 
of  the  House  of  Lords  —  the  Ministry  had  stormy  sailing.  Such  was 
the  situation  when  William  IV  died,  20  June,  1837.  He  had  come  to 
the  throne  late  in  life,  defective  in  education  and  with  abilities  far 
from  great.  Yet  while  he  was  erratic  and  opinionated  and  grew  more 
and  more  timid  of  innovation,  he  was  honest,  well-meaning  and  loyal 
in  the  support  of  his  Ministers.  However  much  or  little  he  con- 
tributed to  the  result,  his  reign  was  marked  by  a  series  of  reforms  un- 
surpassed for  number  and  importance  during  any  period  of  equal 
length  in  English  history. 

'TOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Bright,  III ;  Brodrick  and  Fotheringham ;  Martineau ; 
Marriott ;  Maxwell ;  Walpole ;  Cambridge  Modern  History,  X,  as  above. 

For  Parliamentary  Reform  see  above,  ch.  XL  VIII.  Also  G.L.Dickinson, 
The  Development  of  Parliament  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1895).  J.  R.  M. 
Butler,  The  Passing  of  the  Great  Reform  Bill  (1914).  Charles  Seymour, 
Electoral  Reform  in  England,  and  Wales,  1832-1885  (1915),  valuable.  Veitch, 
Genesis  of  Parliamentary  Reform  (1913). 

Biographies  and  Special  Works.  E.  Ashley,  Life  of  Lord  Palmerston 
(1879),  I.  S.  J.  Reid,  Life  and  Letters  of  the  First  Earl  of  Durham  (2  vols., 
1906),  rather  over  favorable.  C.  Buxton,  Memoirs  of  Sir  Thomas  Powell 
Buxton  (1898).  Torrens,  Memoirs  of  Lord  Melbourne  (2  vols.,  1878).  Sir 
G.  O.  Trevelyan,  Life  and  Letters  of  Lord  Macaulay  (2  vols.,  1876),  a  delight- 
ful book.  E.  Hodder,  Life  of  the  Seventh  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  (1887).  B.  L. 
Hutchins,  History  of  Factory  Legislation  (1903).  Sir  G.  Nicholls  and  T. 
Mackay,  History  of  the  English  Poor  Law  (3  vols.,  1904).  W.  Bagehot, 
Biographical  Studies  (1880). 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  263-5.  Robert- 
son, pt.  I,  nos.  XLVII-XLVIII ;  pt.  II,  XXVI,  appendix,  430-438. 

1  Compulsory  church  rates  were  abolished  in  1868,  though  voluntary  payments 
still  continue. 


CHAPTER  LI 

THE   EARLY  YEARS  OF   VICTORIA'S  REIGN  AND  THE  TRIUMPH 
OF  FREE  TRADE  (1837-1846) 

The  Victorian  Age.  —  When  Victoria  began  her  reign  of  sixty-four 
years,  nineteenth-century  England  had  already  witnessed  a  goodly 
number  of  reforms.  The  political  and  legal  disabilities  of  the  Profc 
estant  Dissenters  and  the  Roman  Catholics  had  been  almost  entirely 
removed ;  the  most  glaring  defects  and  inequalities  of  the  represent^ 
tive  system  had  been  swept  away;  the  exclusive  power  of  the  aris^ 
tocracy  Had  been  broken  and  the  middle  classes  had  been  admitted  tp 
power ;  and  a  new  humanitarian  spirit  had  manifested  itself  in  meas-t 
ures  for  the  betterment  of  the  lot  not  only  of  men,  bnf  of  dumb  ^nj- 
mals.  The  prosperity  of  the  Colonies  had  been  fostered  and  the 
British  Empire  had  begun  to  extend  in  a  new  direction.  Rusty 
shackles  which  hampered  the  growth  of  trade  and  industry  had  been 
struck  off,  and  new  inventions  and  processes  were  in  operation  which 
were  to  prove  revolutionary  in  their  results.  There  was  still  mucfr 
misery  and  suffering  among  the  lower  classes :  butr  before  the  new^ 
reign  was  half  over,  they  began  to  share  in  an  amazing  advance  in, 
material  prosperity.  This  was  due  largely  to  the  adjustment  nf  tVi<v 
masses  to  the  new  conditions  of  industry;  to  the  removal  of  the 
restrictive  duties  which  had  still  clung  to  raw  materials  and  food- 
stuffs;  to  enlightened  sanitary  and  labor  regulation^-  anH  |r>  (fre^ 
wonders~achieved  by  steam  and  electricity.  While  the  late  eighteenth 
and  early  nineteenth  century  marked  an  era  in  production,  the  Vic- 
torian age  marked  another,  even  more  notable,  in  methods  of  trans- 
portation and  distribution. 

As  the  Government,  by  the  extension  of  the  franchise  to  the  wage 
earner,  came  to  voice  more  nearly  the  popular  will,  it  became  decidedly 
paternal  in  character  —  utilitarian  still,  but  socialistic  instead  of 
individualistic.  While  distinctions  of  rank  and  wealth  continue  to 
exist,  the  State  has  come  to  intervene  for  the  interest  of  the  masses 
in  all  sorts  of  activities  from  which  it  formerly  held  aloof ;  in  popular 

66 1 


662     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

education ;  postal  savings  banks ;  recognition  of  the  trade  unions ; 
purchase  of  lands  for  the  tillers  of  the  soil;  regulation  of  various 
relations  between  the  employer  and  the  employed ;  old  age  pensions 
and  workingmen's  insurance. 

Victoria.  Her  Early  Life  and  Accession.  —  Alexandrina  Victoria 
—  for  such  was  her  full  name  —  was  born  24  May,  1819,  a  year  before 
the  death  of  her  father,  the  Duke  of  Kent,  fourth  son  of  George  III. 
While  her  mother  —  a  princess  of  Saxe-Coburg  — •  wisely  resolved  to 
educate  the  little  Victoria  in  England,  she  surrounded  her  with  Ger- 
man influences,  seeking  constant  counsel  from  her  brother  Leopold, 
whoTDecame  King  of  the  Belgians  in  1832.  In  the  gray  dawn  of  a 
June  morning  in  1837,  Victoria  was  awakened  from  her  slumbers  to 
learn  that  she  was  Queen  of  England ;  at  eleven  o'clock  the  same  morn- 
ing she  appeared  before  the  Privy  Council  and  read  in  a  sweet,  strong 
voice  the  speech  which  Melbourne  had  prepared  for  her.  Though 
hot  five  feet  tall  and  in  no  sense  a  beauty,  her  dignity  and  gracious- 
ness  made  a  profound  impression  on  all  those  present.  Hanover, 
where  the  Salic  law  of  succession  prevailed,  went  to  her  uncle  the  Duke 
of  Cumberland,  a  separation  which  contributed  to  some  degree  in 
detaching  Great  Britain  from  Continental  complications. 

The  Opening  of  the  New  Reign.  —  The  Whigsr  who  WPJ-^  jn  p^wer, 
looked  to  the  young  Queen  to  extend  them  the  support  which  William 
in  his  later  years  had  withdrawn.  This  naturally  dampened  whatever 
enthusiasm  Victoria's  youthful  charm  had  evoked  from  the  Tories. 
Melbourne  appointed  himself  Victoria's  political  instructor.  To  a 
man  of  the  world,  verging  on  sixty,  immersed  in  public  business,  and 
fond  of  devoting  his  scant  leisure  to  scholarly  pursuits,  the  task  must 
have  been  far  from  congenial.  On  the  whole,  he  performed  his  duties 
cheerfully,  and  was  rewarded  with  the  devotion  of  the  young  Queen, 
though,  on  occasion,  she  showed  startling  evidences  of  imperiousness 
and  self-will.  Indeed,  while  she  later  acquired  more  self-control,  she 
never,  to  the  end  of  her  life,  hesitated  to  express  her  views  fully  and 
frankly,  —  however,  usually,  as  became  a  constitutional  Sovereign, 
leaving  her  Ministers  to  follow  their  own  choice.  In  spite  of  stren- 
uous opposition  on  the  part  of  the  Radicals,  Melbourne  managed  to 
secure  for  the  Queen  a  Civil  List  of  £385,000  annually,  which  was 
£10,000  more  than  her  predecessor  had  received,1  though  the  old 

1  This  was  over  and  above  the  hereditary  revenues  from  Lancaster  and  the 
Duchy  of  Cornwall,  the  latter  of  which  went  to  the  Duke  of  Cornwall  when  there 
was  one.  In  addition,  the  Duchess  of  Kent  received  £30,000  a  year,  and,  subse- 
quently, more  than  £200,000  annually  was  granted  to  the  Prince  Consort  and  the 
royal  children. 


THE  EARLY   YEARS  OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN  663 

pension  and  secret  service  funds  amounting  to  £75,000  and  £10,000 
were  done  away  with.1 

Ministerial  Crisis  (1839).  —  From  the  very  beginning  of  the  reign 
the  Ministry  was  exposed  to  storms  from  many  quarters.  A  rebellion 
broke  out  in  Canada ;  Ireland  was  very  unquiet ;  and  powerful  party; 
opposition  developed  at  home.  In  the  House  of  Commons.  Peel  was 
growing  in  strength  and  was  persistent  in  attack,  while,  at  the  other  ex- 
treme,  the  Radicals^  in  addition  to  demanding  more  political  power  for 
the  masses,  were  contending  for  free  trade,  compulsory  education,  dis- 
establishment of  the  Irish  Church  and  many  other  reforms..  Outside, 
the  middle  classes,  disquieted  by  the  prevailing  evidences  of  unrest  and. 
by  the  violent  speeches  ot  agitators,  were  inclining  toward  the  Conserv- 
ative ranks,  though  the  Whigs  made  no  corresponding  converts  among 
the  laboring  classesT  Weakened  by  the  trend  of  events,  the  Cabinet 
was  in  no  condition  to  resist  a  West  Indian  crisis  which  centered  in 
Jamaica,  where  the  planters,  hard  hit  by  the  emancipation  of  their 
slaves,  and  by  the  abolition  of  the  apprenticeship  system  four  years 
later,  overworked  and  underfed  the  freedmen  —  many  of  whom  were 
idle  and  unruly,  no  doubt  —  and  had  the  recalcitrant  cruelly  flogged 
in  the  houses  of  correction.  This  started  a  new  wave  of  sentiment  in 
favor  of  the  blacks,  and  the  Government  was  forced  to  frame  measures 
for  the  regulation  of  the  prison  conditions.  The  result  was  to  pro- 
duce such  manifestations  of  disaffection  among  the  planters  that  a 
bill  was  introduced  into  Parliament,  9  April,  1839,  to  suspend  the 
Jamaica  Constitution  for  five  years,  a  bill,  which,  in  spite  of  the  prov- 
ocation which  prompted  it,  was  so  drastic  and  so  fraught  with  dan- 
gerous possibilities  that  it  only  carried  in  the  Commons  by  a  majority 
of  five.  Melbourne,  realizing  that  his  situation  was  hopeless,  re- 
signed early  in  May,  18.^0.^. 

The  Bed-Chamber  Question  (1839).  —  He  was  brought  bark  ±o 
office  again  bv  a  curious  episode  fcpnwn  «.s  trip  ftpd-Chamber  Question  • 
for  which  the  Queen,  Melbourne,  and  Peel  must  all  share  the  blame. 
Victoriar  bitterly  grieved  at  the  loss  of  her  beloved  counselor.  senf" 
first  for  Wellington^  but,  upon  his  refusal  to  form  a  Ministry,  she 
turned  to  Peel._  Since  most  of  her  lady  attendants  were  representa- 
tives of  the  Whig  families,  he  felt  the  necessity  of  substituting  a  few 
associated  with  his  own  party.  He  had  no  intention  of  making  a  clean 
sweep,  but  merely  desired  to  remove  the  Mistress  of  the  Robes  and 
two  or  three  of  the  ladies-in-waiting ;  yet  unfortunately  —  and  here 

1  However,  the  Queen  was  allowted  £1200  a  year  to  reward  contributions  to  art 
-and  literature  and  other  non-political  public  services,  as  well  as  to  assist  meritorious 
persons  in  need  of  help. 


664     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

was  his  blunder  —  he  did  not  make  this  clear.  Victoria  became  en- 
raged and  refused  to  make  any  changes,  declaring  that  such  a  step 
was  "  contrary  to  usage  "  and  "  repugnant  to  her  feelings."  Peel 
replied  that  there  must  be  some  misunderstanding  and  stubbornly 
declined  to  form  a  Ministry.  The  Queen  was  much  elated,  and 
turned  again  to  Melbourne,  who  seems  to  have  supported  her  in  her 
uncompromising  attitude ;  moreover,  he  was  induced  with  some  diffi- 
culty to  resume  office,.  Whether  he  was  moved  by  weak  good  nature 
or  by  chivalrous  devotion,  he  made  a  mistake.  The  Queen  herself 
afterwards  confessed  that  she  had  acted  hastily.  Peel  was  quite 
right  in  not  forming  an  Administration  so  long  as  the  wives  and  other 
relatives  of  his  political  opponents  had  the  ear  of  an  inexperienced 
ruler,  but  his  lack  of  tact  and  exaggerated  suspicions  alienated  many. 
The  Bed-Chamber  Question  never  occurred  again.  It  became  the 
settled  practice  for  the  Mistress  of  the  Robes  to  be  changed  with  each 
new  Government ;  the  other  places  were  no  longer  considered  political, 
though  the  ladies  of  the  household  ceased  to  be  drawn  from  one 
party. 

The  Queen's  Marriage  (10  February,  1840).  —  Early  in  1840  Vic- 
toria contracted  a  marriage  with  a  Prince  whose  wise  and  sober 
counsels  contributed  greatly  to  curb  her  masterful  and  impetuous 
temper.  Albert  of  Saxe-Coburg-Gotha_  was  her  first  cousin.  Their 
Uncle  Leopold  looked  forward  to  the  match  from  their  earliest  youth ; 
but  the  final  choice  was  really  made  by  the  Queen  from  a  list  of  possible 
suitors.  And  the  pair  felt  a  devotion  for  one  another  almost  un- 
exampled in  alliances  of  State.  The  marriage  announcement,  hailed 
with  joy  by  many,  was  condemned  by  the  Tory  party  leaders.  Albert's 
German  birth  gave  them  a  handle,  and  the  Queen  intensified  the  oppo- 
sition  by  the  demands  which  she  made  on  his  behalf.  In  the  first 
place  she  was  so  insistent  that  he  be  created  King-Consort  that  Mel- 
bourne was  finally  driven  to  declare :  "  For  God's  sake,  Madam,  let's 
have  no  more  of  this !  "  Another  cause  of  friction  developed  when 
"he  assumed  the  office  of  royal  private  secretary.  Prejudice  against 
foreigners  and  fear  of  his  influence  over  the  Queen  enabled  his  op- 
ponents, for  some  time,  to  limit  his  activity.  Gradually,  however, 
as  his  prudence  and  capacity  came  to  be  appreciated,  he  gained  an 
increasing  share  in  public  business,  he  assumed  most  of  the  responsi- 
bilities properly  belonging  to  the  Queen,  and  in  fact,  if  not  in  name, 
became  with  her  the  joint  ruler  of  the  nation.  Yet  it  is  questionable 
whether  Albert  became  really  popular.  He  had  many  admirable 
qualities :  he^was  highly  educated  and  accomplished :  he  was  pnh1ir=- 

1  He  was  subsequently  created  Prince  Consort  by  royal  letters  patent  in  1857. 


THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  VICTORIA'S  REIGN  665 

spirited  and  charitable;   but  he  had  no  fondness  for  English  sports 
or  for  ordinary  society,  and  was  sell-absorbed,  cold  and  formaL'~ 

Stockdale  vs.  Hansard  (1839-1840).  —  Meantime,  an  important 
constitutional  issue  was  being  worked  out.  In^iS^c  reports  and  other 
papers  published  by  Parliament  were  for  the  first  time  placed  oa  sale 
for  the  public.  In  the  following  year,  the  inspectors  of  the  prisons 
in  their  nrst  report  reterred  to  a  book  which  they  found  in  circulatiofT 
at  Newgate,  as  disgusting  and  indecent.  Stockdale,  the  publisher^ 
proceeded  to  bring  a  suit  against  Hansard,  the  printer  of  the  report^ 
Hansard  pleaded,  first,  that  the  publication,  being  authorized  by 
the  House  of  Commons,  was  privileged,  and,  second,  that  the  libel  was 
true.  The  jury  found  for  the  defendant  on  the  second  issue  ;  but  the 
Lord  Chief  Justice  declared,  in  his  charge,  that  an  order  of  the  House 
of  Commons  was  not  sufficient  justification  "  for  any  bookseller  who 
published  a  parliamentary  report  containing  a  libel  against  any  man." 
The  Commons  at  once  took  up  the  matter  and  passed  a  resolution 
challenging  this  decision  as  a  breach  of  parliamentary  privilege.  A 
sharp  quarrel  developed  which  was  only  settled  when  the  Ministry, 
in  April,  1840,  carried  a  bill  providing  that  such  actions  as  that  of 
Stockdale  vs.  Hansard  should  be  stayed  on  the  production  of  a  certifi- 
cate that  the  matter  complained  of  was  printed  by  order  of  either 
House  of  Parliament.  While  the  judges  did  not  feel  themselves 
bound  by  the  resolutions  of  the  Lower  House,  they  had  to  yield  to 
a  Statute. 

Penny  Postage  (1839-1840).  —  The  declining  years  of  the  second 
Melbourne  Administration  were  notable  for  the  introduction  of  the 
adhesive  stamp  and  of  a  uniform  penny  postage  for  letters,  under 
half  an  ounce  in  weight,  sent  to  any  point  in  the  United  Kingdom. 
This  reform,  which,  going  into  effect  in  January,  1840,  revolution- 
ized communication,  was  due  to  Rowland  Hill,  who  published  a 
pamphlet  on  Post  Office  Reform  in  1837.  Hitherto,  ratps  Via.H  not 
only  been  exorbitant  but  had  varied  armrHing  tr> 


shape  of  the  letter.  _  It  cost  a  shilling  from  London  to  Aberdeen  or 
Belfast,  and  the  average  price  was  sixpence.     To  evade,  the  extreme 
charges  an  extensive  system  of  smuggling  developed,  and  it  is  said 
that  nve  sixths  of  the  letters  between  London  and  Manchester  were^ 
conveyed  illicitly.*     Rowland  Hill,  when  he  set  about  investigating 

1  One  device  noted  by  the  poet  Coleridge  was  very  ingenious.  He  saw  a  post- 
man deliver  a  letter  to  a  woman  at  a  poor  cottage.  After  looking  at  it,  she  declared 
she  could  not  pay  the  shilling  charged.  Much  against  her  will,  Coleridge  paid  for 
it.  When  the  postman  had  gone,  she  explained  that,  by  an  arrangement  between 
her  brother  and  herself,  he  sent  her  a  blank  sheet  every  three  months  to  inform  her 
that  he  was  well. 


666     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  subject,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  cost  of  sending  mail  was 
trifling,  that  the  distance  made  little  difference,  and  the  profit  increased 
with  the  number  of  letters  sent.  One  of  the  chief  advantages  of  this,. 
system  was  the  immense  amount  of  labor  cawrl  in 


_ 

letter  and  calculating  the  distance  it  had  come.m  In  spite  of  its  merits 
it  had  to  encounter  a  storm  of  opposition,  though  Rowland  Hill  is  now 
recognized  as  one  of  the  great  practical  reformers  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

.  Popular  Discontent.  —  The  working  classes,  who  had  hoped  much 
from  the  Reform  BilLand  the  legislation  which  followed,  were  griev- 
ously disappointed  when  they  realized  that  the  chief  result  had  been 
merely  to  shift  the  balance  of  power  from  the  landed  aristocracy  to 
the  merchant  and  manufacturing  capitalist.  Many  causes  contrib- 
uted to  accentuate  their  misery  and  discontent.  A  series  of  bad 
harvests,  beginning  in  1837,  brought  intense  suffering,  while  the  high 
protective  tariff  prevented  any  relief  from  the  importation  of  food- 
stuffs. Moreover,  the  lesser  folk  had  not  yet  adjusted  themeslves 
to  the  vast  industrial  changes  following  the  introduction  of  machinery 
during  the  last  half  century.  People  flocked  from  the  country  to  the 
towns,  which  grew  too  fast  to  absorb  them.  Poverty,  overcrowding, 
and  horrible  sanitary  conditions  prevailed.  Families  were  huddled 
together  in  narrow  filthy  streets,  often  in  dark  and  ill-smelling  cellars. 
No  provision  was  made  for  drainage  or  ventilation.  Men,  women, 
and  children  worked  long  hours  for  the  scantiest  wages.1  The  laissez- 
faire  doctrines,  which  dominated  political  and  economic  philosophy, 
preached  unrestricted  competition,  and  stoutly  opposed  State  inter- 
vention for  regulating  conditions  of  industry  and  helping  the  laborer. 
Private  charity  had  neither  the  organization  nor  the  will  to  render 
much  aid,  and  the  New  Poor  Law  caused  much  immediate  hardship, 
leaving  to  the  destitute  no  alternative  between  starvation  and  the 
workhouse,  where  the  inmates  were  subjected  to  injustice,  depriva- 
tion and  cruelty,  of  which  Dickens'  Oliver  Twist  presents  a  stirring 
picture.  Conditions  were  in  making  which  were  to  lead  to  better 
things,  but  as  yet  none  of  them  were  realities. 

The  Beginnings  of  the  Socialistic  Movement.  —  The  revolt  against 
the  existing  situation  was  manifested  in  three  distinct  movements  — 
Socialism  and  Trade-Unionism  ;  Chartism  ;  and  Anti-Corn-Law  agita- 
tion. The  pioneer  of  the  socialists  was  Robert  Owen  dyyj-T85^  who 
from  a  shop  assistant  rose  to  be  a  rich  cotton  manufacturer.  He  es- 
tabhshed  schools  for  the  poor,  he  labored  for  improved  factory  condi- 

1  Graphic  pictures  may  be  found  in  Disraeli's  Sybil,  and  Mrs.  GaskelTs  Mary 
Barton. 


THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  VICTORIA'S  REIGN  667 

tions,  and  advocated  cooperative  production,  and,  about  1834,  the  part 
of  his  program  which  aimed  at  the  control  of  production  by  the 
workingmen  began  to  be  enthusiastically  agitated.  The  chief  agencies 
for  carrying  on  the  propaganda  were  the  Trade-Unions,1  which  begin- 
ning to  come  into  being  in  1829,  aimed  to  limit  the  hours  of  work  and 
to  raise  wages,  mainly  by  means  of  "  strikes."  The  Grand  National 
.Consolidated  Trades  Union,  which  was  started  in  1834  and  soon 
numbered  half  a  million  members,  undertook  to  group  together  the 
various  local  societies  and  was  even  extended  to  the  agriculturalists ; 
but  owing  to  the  energetic  action  of  the  employers  who  dismissed 
their  men  belonging  to  the  Union,  and  to  the  hostile  attitude  of  the 
Government  who  sentenced  half  a  dozen  of  the  members  to  trans- 
portation, the  movement  collapsed.  It  was  years  before  Trades- 
Unionism  became  an  effective  force. 

Chartism.  The  First  Phase,  to  1839.  —  Chartism  and  Socialism 
have  sometimes  been  confused,  but  their  methods  were  essentially 
different ;  they  had  nothing  in  common  except  a  desire  to  jmrtrow 
the  condition  of  the  laboring  classes.  The  Chartist  movement  may 
be^traced  to  a  Workingman's  Association  founded  in  London  in  1836, 
which  developed  into  an  organization  for  extending  the  political 
powers  of  the  people.  This  was  totally  at  variance  with  the  aims  of 
Owen  and  his  adherents,  who  did  not  believe  in  political  remedies. 
In  1837  the  Association  embodied  its  demands  in  a  petition  containing 
six  points :  (i)  manhood  suffrage ;  (2)  vote  by  ballot ;  (3)  abolition 
of  the  property  qualification  for  membership  in  Parliament :  (A)  pay- 
ment of  members ;  (5)  equal  electoral  districts :  and  (6)  annuaL 
parliaments^ The  movement  got  its  name  from  this  "  Charter," 
as  Daniel  O'Connell  called  it.  Most  of  the  reforms  it  contained  had 
been  urged  by  the  Radicals  since  the  beginning  of  the  century,  and, 
with  the  exception  of  the  last  in  the  list,  all  of  them  have  since  been 
conceded.  The  Chartist  agitation  as  such,  however,  after  an  inter- 
mittent and  stormy  history,  collapsed,  though  for  a  time  it  was  very 
active  and  soon  reached  a  violent  stage.  The  Charter  was  published 
in  May,  1838,  organizations  were  formed  in  various  parts  of  the  country 
and  huge  meetings  were  held  to  further  the  work.  Unfortunately 
the  movement  passed  beyond  the  control  of  the  Workingman's  Asso- 
ciation who  had  framed  the  original  program.  The  moderates  with- 
drew and  the  violent  or  physical  force  party  became  supreme.  So 
when  Parliament  rejected  the  Chartist  petition  and  when  the  police 
sought  to  suppress  their  meetings,  riots  resulted,  and  three  of  their 
leaders  were  convicted  and  sentenced  to  transportation  for  life.  This, 

1  While  Owen  was  socialistic,  Trade-Unionism  is  by  no  means  necessarily  so. 


668     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and  the  lack  of  'any  controlling  mind,  put  an  end  to  the  Chartist  agita- 
tion for  some  years.  Perhaps  even  more  decisive  was  the  fact  that 
the  leading  Chartists  opposed  the  Anti-Corn-Law  movement,  which 
was  in  the  hands  of  sober,  earnest  men  of  the  middle  classes.  The 
majority  preferred  cheap  bread  to  the  vague  possibilities  of  a  poli- 
tical millennium  promised  by  extremists  and  visionaries. 

The  Anti-Corn-Law  Movement  (1838-1841).  —  The  center  of  the, 
agitation  for  free  trade  was  the  manufacturing  district  in  and  about 
Manchester.  The  Manchester  School  of  politicians  saw  that  it  was 
for  their  advantage  to  have  not  only  cheap  raw  materials  but  also 
cheap  food  for  those  whom  they  employed.  A  period  of  stagnation 
resulting  in  scarcity  of  work  and  reduction  of  wages  gave  the  impetus, 
and,  in  1838,  the  Anti-Corn-Law  League  was  organized.  Large  amounts 
of  money  were  subscribed,  hundreds  of  thousands  of  pamphlets  were 
issued,  and  lecturers  were  sent  all  over  the  country  tr> 


, 
tion  before  the  people.     The  leaders  of  the  movement  were  Richard 

(1804-1865)  ™A  Jnhn  Ttn'gVit  rTaTT-T8RnV 


facturers,  from  middle  class  stock.  The  older  man  by  his  gift  of 
persuasive  reasonableness,  and  the  younger  by  his  powers  of  oratory, 
unequaled  in  his  generation,  formed  a  combination  that  proved 
irresistible  on  the  platform  and  in  the  House  of  Commons.  But 
they  had  a  long  up-hill  struggle  against  vested  interests  and  ingrained 
prejudice. 

The  Second  Ministry  of  Peel  (1841-1846).  —  In  i84i_the  decrepit 
Melbourne  Ministry,  which  since  1839  had  been  staggering;  along 
against  a  growing  Tory  opposition  and  with  a  steadily  swelling  deficit, 
was  finally  overthrown.  Thereupon  Peel  once  more  assumed  the 
reins  as  Prune  MinjsterT  The  deficit  was  the  most  pressing  problem 
that  confronted  him,  and  he  proceeded  to  deal  with  it  in  1842.  For 
one  thing,  out  of  1200  dutiable  articles  he  reduced  the  tariff  on  750, 
which  were  grouped  in  three  classes;  raw  materials,  which  were  to 
pay  5  per  cent;  partly  manufactured  goods,  12  per  cent;  and  com- 
pleted products.  20  per  rent.  Then,  in  order  to  provide  against 
possible  loss  of  revenue  and  to  meet  the  deficit,  he  revived  the  Income 
Tax,1  abolished  at  the  close  of  the  French  Wax..  In  i8/n  thp  import  1 
and  export  duties  on  wool  were  swept  away  entirely]  Peel  had  been 
put  into  othce  pledged  to  protection,  and  while  he  had  not  yet  aban- 
doned protectionist  principles,  he  had  taken  such  a  long  step  in  the 
direction  of  free  trade  that  his  followers  began  to  ask  :  "  Whither  will 
he  lead  us?  " 

1  rf.  was  imposed  in  every  £100  on  all  incomes  over  £150.     At  varying  rates  the 
Income  Tax  has  proved  a  main  source  of  British  revenue  ever  since. 


THE   EARLY   YEARS  OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN  669 

The  Bank  Charter  Act  of  1844.  —  Peel's  Bank  "Charter  Act  of  1844, 
though  it  has  not  escaped  criticism,  was  a  notable  achievement, 
designed  to  meet  a  real  danger.  Sanctioned  by  an  Act  of  1833,  joint- 
stock  banks  had,  during  the  two  following  years,  increased  from  fifty- 
five  to  a  hundred,  and  went  on  growing,  though  less  rapidly,  as  well alp 
putting  forth  many  branches.  While  they  were  issuing  great  quanti- 
ties of  paper  money,  vast  amounts  of  gold  were  being  shipped  to  the 
United  States  to  meet  the  demands  of  an  abnormal  growth  of  business 
and  speculation.  Meantime,  a  financial  reaction  had  set  in,  and  by 
the  close  of  1836  England  was  on  the  verge  of  a  crisis.  She  passed  it 
safely;  but  at  the  expense  of  a  shrinkage  in  business  which  led  to 
misery  and  discontent,  manifesting  itself  in  riots,  Chartism,  and  Anti- 
Corn-Law  agitation.  Peel  undertook  a  banking  reform  for  two  reasons,. 
As  a  politician  he  was  opposed  to  a  policy  which  led  to  commercial 
depression  and  popular  unrest,  as  a  financier  he  disapproved  of  a, 
system  which  permitted  an  indefinite  increase  of  paper  money  that^ 
did  not  rest  on  adequate  basis  of  bullion.  By  the  Act  of  1844  he  pro- 
vided for  a  separation  of  the  department  of  the  Bank  of  England 
which  issued  notes  from  that  conducting  ordinary  banking  business. 
Henceforth,  too,  the  issues  of  the  Bank  were  to  be  covered  by  bullion, 
three  fourths  in  gold,  except  for  £14,000,000  covered  by  Government 
securities.1 

The  Second  Free  Trade  Budget  (1845).  —  By  retaining  the  Income 
Tax  Peel  was  able,  in  1845,  to  abolish  more  duties  and  further  to  re- 
duce others.^  Export  duties  were  done  away  with  altogether,  likewise 
the  duty  on  cotton,  and  the  excise  on  glass.  The  protectionist  con- 
tingent found  a  champion  in  Benjamin  Disraeli  (1804-1881).  He 
came  of  a  Jewish  family  who  had  embraced  the  Christian  faith,  and 
he  had  first  come  into  prominence  as  a  dandy  and  a  writer  of  novels. 
Entering  Parliament  as  a  radical  Tory,  his  first  speech,  while  in  a  way 
a  failure,  marked  him  to  the  discerning  as  an  unusual  man.  Gradually 
he  gathered  about  him  a  group  known  as  the  Young  England  party, 
which  did  not  long  survive.  Its  guiding  aim  was  a  union  of  the 
Sovereign  and  the  nobility  with  the  masses  against  the  middle  class 
capitalists.  He  soon  began  to  dazzle  the  Commons  by  his  brilliancy ; 
but  it  required  persistent  effort  before  he  could  win  their  confidence. 
When  Peel  formed  his  Ministry  he  asked  him  for  office,  a  fact  which 
he  afterwards  unscrupulously  denied.  However,  he  refrained  from 
attacking  his  leader  until  the  latter  began  to  depart  from  protectionist 

1  Peel  wished  also  to  prohibit  the  note  issues  of  the  country  banks,  but  went  no 
further  than  prohibiting  the  new  ones  from  issuing  notes,  limiting  the  old  ones  to 
the  existing  amounts  and  requiring  weekly  reports. 


670     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

principles.  Then  he  turned  on  him  all  his  marvelous  powers  of 
ready  and  biting  invective.  He  denounced  the  Conservative  Govern- 
ment as  an  "  organized  hypocrisy."  The  Prime  Minister,  he  declared, 
had  caught  the  Whigs  bathing  and  had  run  away  with  their  clothes. 
The  analogy  was  more  clever  than  correct.  It  was  the  liberal  Tories, 
Huskisson  and  Canning,  who  had  made  the  first  move  in  the  direction 
of  free  trade,  while  the  Whigs  as  a  party  had  not  as  yet  shown  any 
enthusiasm  for  the  policy.  Meantime,  the  Anti-Corn-Law  League 
had  become  a  great  fact.  Subscriptions  which  had  begun  at  £5000  in 
1839  had  increased  in  1844  to  nearly  £90,000.  The  victory  of  free 
trade  was  not  far  off. 

Regulation  of  Labor  in  Mines  and  Factories  (1843-1844).  —  Mean- 
time, laudable  steps  were  taken  to  improve  conditions  of  labor  in 
mines  and  factories.  The  leader  in  this  movement  was  Lord  Ashley, 
who  had  carried  the  Factory  Act  of  1833,  His  efforts  met  determined 
resistance  from  many  quarters,  for  the  laissez-faire  politicians  and 
economists  were  opposed  to  any  interference  with  free  competition, 
employers  wanted  long  hours  and  cheap  labor,  while  parents,  failing 
to  realize  that  employment  of  women  and  children  kept  down  the 
level  of  wages,  were  desirous  to  have  every  possible  member  of  the 
family  at  work.  Peel  expressed  the  opinion  that  further  labor  re- 
strictions would  drive  capitalists  out  of  England ;  the  Manchester 
School,  sad  to  say,  took  the  same  attitude.  Nevertheless  the  growing 
humanitarian  sentiment  prevailed,  and  Ashley  secured  the  appointment 
of  a  commission  to  inquire  into  conditions  in  mines  and  factories.  Its 
report,  published  in  1842,  was  an  "  awful  document "  which  called 
forth  a  feeling  of  "  shame,  terror  and  indignation."  In  some  places 
children  of  four  years  were  found  at  work,  the  mines  were  often  stifling 
and  dripping  with  wet,  women  and  children  had  to  crawl  on  their 
hands  and  knees  along  passages  from  .two  to  three  feet  high,  dragging 
heavy  carts  by  chains  passing  between  their  legs  and  fastened  by 
girdles  around  their  waists.  Frequently  they  were  forced  to  toil  on 
alternate  days  from  sixteen  to  twenty  hours  out  of  the  twenty-four. 
The  moral  effect  of  such  degrading  labor  without  education  or  recrea- 
tion can  only  be  imagined.  Ashlev  managed  to  carry  a  hi11,  J"  rRt'7. 
excluding  women  from  the  mines  altogether.  He  proposed  to  ex- 
clude boys  under  thirteen  as  well,  but  had  to  submit  to  an  amend-^ 
ment  of  the  House  of  Lords  admitting  those 'over  ten  for  three~ 
3ays  a  week^  He  then  returned  to  the  factory  question,  and 
with  the  help  of  Peel  a  bill  was  passed,  in  1844,  which  limited 
the  hours  of  women  to  twelve.  The  hours  of  children  under  thirteen 
were  reduced  from  nine  to  six  and  a  half.  Peel,  who  had  come 


THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN  671 

to  see  the  light,  only  secured  the  passage  of  the  measure  by  threat- 
ening to  resign.1 

The  Potato  Famine  and  Peel's  Conversion  to  Free  Trade  (1845).  — 
In  the  autumn  of  the  year  1845, the  failure  of  the  potato  crop  brought 
about  a  crisis  in  English  history.  A  disease,  first  noticed  in  the  Isle 
of  Wight,  spread  rapidly  over  England  and  Ireland.  The  Irish  crop 
was  ruined,  and  since  potatoes  constituted  almost  the  sole  food  of 
the  population,  famine  impended  unless  prompt  measures  were  taken 
for  their  relief.  Peel,  who  was  already  inclining  to  the  view  of  Cob- 
den  and  Bright,  was  convinced  by  the  necessity  of  supplying  the  Irish 
sufferers  with  cheap  bread  from  abroad,  that  the  time  had  come  for 
removing  the  duty  on  foreign  corn.  He  had  already  gone  so  far  as 
to  admit  the  principle  of  free  trade.  Conceding  that  prices  should 
be  low  for  the  sake  of  the  consumer  rather  than  high  for  the 
sake  of  the  producer,  he  had  clung  to  a  moderate  duty  on  corn 
in  order  to  encourage  its  production  that  Great  Britain  might  be 
self-sufficing  in  time  of  war.  Moreover,  he  was  the  Prime  Minis- 
ter of  a  party  pledged  to  protect  the  agricultural  interests.  But  his 
reduction  of  duties  in  1842  had  resulted  in  increased  prosperity,  and 
he  had  made  up  his  mind  that  free  trade  was  "  in  the  interest  of  the 
country  and  politically  inevitable."  The  only  question  was  whether 
he  should  undertake  the  task  or  leave  it  to  the  Whigs,  for  their  leader 
Russell  had  also  reached  the  point  of  discarding  the  principles  of 
protection.  Peel  discussed  the  question  with  his  Cabinet  in  a  series 
of  meetings  during  October  and  November;  but  only  three  of  his 
colleagues  would  support  his  views,  hence,  a  proposal  which  he  made  to 
suspend  temporarily  the  restriction  on  the  import  of  corn  and  to  call 
a.  Parliament  to  consider  the  whole  subject  of  repeal,  was  rejected. 
While  the  Cabinet  was  thus  at  odds,  Russell,  22  November,  threw  a 
bombshell  by  publishing  a  famous  document,  known  to  history  as  the 
"  Edinburgh  Letter,"  in  which  he  declared  for  free  trade.  "  Let  us 
unite,"  he  wrote,  "  to  put  an  end  to  a  system  which  has  been  proved 
to  be  the  blight  of  commerce,  the  bane  of  agriculture,  the  source  of 
bitter  divisions  among  classes,  the  cause  of  penury,  fever,  mortality 
and  crime  among  the  people."  Bright  assured  the  Whig  leader  that 
his  letter  had  made  "  the  total  and  immediate  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws 
inevitable."  Peel,  spurred  on  by  Russell's  pronouncement,  strove 
to  induce  his  Cabinet  to  forestall  the  Whigs  by  framing  a  repeal  meas- 
ure and  summoning  Parliament  to  vote  upon  it.  Meeting  another 

1  The  ten-hour  day  for  women  and  young  persons  was  not  secured  till  1850.  Va- 
rious other  regulations  and  extensions  followed,  which  were  consolidated  into  the 
existing  labor  code  in  1901. 


672     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

refusal,  he  resigned,  5  December.  Russell  was  called  upon  to  form  a 
Government.  Finding  difficulties  in  the  distribution  of  offices  he  soon 
gave  up  the  task,  apparently  not  overanxious  to  fish  in  the  troubled 
waters  which  he  had  stirred  up.  Accordingly  Peel  came  back,  20 
December. 

The  Repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  (June,  1846).  —  Parliament  met 
22  January,  1846.  Peel  began  the  fight  by  proposing  a  further  reduc- 
tion of  the  duties  —  provided  for  in  1842  and  1845  —  to  10  per  cent 
on  manufactured  goods,  to  5  per  cent  on  those  partly  manufactured, 
and  for  the  total  removal  of  all  imposts  on  raw  materials.  This  he 
followed  by  a  proposal  for  materially  lowering  the  sliding  scale  of 
duties  on  corn  —  adopted  in  1828  —  during  a  period  of  three  years 
with  the  stipulation  that  on  i  February,  1849,  the  scale  was  to  be 
abolished,  leaving  only  a  nominal  duty  of  one  shilling  a  quarter.  Im- 
mediately, a  large  section  of  the  Conservatives  arose  in  revolt.  Their 
real  leader  was  Disraeli.  Realizing,  however,  the  magic  of  a  noble 
name  and  powerful  family  connections  in  managing  the  Tory  aristoc- 
racy, he  chose  as  nominal  chief  Lord  George  Bentinck,  a  son  of  the 
Duke  of  Portland.  Disraeli  delighted  his  supporters  and  confounded 
his  opponents  by  his  sarcasm,  his  brilliant  rhetoric,  and  his  audacious 
party  tactics.  He  denounced  Peel  "  as  a  man  who  never  originates 
an  idea;  a  man  who  takes  his  observations,  and  when  he  finds  the 
wind  in  a  particular  quarter  trims  his  sails  to  suit  it,"  as  "  a  trader  on 
other  people's  intelligence ;  a  political  burglar  of  other  men's  ideas." 
He  led  in  the  furious  outcry  that  the  Prime  Minister  had  betrayed 
the  Conservative  party,  and  sought  to  obstruct  his  measures  at  every 
stage  of  their  progress.  The  Protectionists  were  willing  to  accept  a 
temporary  suspension  of  tHe  corn  duties  which  Peel  had  framed  as^, 
special  measure  for  meeting  the  Irish  distress,  but  they  contended 
that  there  was  no  reason  for  a  drastic  free  trade  policy  at  the  same 
time.,  ^  Naturally,  there  was  hostility,  on  the  part  of  special  interests, 
to  the  proposals  relating  to  raw  materials  and  manufactures;  but 
Peel  was  able  to  show  that  every  decrease  of  the  duty  had  been  fol- 
lowed by  increase  of  business  and  employment.  To  the  landed  gentry, 
who  were  fighting  so  desperately  against  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws, 
his  argument  was  that  the  welfare  of  the  country  and  the  very  exist- 
ence of  the  poor  demanded  cheap  food  and  steady  prices.  After  two 
months  of  struggle,  both  the  Corn  Bill  and  the  Customs  Bill  passed 
the  Commons,  15  May.  Thanks  to  Wellington,  who  again  showed  his 
common  sense  in  foreseeing  the  inevitable,  the  Lords  yielded,  25  June. 

The  Fall  of  Peel.  —  On  the  very  same  day  "  the  Ministry  who  had 
carried  to  success  the  greatest  piece  of  legislation.  .  .  since  Lord  Grey's 


THE   EARLY  YEARS   OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN  673 

Reform  Bill,"  was  overthrown.  The  distress  in  Ireland  had  so  accen- 
tuated the  unrest  that  a  new  Coercion  bill  —  the  eighteenth  since  the 
Union  —  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Lords  in  March.  It  passed 
the  Upper  House,  but  Disraeli,  with  the  help  of  the  Irish  and  Radical 
members,  succeeded  in  defeating  it  in  the  Commons. 

Estimate  of  His  Work.  —  The  extension  of  the  free  trade  policy 
was  fortunate  in  coming  in  on  a  wave  of  great  material  prosperity  for 
England,  and  protection  was  soon  abandoned  as  a  political  issue.  A 
marvelous  development  followed.  Many  causes  were  operative,  in 
addition  to  the  recent  legislation,  such  as  the  final  adjustment  of  the 
laborer  to  the  factory  system,  wonderful  improvements  in  machinery, 
and  the  phenomenal  development  of  railway  and  steam  traffic  and 
the  introduction  of  electricity.  However  much  Peel's  measures  may 
have  contributed  to  the  new  era,  he  certainly  understood  and  repre- 
sented the  commercial  interests  of  the  country  better  than  any  other 
Englishman  of  the  century.  He  never  came  back  to  office ;  but  during 
the  rest  of  his  life  headed  an  opposition  band  consisting  of  a  few  de- 
voted followers  known  as  the  "  Peelites."  He  died  2  July,  1850,  as 
the  result  of  a  fall  from  his  horse  a  few  days  before.  For  forty  years 
he  had  been  a.  member  of  the  Home  nf  Commons,  qjirj  for  half  that 
period  he  had  led  his  party  in  office,  and  in  opposition,  His  power 
in  the  Cabinet  and  in  Parliament  was  due  to  his  mastery  of  detail 

ajld  the  weight  of  his  rp^nnjngr  rafhpr  than  to  any  ffryor  of  Oratory. 

His  public  policy,  though  it  exposed  him  at  times  to  the  charge  of  in- 
consistency, had  a  fundamental  unity ;  namely,  to  preserve  the  exist- 
ing Constitution  so  far  as  possible,  yet  at  the  same  time  to  improve 
the  condition  of  the  country  by  progressive  legislation.  Bound  by 
conservative  tradition  and  lacking  in  imaginative  foresight,  he  was 
open  to  new  ideas  which  on  occasion  led  him  to  depart  abruptly  from 
his  party  allegiance,  and  resulted  finally  in  producing  a  split  in  the 
Conservative  ranks.  Always  ready  to  sacrifice  himself  and  his  party 
to  the  public  good,  his  monument  endures  in  the  revival  of  the  specie 
payments ;  the  reform  of  the  criminal  code ;  Roman  Catholic  eman- 
cipation ;  the  improvement  ot  the  banking  system  L  the  reduction  of 
the"  tariff  and  the  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws,.  Judged  both  by  his  work 
and  his  character  he  ranks  as  the  foremost  statesman  of  his  generation. 
Foreign  Affairs.  The  Opium  War  (1840-1842).  —  Under  Grey 
and  Melbourne  the  control  of  foreign  affairs  was  in  the  hands  of  Lord 
whose  policy  was  marked  by  an  aggressive  sympathy  with 
liberal  and  national  movements  against  despotism.  The  more  con- 
ciliatory Aberdeen,  who  succeeded  to  the  Foreign  Office  under  Peel, 
inherited  wars  with  Afghanistan  and  China,  disputes  with  the  United 

2X 


674     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

States,  and  strained  relations  with  France.  The  war  with  China  is 
one  of  the  most  discreditable  in  British  history;  for,  however  great 
the  provocation  which  led  Great  Britain  to  assume  the  offensive,  the 
trouble  really  had  its  root  in  her  attempt  to  force  the  opium  trade 
upon  the  Chinese  against  the  protestations  of  their  Government  and 
of  such  public  opinion  as  there  was  in  the  Empire.  Palmerston  tried 
to  obscure  the  moral  issue  by  insisting  that  the  question  was  one  of  pro- 
tecting the  native-grown  poppy  and  of  preventing  the  export  of  bullion. 
Whatever  their  motives,  the  Chinese  had  absolutely  prohibited  the 
importation  of  the  drug.  Their  general  policy  at  this  time  was  to 
exclude  all  foreign  commerce  so  far  as  possible.  Certain  foreign  mer- 
chants, however,  from  their  headquarters  in  the  island  of  Hong- Kong 
had  been  allowed  to  engage  in  a  very  restricted  business  with  the 
neighboring  city  of  Canton.  In  addition  to  this  licensed  trade,  con- 
siderable smuggling  in  opium  had  sprung  up.  Up  to  1834  the  monop- 
oly of  the  China  trade  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, who  had  kept  both  the  recognized  and  the  illicit  traffic  under 
reasonable  control.  With  the  cessation  of  the  Company's  exclusive 
privileges,  conditions  got  so  bad  that  the  British  Government  appointed 
officials  to  supervise  the  licensed  commerce  and  to  check  the  smuggling. 
But  the  Chinese  refused  to  recognize  these  superintendents  and  treated 
them  in  a  very  high-handed  fashion.  This  discord  gave  the  smugglers 
increased  opportunities,  from  which  they  were  not  slow  to  profit.  The 
Chinese,  taking  matters  into  their  own  hands,  seized  and  destroyed 
some  20,000  chests  of  opium  in  the  Canton  River.  Other  causes  of 
friction  followed,  and  a  British  fleet  was  sent  to  the  scene  of  action  in 
1840.  The  Chinese  were  finally  brought  to  terms.  By  the  treaty  of 
Nankin,  26  August,  1842 :  (i)  Five  ports,  including  Canton  and 
Shanghai,  were  opened  to  British  trade ;  (2)  Hong-Kong  was  ceded 
outright;  (3)  and  21,000,000  dollars  was  paid  for  the  opium  destroyed, 
for  debts  due  to  British  merchants,  and  for  a  war  indemnity.  The 
Chinese,  however,  still  refused  to  legalize  the  opium  trade.  Unhap- 
pily, owing  to  the  fact  that  the  growth  and  sale  of  the  drug  formed  a 
chief  source  of  the  Indian  revenue,  the  British  Government  would 
take  no  steps  to  stop  the  traffic,  which  went  on  for  years  unchecked. 
In  other  respects  the  commercial  results  of  the  treaty  proved  an  ad- 
vantage for  both  sides. 

Boundary  Disputes  with  the  United  States  Adjusted(i  842  and  1846). 
—  Chief  among  the  outstanding  disputes  with  the  United  States  were 
those  relating  to  the  northeast  and  northwest  boundaries.  "Lord  Ash- 
burton,  sent  on  a  special  mission,  was  unable  to  settle  the  Oregon  bound- 
ary, but  managed  to  adjust  the  limits  of  northern  Maine,  which  had 


THE  EARLY  YEARS  OF  VICTORIA'S  REIGN  675 

been  a  subject  of  controversy  since  1783.  By  the  Ashburton  Treaty 
a  compromise  was  arranged.  The  United  States  accepted  a  line  in 
northern  Maine  south  of  that  which  they  had  originally  claimed ;  but 
they  received  a  clear  title  to  Rouse's  Point  on  Lake  Champlain,  where 
they  had  built  a  fort  on  the  supposition  that  it  was  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  States,  though  a  later  and  more  accurate  survey  had 
shown  that  it  is  really  in  British  territory.  The  question  of  the 
boundary  west  of  the  Rockies  was  not  settled  till  1846.  Each  country 
had  conflicting  claims  based  on  discovery,  exploration  and  settlement. 
In  1818  they  agreed  to  occupy  the  disputed  territory  jointly  and  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  United  States  was  fixed  at  49°  between 
the  Lake  of  the  Woods  and  the  Stony  (Rocky)  Mountains.1  By  the 
Florida  Treaty  of  1819  the  United  States  acquired  such  claims  as  the 
Spanish  had  north  of  42°.  In  1824  Russia  gave  up  all  claims  south 
of  54°  40'.  The  Anglo-American  joint  occupancy  proved  unsatis- 
factory, and  by  the  Oregon  Treaty,  as  finally  concluded,  the  boundary 
of  49°  was  extended  from  the  Rockies  as  far  as  Vancouver  Sound,  and 
thence  along  the  middle  of  the  channel  to  the  sea.  The  British  thus 
secured  the  whole  of  Vancouver  Island.  The  navigation  of  the  Colum- 
bia River  was  to  be  free  to  both  countries. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 
See  Chapter  LII  below. 

1  The  boundary  to  the  Mississippi  had  been  fixed  by  the  treaty  of  1783.     In  the 
interval  between  that  date  and  1818  the  United  States  had  acquired  Louisiana. 


CHAPTER  LII 

REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  AND  THE  BEGINNING 
OF  A  NEW  PERIOD  OF  WAR  (1846-1856).  THE  PALMERSTONIAN 
REGIME  AND  THE  END  OF  AN  EPOCH  (1857-1865) 

The  First  Russell  Ministry  (1846-1852).  Temporary  Measures 
for  Irish  Relief.  —  Lord  John  Russell,  who  succeeded  Peel,  was  con- 
fronted first  with  the  pressing  problem  of  relieving  the  destitution 
and  dealing  with  the  disturbances  in  Ireland,  where  the  misery  was 
accentuated  by  a  second  potato  blight  in  1846.  Father  Mathew  records 
that,  on  a  journey  from  Dublin  to  Cork  early  in  August,  he  "  beheld 
with  sorrow  one  wild  waste  of  putrefying  vegetation.  Stupor  and 
despair  fell  upon  the  people.  In  many  places  the  wretched  men  were 
seated  on  the  fences  of  their  decaying  gardens  wringing  their  hands, 
and  wailing  bitterly  at  the  destruction  which  had  left  them  foodless." 
Peel  had  hurried  a  supply  of  Indian  corn  to  the  stricken  country  and 
had  advanced,  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  a  considerable  sum  for 
employing  the  people  on  public  works.  The  debt  was  to  be  assumed 
partly  by  the  State  and  partly  by  the  localities,  but  the  terms  of  the 
loan  proved  so  easy  that  the  landlords  took  advantage  of  them  to 
improve  their  estates  and  Peel's  plan  was  soon  abandoned.  Russell 
started  a  new  system  of  public  works  providing  that  the  money  should 
be  repaid  by  the  localities  within  ten  years  at  3!  per  cent.  His  system, 
too,  proved  ineffective  and  extravagant.  The  employment  selected 
was  usually  the  building  of  roads  which  led  nowhere ;  light  work  and 
certain  wages  attracted  men  from  necessary  employments,  and  the 
numbers  swelling  from  100,000  in  October,  1846,  to  734,000  in  March, 
1847,  became  unmanageable,  so  that  his  system  also  had  to  be  given 
up.  Furthermore,  in  accordance  with  the  prevailing  laissez-faire 
policy,  the  Government  food  depots  were  not  opened  while  food  could 
be  sold  at  a  reasonable  price,  consequently  speculators  throve  and  the 
people  starved.  After  something  had  been  done  by  volunteer  com- 
mittees, Russell,  early  in  1847,  provided  a  system  for  the  free  dispen- 

6v6 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  677 

sation  of  food,  supplied  partly  from  Government  funds  and  partly  from 
local  rates,  a  more  effective  system  which  was  continued  till  the  har- 
vest season  of  1847.  In  addition  the  Corn  Laws  and  the  Navigation 
Laws  were  temporarily  suspended  during  1846  and  I847.1 

Permanent  Measures.  —  Since  these  devices,  necessary  as  they 
seemed,  tended  to  pauperize  the  Irish,  the  Government  undertook  to 
frame  more  permanent  measures  for  stimulating  enterprise  and 
developing  the  country,  as  well  as  assisting  the  needy.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  evils  resulting  from  unrestricted  competition  in 
rents,  tenure  at  will,  and  arbitrary  evictions  were  left  untouched, 
while  a  proposal  for  reclaiming  waste  lands  and  selling  them  in 
small  lots  was  defeated.  Considerable  sums,  however,  were  ad- 
vanced for  draining  and  improving  estates.  One  measure,  the  En- 
cumbered Estates  Act  of  1848,  very  well  meant,  was  exceedingly 
unfortunate  in  its  results.  The  object  was  to  enable  impoverished 
landlords  to  sell  out  to  those  who  were  financially  able  to  work  the 
estates,  yet,  as  a  rule,  the  tenants  suffered  from  the  change ;  since 
most  of  the  new  proprietors  were  greedy  capitalists  seeking  to  wring 
the  utmost  farthing  from  their  investment.  While  the  progress  of 
starvation  was  gradually  checked,  the  effects  of  the  famine  ran  their 
course.  The  mortality  due  to  fever  and  suffering  was  dreadful.  Mur- 
der and  violence  increased  so  alarmingly  that  the  Liberals,  who  in 
opposition  had  helped  to  defeat  Peel's  Coercion  Bill,  were  reduced 
to  passing  one  of  their  own,  December,  1847.  Conditions  were  ripe 
for  revolt  when  a  series  of  revolutions  on  the  Continent  precipitated 
an  abortive  Irish  rising. 

The  Young  Ireland  Rising  (1848).  — As  in  1789  and  in  1830  the 
movement  started  in  Paris,  resulting  in  the  expulsion  of  Louis  Philippe 
from  the  throne  and  the  establishment  of  a  short-lived  republic.  Some 
years  before,  Daniel  O'Connell  had  lost  his  influence  with  the  bolder 
spirits  of  his  party  because  he  was  unwilling  to  resort  to  force  to  gain 
his  cherished  end  —  repeal  of  the  Unior^.  He  died  at  Genoa  in  1847, 
a  broken  old  man.  Meantime,  the  leadership  passed  to  the  Young 
Ireland  party,  which  began  with  a  group  of  youthful  journalists,  who 
founded  the  Nation  newspaper,  in  1842,  where  they  published  prose 
and  poetry  breathing  all  the  fervor  of  the  patriots  of  antiquity.  The 
French  example  and  the  hope  of  French  assistance  convert^  tpp  ymmg 
Ireland  party  into  a  body  of  rebellious  conspirators.^  They  had  chosen 

1  Apparently  a  wiser  method  of  dealing  with  the  whole  problem  would  have  been 
to  suspend  the  collection  of  rents  and  the  export  of  cereals  by  which  the  tenantry 
secured  the  money  to  pay  them,  for  sufficient  foodstuffs  were  sent  out  of  the  country 
in  1845  to  feed  the  whole  population  for  six  months. 


678     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

as  their  leader  William  Smith  O'Brien,  a  Protestant  of  wealth  and  an- 
cient  lineage,  who  originally  supported  O'Connell's  policy  of  peaceful 
agitation.  He  was  honest,  courageous  and  patriotic,  but  lacked  the 
decision  and  the  personal  magnetism  necessary  to  head  a  successful 
pjTvnLL  After  he  had  failed  in  a  mission  to  Paris,  where  he  sought  aid, 
he  planned  a.  rfcing  which  was,  ftrflffprpd  hy  tVip  police,  20  July,  before 
he  could  completely  organize  his  forces,  and,  together  with_a  fewjjf_lb.e 
ringleaders  in  the  attempted  rising,  was  sentenced  to  death  for  high 
treason^  a  sentence  subsequently  commuted  to  exile.  Danger  of 
revolution  ceased  for  the  time  being ;  but  the  misery  and  discontent 
which  had  fomented  it  remained. 

The  Collapse  of  the  Chartists  (1848). — Aside  from  the  abortive 
Irish  rising,  the  only  other  effect  of  the  rebellions  of  1848  which  the 
British  Government  had  to  face  was  a  revival  of  Chartism,  and  that 
was  to  some  extent  due  to  a  threatened  financial  crisis  which  drove 
many  out  of  employment.  Early  in  1848,  meetings  began  to  be  held 
in  the  large  towns,  and  a  petition  was  circulated  which  received  thou- 
sands of  signatures.  On  4  April  a  convention  was  opened  in  London, 
and  a  plan  was  adopted  to  assemble  on  the  loth,  to  march  in  proces- 
sion to  Parliament,  and  present  the  monster  petition.  The  Duke  of 
Wellington,  commissioned  by  the  Government  to  guard  against  in- 
surrection, caused  170,000  constables  to  be  sworn  in  and  held  the 
regular  troops  in  readiness.  In  view  of  these  preparations,  their 
leader,  Fergus  O'Connor,  losing  his  courage,  gave  up  the  procession 
and  urged  his  followers  to  disperse.  The  petition  was  sent  in  three 
cabs,  purporting  to  contain  5,000,000  names  ;  less  than  half  that  num- 
ber were  found  by  actual  count,  and  many  of  them  were  fictitious. 
Led  by  visionaries,  distracted  by  conflicting  aims,  discredited  by  the 
violence  of  the  extremists  and  rendered  ridiculous  by  a  final  futile 
demonstration,  the  Chartist  movement,  as  such,  collapsed.  Never- 
theless, it  was  fostered  by  real  distress,  it  was  joined  by  many  honest 
workmen,  and  most  of  its  demands  have  since  become  the  law  of  the 
land. 

The  "  Papal  Aggression  "  (1850).  — Two  years  later,  popular  ap- 
prehension was  stirred  to  a  fever  heat  from  a  totally  different  cause  — 
the  so-called  "  Papal  Aggression."  Impressed  by  the  fact  that  a  few 
men  of  note  had  recently  gone  over  to  Rome,  the  Pope  and  the  Vatican 
had  hopes  that  the  time  was  ripe  for  the  conversion  of  England.  To 
that  end,  a  papal  bull  was  issued,  in  1850,  setting  up  a  hierarchy  of 
bishops  in  England,  who  should  derive  their  titles  from  English  sees 
created  by  the  bull.  Hitherto,  Roman  Catholic  bishops  sent  to  that 
country  had  been  known  as  bishops  in  partibus  infidelium.  Deriving 


REVOLUTIONARY   MOVEMENTS  IN   EUROPE  679 

their  titles  from  extinct  dioceses  in  Asia  Minor,  they  had  been  regarded 
as  missionaries  dwelling  in  a  land  of  unbelievers.  While  to  many  it 
was  a  matter  of  indifference  whether  the  new  prelates  had  English  or 
Asiatic  titles,  numbers  of  good  people,  who  had  viewed  with  concern 
the  Romeward  tendency  of  the  High  Anglican  party,  were  convinced 
that  Pius  IX  was  seizing  the  opportunity  to  attempt  to  extend  the 
spiritual  arm  of  the  Church  of  Rome  over  the  whole  of  Great  Britain. 
Russell  added  fuel  to  the  flames  by  a  famous  letter  to  the  Bishop  of 
Durham  denouncing  the  Pope's  assumption  of  authority  as  "  incon- 
sistent with  the  Queen's  supremacy,  with  the  rights  of  our  bishops  and 
clergy,  and  with  the  spiritual  independence  of  the  nation  as  asserted 
even  in  the  Roman  Catholic  times,"  The  day  after  the  letter  appeared 
was  Guy  Fawkes'  Day,  which  furnished  the  occasion  for  parading  effi- 
gies, particularly  of  the  Pope,  for  bonfires  and  other  wild  demonstra- 
tions in  London  and  elsewhere.  Resolutions  from  tumultuous  meet- 
ings, and  floods  of  petitions  addressed  to  the  Queen  and  the  Ministers 
called  for  urgent  action. 

The  Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill  (1851).  —  Curiously  enough,  the  Prime 
Minister  who  had  done  so  much  to  stir  the  popular  prejudice  was 
one  of  the  leading  advocates  in  his  generation  of  religious  freedom. 
After  all,  neither  he  nor  his  colleagues,  having  called  attention  to 
the  threatened  danger,  wanted  to  undertake  decisive  legislation.  In 
order,  however,  to  allay  the  excitement  and  possibly  to  discourage 
further  papal  activity  in  England,  Russell,  early  in  1851,  introduced 
the  Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill.  The  measure,  which  only  passed  after 
long  and  acrimonious  discussion,  forbade,  under  penalty,  the  assump- 
tion by  Roman  Catholics  of  titles  taken  from  any  territory  or  place 
within  the  United  Kingdom,  and  declared  void  anything  done  under 
such  titles.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  remained  a  dead  letter  and  was 
quietly  repealed  in  1871. 

The  Great  Exhibition  (1851).  —  During  the  year  1851,  attention 
was  drawn  from  politics  toward  a  remarkable  undertaking  for  which 
Prince  Albert  was  chiefly  responsible.  This  was  an  exhibition  of  the 
industries  of  all  nations  —  the  first  of  a  long  series  to  follow  which  have 
done  so  much  to  bring  peoples  of  different  nations  together,  to  widen 
their  horizon  by  travel  and  mutual  acquaintance,  and  to  further  in- 
dustrial and  artistic  progress.  The  Great  Exhibition,  held  in  Hyde 
Park  from  i  May  to  15  October,  was,  in  one  of  its  results,  most  disap- 
pointing. Although  it  was  predicted  confidently  that  it  would  mark 
an  era  in  the  cause  of  international  peace,  the  first  Continental  war 
in  forty  years  soon  broke  out,  and  was  followed  by  a  long  and  frequent 
series  of  European  conflicts. 


68o     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Palmerstonian  Policy  and  the  Don  Pacifico  Case.  —  The  irre- 
sponsible Palmerston  had  a  remarkable  gift  for  sensing  and  voicing 
English  public  opinion  in  the  field  of  his  Secretaryship  —  foreign 
affairs ;  but  by  his  jaunty  aggressiveness,  his  habit  of  scolding  other 
Governments  and  meddling  in  their  affairs,  and  by  his  tendency  to 
follow  his  own  bent,  he  was  constantly  stirring  up  trouble  abroad  and 
embarrassing  the  Queen  and  the  Cabinet.  The  Prince  Consort  and 
the  Queen,  though  they  accepted  the  constitutional  system  in  England 
and  would  not  have  objected  to  seeing  it  adopted  voluntarily  by  Eu- 
ropean Sovereigns,  were  firm  supporters  of  the  existing  dynasties  — 
particularly  that  of  Germany,  with  which  they  had  close  family  con- 
nections —  and  shuddered  at  violent  attacks  on  them.  Palmerston's 
attitude  was  hopelessly  at  variance  with  theirs ;  he  was  a  strenuous 
advocate  of  liberal  and  national  movements  abroad,  and  went  to  the 
point  of  encouraging  or  at  least  condoning  revolution.  Not  only  his 
policy  but  his  manner  of  proceeding  was  intolerable  to  his  Sovereign 
and  her  Consort.  Albert's  views  he  treated  with  undisguised  contempt 
when  he  did  not  ignore  them  altogether.  A  notion  of  his  methods  may 
be  gained  from  the  fact  that  in  1848,  without  consulting  even  the  Queen, 
he  sent  a  mandate  to  the  Spanish  Government  to  liberalize  its  insti- 
tutions, a  proceeding  which  led  to  the  recall  of  the  British  ambassador. 
More  than  once  he  brought  Great  Britain  to  the  verge  of  war  with 
France,  and  by  his  procedure  in  the  Don  Pacifico  case  even  ran  the  risk 
of  provoking  a  general  European  conflict.  Don  Pacifico,  a  Jew  who 
had  moved  to  Athens  from  Gibraltar  where  he  had  lived  as  a  British 
subject,  claimed  the  protection  of  the  British  Government  when,  in  an 
Easter  demonstration  in  1847,  his  house  was  sacked  by  an  Athenian 
mob.  Palmerston,  without  consulting  France  or  Russia  —  who  were 
joined  by  treaty  for  safeguarding  the  interest  of  Greece  —  and  re- 
gardless of  the  efforts  of  the  French  and  British  ambassadors  who 
were  adjusting  the  matter  in  London,  sent  a  fleet  to  the  Piraeus 
and  put  pressure  on  the  Greeks.  Impelled  partly  by  a  feeling  that 
the  French  and  Russians  were  in  a  league,  through  their  ambassadors 
in  Athens,  against  Great  Britain,  his  chief  defense,  in  a  remarkable 
speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  was  that  he  had  acted  on  the  prin- 
ciple that  anyone  who  bore  the  name  of  Englishman  was  entitled  to 
protection.  Working  up  to  a  passionate  climax,  he  left  the  House  to 
decide  "  whether,  as  the  Roman  in  days  of  old  held  himself  free  from 
indignity  when  he  could  say  civis  Romanus  sum,  so  also  a  British  sub- 
ject, in  whatever  land  he  may  be,  shall  feel  confident  that  the  watch- 
ful eye  and  strong  arm  of  England  will  protect  him  against  injustice 
and  wrong."  It  was  a  telling  appeal  to  British  pride.  It  mattered 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  681 

little  that  Don  Pacifico  claimed  damages  that  were  ridiculously  exorbi- 
tant. He  did  not  get  all  he  asked,  though  he  recovered  probably 
more  than  he  had  lost. 

The  Queen's  Memorandum  to  Palmerston  (12  August,  1850).  — 
Another  source  of  friction  in  the  British  foreign  relations  was  due  to 
the  fact  that  many  Continental  Sovereigns,  thinking  that  the  Queen 
was  all-powerful,  addressed  their  correspondence  directly  to  her.  While 
she  conscientiously  referred  such  communications  as  were  of  importance 
to  Palmerston,  she  usually  received  advice  so  inconsiderate  and  un- 
conciliatory  as  to  cause  her  pain.  When  Russell  remonstrated  with 
him  for  this  and  for  his  tendency  to  act  without  consultation,  he  tossed 
it  off  with  the  remark  that  the  Queen  showed  "  groundless  uneasi- 
ness." After  some  delay  and  hesitation,  Victoria,  12  August,  1850, 
sent  the  Foreign  Secretary  a  memorial  which  should  govern  his  conduct 
in  the  future.  "  She  expects,"  so  it  ran,  "  to  be  kept  informed  of  what 
passes  between  him  and  the  Foreign  Ministers  before  important  de- 
cisions are  taken,"  and  required  in  addition :  "  First,  that  the  Foreign 
Secretary  will  distinctly  state  what  he  proposes  in  a  given  case,  in  order 
that  the  Queen  may  know  as  distinctly  to  what  she  has  given  her  royal 
sanction.  Second,  having  once  given  her  sanction  to  a  measure,  that 
it  be  not  arbitrarily  altered  or  modified  by  the  Minister,"  under  pen- 
alty of  dismissal.  The  buoyant  Palmerston  expressed  seeming  sur- 
prise that  he  had  offended,  made  assuring  promises  for  the  future,  but 
went  on  in  his  old  way.  It  was  not  long  before  he  gave  the  Queen  an 
opportunity  to  dismiss  him. 

His  Resignation  (19  December,  1851).  —  On  the  2d  December, 
1851,  Louis  Napoleon,  the  President  of  the  French  Republic,  by  a 
celebrated  coup  d'etat  overthrew  his  opponents  and  made  himself 
absolute  head  of  the  State.  Although  Palmerston  was  in  general 
opposed  to  despotism,  and  even  distrusted  Louis  Napoleon,  he  feared 
still  more  a  restoration  of  the  hated  Orleanist  dynasty.  So,  again 
without  consulting  the  Queen  or  even  his  colleagues,  he  first  expressed, 
in  a  private 'conversation  with  the  French  Ambassador  in  London,  his 
approval  of  what  had  been  done  and,  16  December,  repeated  his 
approval  in  a  letter  to  the  British  Ambassador  at  Paris.  Russell,  on 
the  other  hand,  announced  a  policy  of  neutrality  and  asked  for  Palmer- 
ston's  resignation.  The  joy  of  Victoria  and  Albert  proved  as  prema- 
ture as  it  was  unbounded.  Russell  practically  killed  his  Ministry  by 
the  dismissal  of  Palmerston ;  for  the  public  believed  with  the  latter 
that  it  was  a  "  weak  truckling  to  the  hostile  intrigues  of  the  Orleanist 
family  "  and  its  supporters  on  the  Continent.  Indeed,  unbearable 
as  Palmerston's  conduct  had  been,  it  is  at  least  an  open  question 


682     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

whether  the  demands  of  the  Queen  were  not  an  encroachment  on  the 
recognized  doctrine  of  ministerial  responsibility.  Within  two  months 
the  deposed  Minister  succeeded  in  overthrowing  the  Government  on 
the  details  of  a  militia  bill. 

The  Aberdeen  or  Coalition  Ministry  (1852-1855).  —  After  a  brief 
Conservative  administration  under  the  Earl  of  Derby,1  from  February 
to  December,  1852,  when  Disraeli  came  to  the  front  as  Leader  of  the 
House  of  Commons  and,  in  view  of  the  prosperous  condition  of  the 
country,  shrewdly  abandoned  the  defunct  issue  of  protection,  a  com- 
bination of  Whigs  and  Peelites  was  patched  together  under  the 
leadership  of  Lord  Aberdeen.  Although  the  Peelites  commanded 
only  thirty  votes  in  the  Commons,  the  ability  and  rank  of  their  leaders 
secured  for  them  a  majority  of  the  important  places  in  the  Cabinet. 
Chief  among  the  Whigs  were  Palmerston,  Home  Secretary,  and  Russell, 
Foreign  Secretary2  and  Leader  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Disraeli  on 
the  eve  of  his  resignation  had  declared  that :  "  England  does  not  love 
coalitions."  He  proved  a  true  prophet,  but  before  the  crisis  came,  the 
Aberdeen  Ministry  carried  several  good  measures.  Among  them  was 
the  provision,  in  1853,  that,  except  in  cases  where  the  sentence  was  four- 
teen years  and  over,  penal  servitude  should  be  substituted  for  transpor- 
tation.3 Also  first  steps  were  taken  toward  the  opening  of  the  civil 
service  to  public  competition.  More  important,  still,  Gladstone,  as 
Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  introduced  the  first  of  a  series  of  marvel- 
ous budgets  which  established  his  reputation  as  perhaps  the  ablest 
financier  of  the  century.  Before  many  months,  however,  Great  Brit- 
ain was  plunged  into  a  European  war  which  ruined  all  bis  calculations. 

The  Causes  of  the  Crimean  War.  —  The  Crimean  War,  which  broke 
out  in  the  autumn,  1853,  may  be  traced  to  three  main  causes :  (i)  the 
ambition  of  Louis  Napoleon,  who  had  assumed  the  title  of  Emperor 
in  December,  1852,  and  who  aimed  to  unite  the  French  people  in  some 
great  foreign  enterprise ;  (2)  the  designs  of  Nicholas  I,  who  wanted  to 
extend  the  Russian  protectorate  over  the  Greek  Christians  in  the  Otto- 
man Empire,  and  to  secure  the  outlet  from  the  Black  Sea  to  the 
Mediterranean,  which  was  under  Turkish  control ;  and  (3)  the  neces- 
sity felt  by  Great  Britain  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  Turkey  as  a 

1  Formerly  Lord  Stanley. 

2  He  was  soon  succeeded  in  this  office  by  Lord  Clarendon. 

3  The  practice  had  begun  in  1717  and  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  great  grievance 
by  the  American  Colonies.     In  1787  criminals  were  first  shipped  to  Botany  Bay  in 
New  South  Wales ;  afterwards  many  other  parts  of  Australia  and  other  islands  in 
the  South  Pacific  were  also  employed  as  penal  settlements.     They  too  protested, 
and  an  inquiry  into  the  system  proved  that  it  was  bad  from  almost  everv  point  of 
view.     It  was  finally  done  away  with  entirely. 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  683 

means  of  checking  the  Russian  advance  toward  India.  The  trouble 
began  with  a  quarrel  over  the  question  as  to  whether  the  Greek  or 
the  Latin  churches  should  control  the  Holy  Places  in  Palestine.  By 
a  treaty  made  with  the  Porte  in  1 740  France  had  obtained  for  the  Latin 
Church  possession  of  all  that  were  then  in  Turkish  hands,  but  owing 
to  subsequent  negligence,  the  Greek  Christians,  who  were  assiduous 
in  pilgrimages  and  in  the  maintenance  of  the  sacred  shrines,  gradually 
usurped  the  protectorate  and  secured  their  position  by  special  permits 
from  the  Ottoman  Government.  The  religious  revival  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  which  followed  the  indifference  and  skepticism  of  the 
eighteenth,  resulted  in  a  desire  on  the  part  of  many  Frenchmen  to  re- 
cover what  they  had  lost,  and  Louis  Napoleon,  in  order  to  secure  the 
support  of  this  class,  composed  mostly  of  his  political  opponents,  took 
up  their  cause.  The  Sultan,  in  his  desire  to  satisfy  France  without 
estranging  Russia,  who  stood  back  of  the  Greek  Christians,  pro- 
ceeded to  define  the  powers  of  the  two  Churches  in  a  different 
way  to  each  of  the  States  involved.  Such  was  the  situation  when 
Nicholas  began  to  unveil  his  views  about  the  future  of  Turkey. 
Already  in  June,  1844,  he  had,  in  a  conversation  with  Aberdeen, 
referred  to  the  Porte  as  a  dying  man,  and  suggested  that,  in 
case  of  a  break-up,  Great  Britain  and  Russia  should  be  in  agree- 
ment as  to  what  policy  to  pursue.  Now  in  January,  1853,  he  renewed 
the  subject  with  the  British  Ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg;  but 
received  no  encouragement  whatsoever. 

Great  Britain  Drawn  into  the  War.  —  Thus  far  Great  Britain  had 
not  become  involved  in  the  quarrel,  and  Aberdeen  was  anxious  to 
preserve  peace.  Lord  Stratford  de  Redcliffe,  British  representative 
to  Constantinople  and  a  stout  opponent  of  Russian  ambition,  was 
chiefly  responsible  for  dragging  his  country  into  the  war  as  a  principal. 
Prince  Menshikov,  Nicholas'  agent  in  the  Turkish  negotiations,  was 
a  rough  soldier,  equally  uncompromising,  who  not  only  required  a 
satisfactory  settlement  of  the  question  of  the  custody  of  the  Holy 
Places,  but  demanded  also  that  Russia  should  have  a  protectorate 
over  all  the  Greek  Christians  in  the  Turkish  dominions.  Lord 
Stratford  succeeded  in  separating  the  two  questions,  and  the  first, 
which  was  the  original  point  at  issue,  was  quickly  and  successfully 
adjusted.  The  second  demand  Menshikov  finally  presented  in  the 
form  of  an  ultimatum.  In  a  sense  it  was  very  natural  and  reasonable ; 
the  difficulty  arose  from  the  fact  that  since  the  Greek  Christians  num- 
bered fourteen  millions,  or  a  majority  of  the  Sultan's  subjects,  the 
Emperor  as  their  protector  might  easily  become  the  dominant  factor 
in  Ottoman  affairs.  For  that  reason  Turkey,  acting  under  the  advice 


684    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

of  Lord  Stratford,  rejected  the  demand.  Nicholas  thereupon  withdrew 
his  Ambassador,  and  though  he  did  not  at  once  declare  war,  he  sent 
his  troops  to  occupy  the  Danubian  Provinces.  Aberdeen  was  still 
bent  on  conciliating  Russia,  though  a  powerful  element  in  his  Cabinet, 
headed  by  Russell  and  Palmerston,  were  in  favor  of  forcing  concessions, 
even  by  war  if  necessary.  At  length,  24  October,  1853,  after  attempts 
at  mediation  had  proved  unavailing,  the  Turkish  commander  on  the 
Danube  threatened  the  Russians  with  war  unless  they  evacuated  the 
Principalities  within  fifteen  days.  Receiving  an  unsatisfactory  reply, 
the  Turks  crossed  the  river  and  fighting  began.  On  30  November, 
the  Russian  fleet  from  Sebastopol  attacked  and  destroyed  a  Turkish 
fleet  at  Sinope.  Although  hostilities  had  already  opened,  this  so- 
called  "  massacre  of  Sinope  "  aroused  great  indignation  among  the 
majority  of  Englishmen.  Events  moved  rapidly.  The  French  and 
British  fleets  entered  the  Black  Sea.  An  alliance  was  signed  between 
Great  Britain  and  France,  12  March,  1854,  followed  by  a  declaration 
of  war  on  the  28th,  —  and  a  generation  ignorant  of  the  horrors  of  war 
began,  with  rejoicing,  a  combat  which  a  pacific  Prime  Minister  had 
striven  to  avert. 

The  Opening  of  the  Conflict,  the  Siege  of  Sebastopol.  —  At  sea 
the  Allies  met  with  humiliating  disappointments,  for  fleets  dispatched 
both  in  1854  and  1855  failed  to  capture  their  objectives.  On  the 
other  hand,  in  August,  1854,  Russia,  owing  .to  the  effective  resistance 
of  the  Turks  and  to  the  fact  that  Austria  had  moved  a  large  force  to 
the  frontier,  was  obliged  to  withdraw  her  troops  from  the  Principal- 
ities. It  was  an  earlier  refusal  to  do  this  which  had  brought  on  the 
war.  Attention  was  soon  focused  on  Sebastopol,  the  chief  naval 
station  and  arsenal  of  the  Russians,  which  was  regarded  as  a  dangerous 
menace  to  Turkey.  The  suggestion  to  attack  it  with  a  joint  Anglo- 
French  force  may  have  come  from  Louis  Napoleon,  but  it  was  enthusi- 
astically welcomed  by  the  British.  Approved  by  the  Cabinet,  28 
June,  1854,  the  invading  army  which  had  been  supporting  the  Turks 
on  the  northern  frontier  since  May,  did  not  land  in  Crimea  till  14 
September.  Already  weakened  by  cholera,  they  were  sent  against  a 
strong  fortress  at  the  verge  of  the  winter  season  without  adequate 
supplies  and  with  an  insufficient  siege  train.  Landing  north  of  Sebas- 
topol and  proceeding  southward,  they  succeeded  in  brushing  aside 
a  strong  Russian  force  drawn  up  across  their  line  of  march ;  but  in- 
stead of  pressing  directly  on  Sebastopol,  they  made  the  mistake  of 
veering  off  toward  the  southeast.  Thus  the  defenders  had  time  to 
block  the  harbor  with  sunken  men-of-war  and  to  strengthen  the  town 
with  new  earthworks.  The  British  established  their  base  at  Bala- 


REVOLUTIONARY   MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  685 

clava  Bay,  while  the  French  took  a  position  not  far  off.  The  siege 
opened  1 7  October ;  on  the  25th,  Menshikov  was  defeated  in  an  attempt 
to  secure  control  of  the  Bay,1  and  again,  5  November,  the  Russians 
were  defeated  in  an  attack  on  Mount  Inkerman. 

The  Sufferings  in  the  Crimea  and  the  Fall  of  Aberdeen  (1854-1855). 
-  The  British  commander,  Lord  Raglan,  decided  to  winter  in  the 
Crimea.  Unhappily,  a  heavy  storm,  14  November,  wrecked  the  trans- 
ports which  were  bringing  medicine,  clothing,  and  food  for  the  men, 
with  hay  for  the  horses  as  well ;  the  roads  from  the  Bay  to  the  camp 
were  rendered  impassable  by  snow  and  mud,  the  horses  died  from 
starvation  and  transportation  became  impossible.  Owing  to  these 
adverse  conditions  and  to  the  clumsy  and  short-sighted  policy  of  the 
British  Administration,  the  troops  dragged  through  a  winter  of  misery 
and  suffering.  It  was  no  new  thing  for  armies  to  be  subjected  to 
such  privations ;  but,  for  the  first  time  in  history,  the  horrible  condi- 
tions were  promptly  reported  to  a  sympathizing  and  indignant  pub- 
lic at  home  by  Sir  William  Howard  Russell  of  the  London  Times,  the 
first  of  the  special  correspondents  who  have  come  to  play  such  a  part 
in  modern  warfare.  Also,  the  conditions  of  the  hospitals  at  Scutari, 
opposite  Constantinople,  were  deplorable.  There  the  dawn  of  happier 
times  began  with  the  arrival  of  Florence  Nightingale  (1820-1910)  as 
a  hospital  nurse ;  she  was  soon  put  in  full  charge  of  affairs,  and,  although 
handicapped  for  some  time  by  delays  in  transporting  medicine  and 
supplies,  brought  about  notable  reforms.  In  March,  1855,  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  new  Sanitary  Commission  did  wonders ;  for  the  death 
rate  between  then  and  June  fell  from  31  to  2  per  cent.2  Meantime, 
on  the  opening  of  Parliament,  in  January,  the  Aberdeen  Ministry  was 
sharply  attacked,  and  a  motion  was  carried  for  the  appointment  of  a 
committee :  "to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  our  army  before  Sebas- 
topol,  and  into  the  conduct  of  those  departments  of  the  Government 
whose  duty  it  has  been  to  minister  to  the  wants  of  that  army."  This 
led  first  to  the  retirement  of  Russell,  and,  very  shortly,  to  that  of  the 
whole  Cabinet. 

The  Advent  of  Palmerston  as  Prime  Minister  (February,  1855), 
and  the  Fall  of  Sebastopol  (October,  1855).  —  After  trying  all  other 
possibilities  in  vain,  the  Queen  was  at  length  obliged  to  turn  to  her 
old  enemy  Palmerston.  While  the  findings  of  the  Commission  of 
Inquiry  proved  to  be  a  very  guarded  indictment  against  the  late 

1  The  Battle  of  Balaclava  has  been  immortalized  in  Tennyson's  "  Charge  of 
the  Light  Brigade." 

2  Another  notable  later  advance  was  the  foundation  of  the  Red  Cross  Society  to 
carry  out  the  ideals  of  the  Geneva  Convention  of  1864. 


686     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Administration,  it  was  decided  that  the  existing  system  was  too 
cumbersome :  in  consequence,  the  civil  and  military  administration 
for  the  conduct  of  war  was  concentrated  in  the  Secretary  for  War1 
and  the  Commander-in-Chief  respectively.  In  January,  the  Franco- 
British  alliance  was  strengthened  by  the  adhesion  of  Piedmont, 
while  the  vigor  of  the  Russian  resistance  was  greatly  weakened  by 
the  death  of  Nicholas  I,  2  March,  1855.  Operations  before  Sebastopol 
were  pushed  with  energy,  but  for  a  time  with  no  great  success.  The 
British,  in  an  attack  on  the  fortress  known  as  the  Redan,  were  thrown 
back,  June,  1855.  After  investing  Sebastopol  all  summer,  the  Allies 
made  a  supreme  effort  8  September ;  in  an  assault  that  was  preceded 
by  a  three  days'  cannonade  the  British  captured  the  Redan  only  to 
lose  it  again,  but  the  French  were  successful  in  securing  the  Mala- 
koff  Tower  which  commanded  all  the  surrounding  works.  Realiz- 
ing that  further  resistance  was  hopeless,  the  Russian  commander 
destroyed  the  remaining  fortifications  and  retreated  by  a  bridge 
which  he  had  constructed  across  the  harbor.  Sebastopol  had 
held  out  for  nearly  a  year.  In  spite  of  the  draining  of  their  re- 
sources and  the  loss  of  their  chief  arsenal,  the  Russians  were  still  able 
to  maintain  armies  in  the  field,  while  they  even  gained  a  slight  com- 
pensating advantage  when  the  fortress  of  Kars  in  Asia  Minor  surren- 
dered to  their  arms  after  a  sustained  and  heroic  defense.  Moreover, 
Napoleon  III,  realizing  that  his  subjects  were  regarding  with  growing 
disfavor  a  war  waged  in  alliance  with  the  British,  lent  a  willing  ear 
to  Austria,  who  was  anxious  to  arrange  terms  of  peace.  Although  the 
British  public  were  anxious  to  continue  fighting  in  the  hope  of  gaining 
a  signal  victory  that  would  wipe  out  the  memory  of  the  bungling  and 
reverses  of  their  troops,  the  Government  agreed  to  participate  in  a 
peace  congress  which  met  at  Paris  in  February,  1856. 

The  Peace  of  Paris  (30  March,  1856). — Lord  Clarendon,  Great 
Britain's  leading  representative,  was  disgusted  with  Napoleon's  pliant 
attitude;  nevertheless  he  struggled  hard,  and,  backed  by  Austria, 
secured  better  terms  for  the  Allies  than  Napoleon  would  have  stood 
out  for.  On  30  March,  1856,  the  Treaty  was  signed  by  France, 
Russia,  Great  Britain,  Turkey,  Piedmont,  Austria,  and  Prussia,  the 
latter  power  having  been  admitted  to  the  Conference  after  it  was 
already  under  way.  Among  the  chief  terms  were:  (i)  Russia  and 
Turkey  agreed  to  a  mutual  restoration  of  territories.  (2)  The  inde- 
pendence and  integrity  of  Turkey  was  guaranteed,  together  with  her 
recognized  place  among  European  powers.  (3)  A  charter  recently 

1  At  this  time  separated  from  the  Colonial  Office  with  which  it  had  been  combined 
since  1801. 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN   EUROPE  687 

issued  by  the  Sultan  providing  for  the  protection  of  his  Christian 
subjects,  with  the  proviso  that  European  nations  should,  not  inter- 
fere, was  confirmed.  (4)  The  Black  Sea  and  the  Dardanelles  were 
neutralized  and  closed  to  ships  of  war,  while  both  Russia  and  Turkey 
were  prohibited  from  maintaining  arsenals  along  the  coast.  The 
Conference  also  subscribed  to  the  "  Declaration  of  Paris  "  —  an  epoch 
in  the  progress  of  international  law,  —  which  provided  that :  (i)  Pri- 
vateering should  be  abolished ;  (2)  a  neutral  flag  should  cover  an 
enemy's  goods  except  contraband  of  war ;  (3)  neutral  goods,  except 
contraband  of  war,  even  under  an  enemy's  flag,  should  be  exempt 
from  capture ;  (4)  blockades  to  be  binding  must  be  effective.1  As  to 
the  Peace  itself  there  was,  according  to  one  of  the  French  negotiators, 
"  nothing  to  show  which  was  the  conqueror  and  which  the  conquered." 
Many  have  asserted,  too,  that  Great  Britain  got  very  little  for  the 
sacrifices  of  lives  and  money  which  her  intervention  involved,  but  the 
designs  of  Russians  on  the  integrity  of  Turkey  were  checked  for  years 
to  come ;  moreover  various  Balkan  States — Rumania,  Serbia,  Monte- 
negro, and  Bulgaria  —  which  subsequently  wrested  their  independence 
from  the  effete  Ottoman  Empire,  might,  had  Russia  been  allowed  to 
go  on  unobstructed,  have  been  absorbed  as  subjects  of  the  Tsar. 

A  Troubled  Situation.  —  The  Peace  of  Paris  was  followed  by  dif- 
ficulties with  the  United  States  over  the  enlistment  of  American 
citizens  in  the  British  army  during  the  Crimean  War,  though  timely 
concessions  prevented  a  rupture.  Also,  Great  Britain  had  to  face  a 
Persian  advance  against  Afghanistan,  a  movement  regarded  as  a  part 
of  Russian  intrigue  —  with  India  as  the  ultimate  goal  —  which  was 
successfully  repulsed  in  the  year  1857,  while  a  war  with  China,  begin- 
ning in  the  same  year,  was  not  concluded  till  1860,  largely  owing  to 
mutiny  in  India,  which  threatened  for  a  time  the  very  existence  of 
the  British  Indian  Empire. 

The  Fall  of  Palmerston  (February,  1858).  —  Early  in  February, 
1858,  in  the  midst  of  these  complications,  Palmerston  was  overthrown, 
strangely  enough  on  the  ground  of  truckling  to  the  demands  of  a 
foreign  Power.  On  14  January  a  band  of  conspirators  led  by  an 
Italian;  Orsini,  had  attempted  to  assassinate  the  French  Emperor 
and  Empress  in  Paris,  and  while  the  intended  victims  escaped,  ten 
persons  were  killed  and  one  hundred  fifty  wounded  by  the  bombs 
thrown  at  the  Imperial  carriage.  Orsini  was  tried  and  put  to  death. 
In  the  course  of  the  investigation  it  came  out  that  the  plot  had  been 

1  While  the  United  States  did  not  come  into  this  agreement,  refusing  to  abolish 
privateering  unless  all  private  property  other  than  contraband  of  war  should  be 
free  from  capture,  she  subsequently  came  to  adopt  it  in  practice. 


688      SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

hatched  in  London  and  that  the  bombs  had  been  manufactured  in 
Birmingham.  The  indignation  of  the  French  army  officers  passed 
all  bounds ;  indeed  they  even  demanded  to  be  led  against  the  country 
which  they  were  pleased  to  term  a  "  den  of  assassins."  The  French 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  showed  wise  restraint,  but  went  so  far 
as  to  state  that  France  had  a  right  to  expect  "from  an  ally"  some 
effectual  guarantee  against  the  repetition  of  such  outrages.  When 
Palmerston,  in  order  to  prevent  a  possible  rupture,  framed  a  Conspira- 
cies to  Murder  Bill  which  made  the  crime — hitherto  a  misdemeanor 
—  a  felony  punishable  with  penal  servitude  for  life,  his  action  created 
a  furious  outcry,  his  bill  was  defeated  and  he  resigned. 

The  Second  Derby  Ministry  and  Jewish  Relief  (1858).  —  Lord 
Derby  came  in  for  another  brief  Ministry  from  February,  1858,  to 
June,  1859.  The  French  difficulty  was  speedily  smoothed  over  by 
skillful  diplomacy  on  both  sides,  though  popular  rancor  did  not  sub- 
side so  readily.  With  only  a  minority  in  the  Commons,  Derby's 
greatest  achievement  was  to  secure  a  measure  of  justice  for  the  Jews 
who  had  been  excluded  from  Parliament  by  the  clause  in  the  repeal  of 
the  Test  Act  (1828),  requiring  them  to  take  an  oath  on  the  true  faith 
of  a  Christian  —  a  restriction  against  which  they  had  protested  for 
years.  In  1858,  the  Lords,  after  they  had  rejected  a  bill  which  Russell 
had  carried  through  the  Commons  to  do  away  with  the  disabling  oath, 
agreed  to  a  compromise  allowing  each  House  to  frame  its  own  test. 
Thereupon,  the  Commons  drew  up  an  oath  which  Jews  could  take  and 
perpetuated  it  by  a  standing  order.  Eight  years  later,  in  1866,  a 
Statute  was  passed  that  made  it  possible  for  them  to  sit  in  either  House. 
The  year  1858  was  also  notable  for  the  abolition  of  the  property  quali- 
fication of  members  of  the  Commons,  a  restriction  which  had  long 
been  evaded  by  transparent  fictions. 

The  Franco-Austrian  War  (1859),  and  the  Achievement  of 
Italian  Unity  (1861-1870).  —  The  Derby  Ministry  was  defeated  in 
June,  1859,  on  account  of  its  alleged  friendliness  to  Austria  in  a  war 
which  had  just  arisen  over  the  situation  in  northern  Italy.  The 
men  condemned  in  the  Orsini  conspiracy  had  begged  Napoleon  III  to 
undertake  the  task  of  liberating  Italy  from  Austrian  control.  Either 
because  they  had  succeeded  in  arousing  ideals  which  had  long  slum- 
bered in  his  bosom,  or  because  he  feared  that  a  refusal  might  lead  to 
new  attempts  upon  his  life,  he  set  to  work.  Cavour,  the  far-sighted 
and  intrepid  statesman,  who  years  before  had  begun  to  shape  plans 
to  secure  Italian  independence  and  unity,  who  had  brought  Piedmont 
into  the  Crimean  war,  and  who  had  accordingly  been  allowed  to 
raise  the  Italian  question  at  the  recent  Congress  of  Paris,  was  just  the 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN   EUROPE  689 

man  to  lead  him  along  the  road  on  which  he  had  once  started.  On  the 
invitation  of  Napoleon,  the  two  held  a  momentous  interview  in  which, 
much  beyond  Cavour's  hopes,  the  French  Emperor  agreed  to  assist  the 
Kingdom  of  Sardinia  in  the  expulsion  of  Austria  from  Lombardy  and 
Venetia  if  a  just  cause  for  war  could  be  found;  Cavour,  in  his  turn, 
promising  to  hand  over  Savoy  and  Nice  to  France.  In  a  manner  worthy 
of  his  famous  uncle,  the  Emperor  very  abruptly,  at  his  New  Year's  re- 
ception in  1859,  expressed  his  regret  to  the  Austrian  Ambassador  that 
the  relations  between  the  two  countries  were  not  so  good  as  they  had 
once  been.  Austria,  foreseeing  the  approach  of  a  crisis,  sent  an  ultima- 
tum to  Sardinia,  ordering  her  to  disarm,  and  meeting  with  a  refusal,  the 
war  began.  Queen  Victoria  and  the  Derby  Ministry,  who  favored 
the  Austrians,  made  a  vain  attempt  to  mediate.  When  the  time  came 
to  take  a  decisive  step,  Napoleon  hesitated;  but  finding  events  had 
gone  beyond  his  control,  he  finally  led  a  French  army  in. person  to 
the  aid  of  the  Sardinian  King,  Victor  Emmanuel.1  In  June  the  Aus- 
trians were  successively  defeated  in  two  decisive  battles,  and  n  July, 
Francis  Joseph,  their  Emperor,  accepted  the  preliminaries  of  a  peace, 
concluded  in  November,  by  which  he  ceded  Lombardy  to  Napoleon 
III,  who  was  to  hand  it  over  to  Victor  Emmanuel.  Tuscany,  Modena, 
and  the  other  States  who  had  expelled  their  absolutist  rulers  were  to 
reinstate  them ;  but,  since  their  people  willed  otherwise,  they  were 
united  to  the  Sardinian  Monarchy.  During  the  spring  and  summer  of 
1860  Garibaldi  in  a  dashing  campaign  secured  Sicily  and  Naples. 
With  the  help  of  the  royal  Sardinian  army  other  conquests  followed, 
and,  17  March,  1861,  Victor  Emmanuel  was  crowned  King  of  a  united 
Italy,  which  included  the  whole  of  the  peninsula,  except  Venice  and 
Rome  —  incorporated  in  1866  and  1870  respectively. 

The  Second  Palmerston  Ministry  (June,  1859).  —  Meantime,  at  the 
very  opening  of  the  Franco-Austrian  War,  Palmerston,  whose  sympa- 
thies were  altogether  with  the  Italians,  had  again  come  to  power.  So 
far  as  Home  politics  were  concerned,  he  was  far  from  being  a  Liberal. 
Many  vital  measures  of  reform  had  to  await  his  death  before  they  were 
taken  up  by  the  Government ;  nevertheless,  while  the  chief  interest  of 
his  Ministry  centers  in  foreign  politics,  the  period  was  not  absolutely 
barren  of  progress  in  domestic  affairs,  though  such  steps  in  advance 
were  usually  carried  in  spite  of  him  rather  than  by  his  aid.  Indeed, 
the  whole  financial  policy  of  Gladstone,  once  more  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer,  was  far  more  liberal  than  that  of  his  chief.  He  proposed, 
in  his  budget  of  1860,  to  reduce  the  number  of  articles  on  the  tariff 
from  419  to  48,  and,  what  aroused  the  stoutest  opposition,  to  repeal 

1  The  House  of  Savoy  ruled  both  Piedmont  and  Sardinia. 


690     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  paper  duty.  This  meant  cheaper  newspapers,  and  was  in  line 
with  the  policy  by  which  the  stamp  duties  had  been  abolished  in  1855. 
Palmerston,  who  shared  in  the  view  that  the  result  would  be  the  spread 
of  popular  and  social  discontent,  stood  out  against  the  measure  in  the 
Cabinet,  after  which  he  wrote  the  Queen  that  if  the  House  of  Lords 
should  be  encouraged  by  his  attitude  to  assert  itself,  it  would  "  per- 
form a  good  public  service."  Never,  since  the  beginning  of  Cabinets, 
had  there  been  such  a  breach  of  the  principle  of  Ministerial  solidarity, 
and  all  that  can  be  said  for  the  Prime  Minister  is  that  he  made  no 
attempt  to  conceal  his  action.  The  Lords  rejected  the  bill  in  which 
the  proposed  repeal  was  embodied.  While  it  was  well  recognized 
that  they  could  not  amend  a  money  bill,1  their  right  of  rejection, 
though  not  often  exercised,  could  not  be  questioned.  Gladstone  and 
the  Commons  carried  their  point,  in  1861,  by  making  the  Paper  Duty 
Repeal  Bill  a  part  of  the  budget.  Confronted  with  the  two  possi- 
bilities of  passing  or  rejecting  all  the  appropriations  for  the  year,  the 
Lords  chose  the  former. 

The  Outbreak  of  Civil  War  in  the  United  States  (1861).  —  The 
Civil  War  in  the  United  States,  which  broke  out  in  the  spring  of  1861, 
brought  Great  Britain  face  to  face  with  serious  problems,  both  foreign 
and  domestic.  There  was  a  twofold  issue  involved,  the  question  of 
the  extension  of  slavery  and  that  of  secession,  a  situation  which 
contributed  to  confuse  the  attitude  of  British  public  sentiment.  While 
the  nation  as  a  whole  was  opposed  to  the  institution  of  slavery,  the 
general  tendency  was  to  minimize  that  issue  and  to  look  for  the  chief 
cause  of  the  war  in  the  attempt  of  the  North  to  hold  the  South  in  the 
Union  against  her  will.  Differences  of  opinion  in  England  were  based 
on  social  rather  than  on  party  lines.  The  upper  classes  supported  the 
landowning  gentry  of  the  South  as  against  the  merchants,  traders, 
and  small  farmers  of  the  North.  Furthermore,  jnany  of  them  argued 
that  the  slaves  were  kindly  treated,  and  that  there  were  not  enough 
abuses  in  the  system  to  justify  interference  with  vested  property 
interests  and  "  sovereign  rights  of  States."  The  middle  and  lower 
classes  in  the  Midlands  stood  by  the  North,  which  was  much  to  their 
credit,  since  the  mills  which  furnished,  directly  or  indirectly,  the  live- 
lihood of  vast  numbers  of  them,  depended  on  the  cotton  supplies  of 
the  Southern  States.  The  leading  Ministers  of  the  Liberal  party, 
then  in  power,  Palmerston,  Russell,  and  Gladstone,  were  at  one  with 
the  Conservative  aristocracy  as  against  those  who  furnished  their  main 
constituency.  Gladstone  went  so  far  as  to  declare  in  a  public  speech : 
Jefferson  Davis  "  had  made  an  army,  had  made  a  navy,  and,  what  is 

1  See  above  p.  370. 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  691 

more,  had  made  a  nation."  Yet  in  spite  of  its  manifest  sympathies, 
the  Government  decided  to  assume  a  position  of  strict  neutrality. 
On  14  May,  1861,  a  proclamation  to  that  effect  was  issued.  English- 
men were  prohibited  from  enlisting,  from  supplying  privateers,  from 
lending  any  other  form  of  aid  to  either  party.  Great  Britain  thus 
went  to  the  point  of  recognizing  the  South  as  a  belligerent,  though  she 
never  acknowledged  the  independence  of  the  Confederacy.  Relations, 
however,  were  strained  during  the  whole  period  of  the  war.  The 
South  was  aggrieved  that  the  British  would  not  espouse  their  cause 
more  actively,  while  the  North  resented  the  unfriendly  attitude  of 
the  Government  and  the  fact  that  the  policy  of  neutrality  was  not 
better  enforced. 

The  Trent  Affair  (1861).  —  Almost  at  the  start,  an  unfortunate 
incident  brought  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  to  the  brink 
of  war.  In  November,  1861,  Mason  and  Slidell,  two  commissioners 
of  the  Confederacy,  embarked  at  Havana  in  the  British  mail  steamer 
Trent  to  seek  aid  from  Great  Britain  and  France.  The  vessel  was 
boarded  on  the  high  seas  by  Captain  Wilkes,  of  'the  United  States  ship 
San  Jacinto,  and  Mason  and  Slidell  were  taken  off  as  prisoners.1  The 
news  aroused  a  storm  of  indignation  in  England,  while  Palmerston 
and  Russell  started  to  handle  the  question  in  their  customary  precipi- 
tate and  arrogant  manner.  Fortunately,  the  Queen,  acting  under  the 
sage  advice  of  the  Prince  Consort,  was  able  to  find  a  way  out  of  the 
difficulty.  In  place  of  the  apology  at  first  demanded,  the  British 
Government  expressed  itself  satisfied  with  the  release  of  the  prisoners 
and  the  assurance  that  Captain  Wilkes  had  acted  without  instructions. 
This  was  the  last  important  work  of  Prince  Albert,  who  died  of  typhoid 
fever,  14  December.  It  was  a  blow  from  which  Victoria  never  re- 
covered ;  while  she  devoted  herself  with  increasing  conscientiousness 
to  business  of  state,  she  practically  withdrew  from  all  social  activities 
for  twenty  years. 

Blockade  Runners  and  Privateers.  —  While  the  sealing  up  of  the 
Southern  ports  crippled  the  cotton  industry  in  Lancashire  to  an 
alarming  extent,  the  operatives  did  not  waver  in  their  allegiance  to 
the  Unionist  cause,  and  the  Government  insisted  in  recognizing  the 
efficacy  of  the  blockade.  Nevertheless,  British  speculators  made 
enormous  profits  from  blockade  running.  Much  as  the  United  States 
resented  this,  its  chief  grievance  was  the  active  share  which  British 
ship-builders  took  in  fitting  out  privateers  for  the  Confederacy  to 

1  American  opposition  to  such  peremptory  exercise  of  the  right  of  search  on  the 
part  of  the  British  had  been  one  of  the  causes  of  the  War  of  181 2.  The  only  proper 
procedure  would  have  been  to  send  the  Trent  to  port  for  trial. 


692     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

prey  on  neutral  commerce.  Of  the  seven  cruisers  which  were  really 
formidable,  five  were  British  built.  The  Alabama  was  the  most  notori- 
ous and  destructive :  she  was  constructed  at  Liverpool,  and,  although 
the  attention  of  the  British  Government  was  repeatedly  called  to  the 
purpose  for  which  she  was  designed,  no  steps  were  taken  to  detain  her 
until  it  was  too  late,  and  for  two  years  she  continued  her  dreaded 
course  until  she  was  sunk  19  June,  1864. 

The  Cotton  Famine  in  Great  Britain.  —  The  final  surrender  of  the 
Confederacy  in  April,  1865,  put  an  end  to  a  situation  which  was  grow- 
ing steadily  more  embarrassing  for  Great  Britain.  Unhappily,  the 
cotton  shortage  was  accentuated  by  the  greed  of  some  of  the  Lancashire 
owners  who  sold  their  reserve  stocks  for  high  prices  abroad.  The 
distress  became  so  acute  that  the  Government  had  to  devise  special 
measures  of  poor  relief.  Great  assistance  was  rendered  by  voluntary 
subscriptions  of  food,  clothing  and  money,  to  which  the  Colonies 
generously  contributed.  Those  who  could  get  any  sort  of  work 
proudly  refused  charity,  while  many  who  had  savings  bank  accounts 
exhausted  them  before  they  would  seek  aid.  Conditions  were  at 
their  worst  during  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1862  ;  then  they  began  to 
improve,  owing  to  the  increasing  supply  of  cotton  from  the  East, 
to  the  absorption  of  the  unemployed  in  other  industries,  and  to 
emigration. 

The  Mexican  Schemes  of  Napoleon  III.  —  Far  more  serious  to  the 
United  States  than  the  unfriendly  attitude  of  Great  Britain  were  the 
designs  of  Napoleon  III.  In  1862  he  suggested  to  Russell  that  the 
British  combine  with  Russia  and  France  in  a  joint  attempt  at  media- 
tion, a  proposal  which  the  Foreign  Minister  rejected  forthwith.  Then 
he  had  another  really  wild  scheme  from  which  Great  Britain  also  held 
aloof.  In  the  autumn  of  1860  she  had  joined  with  France  and  Spain 
in  sending  an  expedition  to  Mexico,  also  plunged  in  civil  war.  When 
the  original  object  —  to  protect  European  subjects  and  to  enforce 
payment  on  loans  advanced  to  the  Mexicans  —  was  attained,  Great 
Britain  and  Spain  withdrew  their  forces,  refusing  to  support  Napoleon 
in  a  vast  plan,  which  he  unfolded,  of  occupying  the  Mexican  capital 
and  setting  up  a  new  Empire  in  the  Latin-American  world.1 

Schleswig-Holstein  Question  (1863-1864). — The  temperate  counsels 
of  the  Prince  Consort  were  missed  sorely  enough  in  the  troubled  Anglo- 
American  relations  from  1861  to  1865,  but  even  more  in  the  complicated 

1  In  May,  1862,  he  succeeded  in  inducing  Maximilian,  brother  of  Francis  Joseph 
of  Austria,  to  accept  the  Imperial  title.  After  considerable  fighting,  the  Mexican^ 
again  restored  a  stable  republic,  and  the  unfortunate  Maximilian  was  court-mar- 
tialed and  shot,  20  June,  1867. 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  693 

Schleswig-Holstein  question  in  which  Great  Britain  became  involved 
in  1863.  Indeed,  as  Palmerston  once  remarked,  Prince  Albert  was 
one  of  the  three  men  who  had  ever  understood  it,  another  was  a 
Danish  statesman  who  had  lost  his  mind,  and  he  himself ,  who  was  the 
third,  had  forgotten  it.  Certainly  it  was  a  question  complicated 
enough  for  anyone  to  lose  his  mind  over  if  he  did  not  forget  it.  In 
the  fifteenth  century  the  Kingdom  of  Denmark  and  the  Duchies  of 
Schleswig  and  Holstein,  which  lie  at  the  base  of  the  Danish  peninsula, 
came  under  one  ruler,  on  condition  that  the  Duchies  should  never  be 
incorporated.  Moreover,  the  line  of  succession  was  different;  the 
Danish  allowed  transmission  through  females,  while,  in  the  Duchies, 
the  Salic  law  prevailed.  In  1848  Frederick  VII  came  to  the  throne. 
Frederick,  who  was  the  last  of  his  immediate  line,  chose  as  his  successor 
a  remote  connection  —  Prince  Christian  of  Gliicksburg.  The  Duke 
of  Augustenburg,  a  claimant  to  the  succession  in  Schleswig-Holstein, 
was  bought  off,  in  1 85  2 ,  for  a  substantial  sum  of  money.  Holstein  was 
preponderatingly  German  and  belonged  to  the  German  Confedera- 
tion, while  in  Schleswig  there  was  a  strong  Danish  element  attached  to 
Denmark.  Contrary  to  the  ancient  stipulation  and  contrary  to 
assurances  which  he  had  given,  a  Danish  Parliament,  in  the  last  year 
of  Frederick's  reign,  adopted  a  new  Constitution  incorporating  Schles- 
wig into  his  Kingdom,  and  granting,  at  the  same  time,  autonomy  to 
Holstein.  On  his  death  in  1863  the  question  was  brought  to  an  issue. 
Under  the  energetic  direction  of  Bismarck,  who  had  recently  become 
President  of  the  Prussian  Ministry  and  who  was  determined  to  weld 
Germany  together  by  a  policy  of  "  blood  and  iron,"  Prussia  entered 
into  an  agreement  with  Austria  to  drive  the  Danes  out  of  these  Duchies 
and  to  hold  them  jointly.  As  it  subsequently  developed,  his  two  aims 
were  to  secure  both  Schleswig  and  Holstein  —  which  separated  the 
main  part  of  Prussia  from  her  territories  along  the  Rhine1  —  and  to 
pick  a  quarrel  with  Austria,  the  chief  obstacle  to  Prussia's  leadership 
in  German  unification.  On  the  other  hand,  the  smaller  German 
States,  supported  by  a  liberal  minority  in  Prussia,  aimed  to  make  the 
Duchies  an  independent  member  of  the  German  Confederation; 
for  they  feared  the  growing  power  of  Prussia.  So  they  backed  the 
Duke  of  Augustenburg,  who,  regardless  of  the  fact  that  he  had  been 
bought  off,  revived  his  claim  for  his  son.  Bismarck,  however,  bore 
all  before  him.  Backed  by  Austria  he  sent  an  ultimatum  to  Christian 
IX  demanding  that  the  recent  Constitution  be  reversed  within  forty- 
eight  hours,  a  condition  manifestly  impossible,  since  the  late  Parlia- 

1  Moreover,  he  wished  to  acquire  Kiel,  now  the  chief  naval  station  in  the  Baltic 
and  the  eastern  terminal  of  the  Kiel  canal,  built  in  1895. 


694     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

ment  had  been  dissolved  and  a  new  one  had  not  been  elected.  When 
the  demand  was  not  complied  with,  Prussia  and  Austria  proceeded  to 
make  war. 

Aside  from  the  possible  effect  on  the  European  balance  of  power, 
the  British  were  interested  on  dynastic  grounds.  Alexandra,  the 
daughter  of  Christian  IX,  had  just  married  the  Prince  of  Wales,  while 
Victoria,  the  Queen's  eldest  daughter,  had,  in  1858,  become  the  wife 
of  Frederick,  heir  to  the  throne  of  Prussia.  The  sympathies  of  the 
British  Queen  were  with  the  Germans  as  against  the  Danes,  and  with 
the  Prussians  as  against  the  Augustenburg  party ;  not  only  did  she 
feel  that  Great  Britain  was  bound  by  the  treaty  of  1852  in  which  the 
Augustenburg  claim  had  been  annulled,  but  she  wanted  to  see  Prussia 
grow  strong  in  Germany.  Her  Cabinet  and  her  people,  on  the  con- 
trary, were  strong  for  the  Danes.  This  was  due  partly  to  the  popu- 
larity of  Princess  Alexandra  and  partly  to  the  feeling  that  Denmark 
was  a  weak  State  oppressed  by  a  strong  and  bullying  combination. 
Palmerston  and  Russell  talked  loudly  of  intervention  in  the  Danish 
behalf.  While  Queen  Victoria  took  no  pains  to  conceal  her  strong 
German  sympathies,  she  strove,  though  in  vain,  to  avert  a  war.  After 
the  Danes  had  been  defeated  by  the  joint  forces  of  the  Prussians  and 
Austrians,  she  arranged,  in  1864,  a  Conference  at  London,  which, 
however,  came  to  nothing.  When  Palmerston  and  Russell  continued 
to  talk  of  intervention  in  behalf  of  the  Danes,  she  insisted  upon  neu- 
trality, and  even  threatened  to  dissolve  Parliament  and  appeal  to  the 
people  if  the  Ministers  continued  their  belligerent  course.  She  had  her 
way,  and  Great  Britain  kept  her  hands  off  when  Prussia  and  Austria, 
after  the  failure  of  the  Conference,  proceeded  to  secure  their  hold  on 
the  Duchies.  Palmerson  had  led  on  the  Danes  in  their  futile  resistance 
by  holding  out  hopes  which  he  could  not  realize,  and  he  and  the  Foreign 
Secretary  had  made  themselves  ridiculous  in  Europe  by  what  Derby 
very  effectively  termed  their  policy  of  "  meddle  and  muddle."  Yet 
it  was  not  their  fault  that  they  had  to  back  down.  It  was  due  partly 
to  the  Queen  and  partly  to  the  French  Emperor  on  whose  support  they 
had  counted.  Napoleon  III,  however,  owing  to  the  fact  that  Great 
Britain  had  refused  to  give  him  anything  more  than  moral  support, 
had  recently  been  forced  to  submit  to  a  contemptuous  rebuff  from  the 
Russians  when  he  had  ventured  to  remonstrate  with  them  for  their 
treatment  of  the  Poles,  who  had  been  driven  to  rebellion  in  January, 
1863.  Consequently,  he  declined  to  take  any  decided  step  unless  the 
British  Government  bound  itself  to  go  to  war  if  necessary. 

The  Death  of  Palmerston  and  the  End  of  an  Epoch  (1865).  — The 
death  of  Palmerston,  18  October,  1865,  when  he  was  within  two  days 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  EUROPE  695 

of  eighty-one,  ended  an  epoch.  In  domestic  politics  he  was  an  old- 
fashioned  Whig  who  with  his  tremendous  prestige  succeeded,  so  long 
as  he  lived,  in  blocking  grave  problems  of  social  and  political  reform 
that  were  pressing  for  solution.  He  would  hear  of  no  further  exten- 
sion of  the  franchise,  and  his  attitude  toward  the  suffering  peasantry 
in  Ireland  may  be  summed  up  in  his  famous  phrase :  "  Tenant  right 
is  landlord's  wrong."  Conservative  as  he  was  in  Home  politics  he 
was  hated  by  European  Governments  as  a  "  patron  of  revolution  " 
and  a  "  disturber  of  the  relations  between  subjects  and  their  sove- 
reigns." In  his  handling  of  foreign  questions  he  had  often  embarrassed 
the  Queen,  he  had  made  many  blunders,  and  he  was  too  prone  to  con- 
sider more  the  "  honor  of  Great  Britain  than  the  merits  of  the  question 
involved,"  his  political  integrity  was  not  always  beyond  reproach,  he 
was  wanting  in  the  qualities  of  constructive  statesmanship,  he  was 
irrepressible,  overbearing,  and  flippant.  Nevertheless,  he  was  the 
friend  of  national  liberal  aspiration,  he  was  courageous,  industrious, 
witty  and  good-natured,  and  very  popular  because  he  was  the  em- 
bodiment of  ideals  which  the  average  Englishman  could  understand. 
The  country,  however,  was  now  ready  for  new  men  and  new  measures. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

Narrative.  Marriott ;  Bright,  IV ;  Maxwell,  II ;  Martineau  (to  1846) ; 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  X,  XI ;  Walpole,  The  History  of  Twenty-five 
Years  (1904),  I,  and  England,  IV- VI,  to  1856.  J.  McCarthy,  History  of 
Our  Own  Times  (vols.  I-III,  1880)  is  a  "popular"  work  and  a  very  read- 
able account.  Herbert  Paul,  History  of  Modern  England  (5  vols.,  1904- 
6)  I,  II,  journalistic  and  partisan,  Liberal  standpoint. 

Biography.  S.  Lee,  Queen  Victoria  (1902),  an  excellent  brief  sketch. 
Sir  T.  Martin,  Life  of  the  Prince  Consort  (5  vols.,  1875-1880).  J.  Morley, 
The  Life  of  W.  E.  Gladstone  (3  vols.,  1903),  the  standard  life  of  Gladstone. 
Monypenny  and  Buckle,  Life  of  Disraeli  (vols.  I  and  II,  go  to  1846),  the 
most  complete  and  best  biography.  T.  P.  O'Connor,  Lord  Beaconsfield 
(6th  ed.,  1884),  hostile  estimate.  T.  E.  Kebble,  Lord  Beaconsfield  and  other 
Tory  Memoirs  (1907).  G.  B.  Hill,  Life  of  Rowland  Hill  (2  vols.,  1880). 
J.  Morley,  Richard  Cobden  (2  vols.,  1881).  J.  A.  Hobson,  Richard  Cobden, 
the  International  Man  (1919),  a  sketch  emphasizing  Cobden's  pacifist  ac- 
tivities. G.  M.  Trevelyan,  John  Bright  (1913).  W.  M.  Torrens,  Memoirs 
of  Lord  Melbourne  (2  vols.,  1878).  G.  Saintsbury,  Life  of  the  Earl  of  Derby 
(1892).  S.  J.  Reid,  Life  of  Lord  John  Russell  (1886).  J.  B.  Atlay,  Vic- 
torian Chancellors  (2  vols.,  1908).  For  Russell,  Peel,  and  Palmerston,  see 
above,  chs.  XLVIII-L. 

Special  Works.  T.  Carlyle,  Chartism  (1839).  R.  G.  Gammage,  History 
of  Chartism  (1854,  revised  in  expanded  form,  1894).  W.  Lovett  and  J. 


696     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

Collins,  Chartism  (1840).  P.  W.  Slosson,  The  Decline  of  the  Chartist  Move- 
ment in  England  (1916) ;  F.  F.  Rosenblatt,  The  Chartist  Movement  in  its 
Social  and  Economic  Aspects  (pt.  I,  1916) ;  and  H.  W.  Falkner,  Chartism  and 
the  Churches  (1916) ;  three  useful  studies.  Mark  Hovell,  The  Chartist 
Movement  (1918) ;  excellent.  B.  Holland,  The  Fall  of  Protection,  1840- 
1850  (1913),  traces  effect  on  Empire,  Protectionist  in  sympathy.  The 
authority  on  the  Crimean  War  is  A.  W.  Kinglake,  The  Invasion  of  the  Crimea 
(8  vols.,  1863-1887).  M.  Bernard,  A  Historical  Account  of  the  Neutrality 
of  Great  Britain  during  the  American  Civil  War  (1870). 

Contemporary.  The  Greville  Memoirs.  B.  Disraeli,  Bentinck,  a  Po- 
litical Biography  (1852).  Papers  of  Lord  Melbourne  (ed.  L.  C.  Sanders, 
1889).  Baron  Stockmar,  Memoirs  (tr.  M.  Muller,  2  vols.,  1872).  Queen 
Victoria,  Letters  (eds.  A.  C.  Benson  and  Viscount  Esher,  3  vols.,  1907),  to 
1861;  throw  a  flood  of  light  on  early  Victorian  statesmen  and  politics. 
Esher,  The  Girlhood  of  Queen  Victoria,  1836-40  (1912),  selections  from  her 
diary,  abbreviated  in  The  Training  of  a  Sovereign  (1914).  John,  Earl 
Russell,  Recollections  and  Suggestions  (1875). 

Selections  from  the  sources.  Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  266-267.  Robert- 
son, pt.  II,  nos.  XXVII-XXVIII,  app.  p.  438. 


CHAPTER  LIII 

A    NEW    ERA    IN    DEMOCRACY.     THE    POLITICAL    RIVALRY    OF 
GLADSTONE  AND  DISRAELI  (1865-1880) 

The  Second  Russell  Ministry  (1865-1866)  and  the  State  of  the  Fran- 
chise. —  While  the  death  of  Palmerston  removed  the  chief  obstacle 
to  progress  in  domestic  legislation,  some  years  were  yet  to  elapse  be- 
fore either  of  the  two  men,  Gladstone  and  Disraeli,  who  were  to  domi- 
nate the  political  situation  for  the  next  generation,  came  to  head  a  Cabi- 
net; for  Lord  John  Russell  (created  Earl  Russell  in  1861)  succeeded 
Palmerston,  with  whom,  except  for  occasional  intervals  of  rivalry,  he 
had  worked  for  more  than  thirty  years.  The  Russell  Administration 
was  confronted  with  many  acute  problems — on  the  Continent  a  war 
involving  tremendous  issues,  at  Home  parliamentary  reform,  again 
a  burning  question.  Since  the  passage  of  the  celebrated  Act  of  1832, 
numerous  Reform  bills  had  been  introduced ;  but  none  of  them  had 
even  succeeded  in  passing  the  Commons.  The  right  of  voting  was 
still  greatly  restricted  and  the  representation  unevenly  distributed. 
In  1865,  out  of  5,300,000  adult  males,  there  were  only  900,000  voters. 
Thus  only  one  man  in  six  was  entitled  to  vote  and  the  working  classes 
were  practically  excluded.  Many  anomalies  in  the  representation, 
left  untouched  in  1832,  had  been  much  accentuated  by  the  amazing 
growth  of  the  industrial  population  during  the  past  thirty-five  years. 
The  borough  of  Totnes  with  4000  inhabitants  returned  as  many  mem- 
bers as  Liverpool  with  a  population  of  443,000,  and  the  thinly  populated 
county  of  Cornwall  had  a  larger  representation  than  the  populous 
Middlesex. 

The  Awakening  of  Democracy.  Russell's  Reform  Bill  of  1866  and 
Its  Defeat. —  While  the  majority  of  both  Houses  was  still  opposed  to 
change  and  the  public  seemed  indifferent,  such  inequalities  could  not 
go  on  forever.  Moreover,  the  country  was  on  the  eve  of  a  great  demo- 
cratic awakening.  The  people  were  going  to  insist  more  and  more 
that  it  was  the  proper  function  of  the  State  to  educate  them,  to  pro- 
vide for  the  public  health,  and  to  regulate  their  relations  with  their 
employers.  Yet  if  the  powers  of  the  Government  were  to  be  thus  en- 

697 


698     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

larged,  it  followed  that  those  whose  interests  were  at  stake  should 
have  a  larger  voice  in  public  affairs.  This  progress  toward  democracy 
was  greatly  stimulated  by  the  outcome  of  the  American  Civil  War. 
The  victory  of  the  North  was  a  triumph  for  democracy  over  an  aristo- 
cratic oligarchy.  It  added  greatly  to  the  prestige  of  Midland  opera- 
tives that  they  had  been  wiser  than  the  Conservative  upper  classes  in 
foreseeing  the  outcome,  while  the  patience  with  which  they  had  suf- 
fered for  their  principles  gained  for  them  not  only  sympathy  but  great 
respect  throughout  the  country.  Thus  strength  was  given  to  an  argu- 
ment which  began  to  be  advanced  that  they  could  not  be  denied  the 
vote  which  was  to  be  conceded  to  the  negroes  in  the  United  States. 
Nevertheless,  the  bill  which  Russell  introduced  in  1866  was  defeated, 
largely  owing  to  a  revolt  of  a  section  of  the  Liberal  party  who  came  to 
be  known  as  the  "  Adullamites,"  from  John  Bright's  comparison  of 
them  to  Saul's  discontented  subjects  who  took  refuge  with  David  in 
the  cave  of  Adullam.  The  victory  of  the  Opposition  drove  Russell 
from  office  in  June.1  Curiously  enough,  it  was  now  the  fate  of  the 
Conservatives  to  carry  a  bill  so  radical  as  virtually  to  transfer  the 
balance  of  power  from  the  middle  classes  to  the  workingman. 

The  Third  Derby  Ministry  (June,  i866-February,  1868) .  The  Rous- 
ing of  the  People.  —  For  the  third  time,  Lord  Derby  became  Prime 
Minister  with  the  support  of  only  a  minority  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
During  the  interval  between  the  resignation  of  Russell  and  the  meet- 
ing of  Parliament  in  February  of  1867,  a  sentiment  for  reform  developed 
among  the  working  classes  as  irresistible  as  it  was  sudden.  The  rejec- 
tion of  Russell's  bill  had  furnished  the  impulse,  while  the  discontent 
aroused  by  a  financial  crisis,  together  with  stirring  speeches  by  Bright 
and  Gladstone,  did  the  rest.  On  23  July,  after  the  authorities  had 
forbidden  a  meeting  in  Hyde  Park  and  closed  the  gates,  the  mob  tore 
up  the  iron  railings  and  streamed  in  through  the  breach.  This  demon- 
stration made  a  profound  impression.  Even  more  significant,  perhaps, 
were  the  organizations  which  were  formed  to  advance  the  cause,  the 
street  processions,  the  crowded  meetings,  and  the  eloquent  arguments 
of  the  chief  speakers.  Disraeli,  once  more  leader  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  was  just  the  man  to  take  advantage  of  the  situation,  to  do 
exactly  what  he  had  denounced  Peel  for  doing  twenty  years  before,  to 
run  away  with  the  clothes  of  the  Whigs  when  he  had  caught  them 
bathing. 

1  Though  he  lived  till  1878,  his  public  life  came  practically  to  an  end  in  1866. 
While  he  had  made  many  blunders  during  his  long  career,  nevertheless,  he  had 
devoted  practically  his  whole  life  to  the  public  service,  and  was  ever  a  stanch 
advocate  of  measures  making  for  progress  and  the  good  of  the  people. 


A  NEW  ERA  IN  DEMOCRACY  699 

The  Reform  Bill  of  1867.  —  Declaring  that  his  aim  was  to  "  work 
for  the  public  good,  instead  of  bringing  forward  mock  measures  to 
be  defeated  by  the  spirit  of  the  party.  "Disraeli  at  first  snyghi-  tn  sernrp 
the,  finppnrt  of  both  Liberals  and  Conservatives  tn  a.  w\i>*  of  resolu- 
Jjons^on  the  subject.  _  They  contained  a  number  of  commonplaces; 
b~uT  their  main  purport  was  to  take  away  with  one  hand  what  they 
gave  with  the  other  by  checking  the  concessions  made  to  the  laboring 
classes  with  a  complicated  system  of  "  fancy  franchises  "  *  and  dual 
voting.  These  resolutions  aroused  the  combined  opposition  of  both 
factions  of  the  Liberal  party  and  were  withdrawn.  Eventually  all 
the  securities  designed  to  comfort  the  Tories,  such  as  "  fancy  fran- 
chises "  and  dual  voting,2  had  to  be  thrown  overboard.  The  quali- 

fixed  in  the  bill  of  1867,  were  :  in  boroughs. 


tillJipuseholxiers-wriQ  pajgl  the  poor  rates  3  and  all  lodgers  of  one  year's 
rent  was  £10;  m  the  counties,  all-owners  of 


land  of-Xt;  annual  value  and  all  occupying  tenants  whose,  rental  was" 
.£12.  With  regard  to  redistribution  of  seats,  certain  readjustments 
were  made  without  altering  the  size  of  the  House  of  Commons,  among 
others  the  right  of  sending  two  members  was  taken  from  aH-faorougfas 
of  less  than  10.000  inhabitants,  while  four,  large  towns  —  Manchester, 
Birmingham,  Liverpool  and  Leeds  —  were  given  a  third  member  each. 
Scotland  gained  a  few  seats  ;  but  the  Irish  membership  was  lef  fun- 
changed- 

The  Significance  of  the  Act  of  1867.  —  A  long  step  had  been  taken 
in  the  direction  of  democracy.  Derby  and  Disraeli  had  carried  through 
a  much  needed  measure  of  reform  and  they  had  "  dished  the  Whigs  "  ; 
but  they  had  done  it  by  coolly  violating  their  pledges  and  sacrificing 
the  principles  of  the  Conservatives  who  had  put  them  in  office.  It 
should  be  said,  however,  that  it  was  in  line  with  Disraeli's  political 
philosophy  to  combine  the  nobility  and  the  workingman  against  the 
great  middle  class.  While  to  Derby  the  momentous  experiment  was 
"  a  leap  in  the  dark,"  he  declared  boldly  that  he  was  "  educating  his 

1  A  name  contemptuously  imposed  by  John  Bright  on  Disraeli's  device  for 
enabling  a  man  who  was  a  university  graduate,  a  member  of  a  learned  profession, 
or  who  possessed  a  certain  amount  of  personal  property,  to  cast  a  vote  in  addition 
to  the  one  to  which  he  was  entitled  as  a  householder. 

2  This  did  not  affect  a  form  of  plural  voting  already  existing,  whereby  a  man 
can  vote  in  more  than  one  place,  provided  that  he  possesses  the  requisite  borough 
and  county  qualifications. 

3  Certain  small  householders,  instead  of  paying  the  public  rates  directly,  "com- 
pounded" with  the  landlords,  or  included  their  share  in  their  rents,  and  were  ac- 
cordingly known  as  "compound  householders."     This  compounding  system  was 
abolished,  and  even  small  householders  were  assessed  directly.     Compounding 
was  restored,  however,  in  1869. 


700     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

party."  This  drew  from  one  of  his  opponents  the  grim  comment: 
"  we  must  now  educate  our  masters,"  and  the  gloomy  prophecy  that : 
"  the  bag  which  holds  the  winds  will  be  untied,  and  we  shall  be  sur- 
rounded by  a  perpetual  whirl  of  change,  alteration,  innovation,  and 
revolution."  Yet  the  results  were  far  from  cataclysmic;  for  although 
a  new  era  of  progressive  legislation  followed,  the  newly  enfranchised 
class  proved  far  from  revolutionary  in  its  demands. 

The  Austro-Prussian  War  (1866). — While  England  was  involved 
in  the  struggle  over  the  extension  of  the  franchise,  Prussia,  having 
succeeded  in  forcing  a  breach  with  the  Austrians  over  the  adminis- 
tration of  Holstein,  had  overwhelmed  them  in  a  seven  weeks'  war, 
which  broke  out  in  June,  1866,  and  by  the  Peace  of  Prague,  23  August, 
realized  two  great  ambitions  which  had  guided  her  policy  for  years. 
One  was  the  organization  of  the  North  German  Confederation  under 
Prussian  presidency ;  the  other  was  the  rounding  out  of  her  dominions 
and  the  welding  together  of  her  scattered  territories  by  the  incorpora- 
tion of  Schleswig-Holstein,  Hanover,  and  various  other  States.  By 
the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  3  October,  the  Austrians  were  forced  to  cede 
Venice  to  Victor  Emmanuel  —  whom  Bismarck  had  attached  to  the 
Prussian  side  —  and  to  recognize  the  Kingdom  of  Italy.  Queen  Vic- 
toria had  sought  to  avert  the  conflict  by  mediation ;  but  her  offers  had 
been  brusquely  repulsed  by  Bismarck.  The  British  Government  was 
in  no  position  to  insist ;  for  the  policy  of  Palmerston  had  left  the  coun- 
try in  a  position  of  isolation,  estranged  from  the  United  States,  from 
Russia,  and  from  France.  Thenceforth,  for  many  years,  Great  Britain 
aimed,  so  far  as  circumstances  would  permit,  to  hold  aloof  from  Eu- 
ropean complications,  to  maintain  a  policy  of  strictest  neutrality,  and 
to  devote  her  attention  to  problems  of  Empire. 

Disraeli,  the  Man  and  his  Work.  —  In  February,  1868,  Lord  Derby 
resigned  on  account  of  failing  health,  and  was  succeeded  by  Disraeli, 
who  was  now  sixty-four  years  of  age.  For  thirty  years  he  had  been  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and  for  half  that  period  had  been 
the  recognized  leader  of  his  party,  posing  all  the  while  as  a  man  of  fash- 
ion and  at  intervals  publishing  novels.  Starting  with  a  theory  of  the 
Constitution  which  should  emphasize  the  power  of  the  Monarchy  and 
the  masses  as  against  the  Whig  commercial  aristocracy,  he  for  a  time 
led  a  band  of  youthful  followers  known  as  the  Young  England  party ; 
but  ended  as  an  Imperialist  of  the  most  pronounced  type.  He  first 
established  his  position  by  his  brilliant  and  merciless  onslaughts  on 
Peel  at  the  time  of  the  Corn  Law  agitation.  While  he  showed  no  un- 
usual capacity  as  a  routine  administrator,  he  proved  unsurpassed  as 
a  party  leader,  formidable  and  courageous,  resourceful,  audacious,  and 


A  NEW  ERA  IN  DEMOCRACY  701 

imaginative.  He  was  a  remarkable  judge  of  men,  and  succeeded  in 
gaining  the  favor  and  confidence  of  the  Queen  to  a  higher  degree  than 
perhaps  any  statesman  of  the  reign.  This  was  due  to  his  enthusiasm 
for  the  monarchical  principle  of  government,  to  his  growing  faith  in 
the  Imperial  destiny  of  England,  and  above  all  to  his  courtesy  and  con- 
siderateness  and  his  power  of  flattery.  As  he  himself  boasted,  "  Glad- 
stone treats  the  Queen  like  a  public  department,  I  treat  her  like  a 
woman."  One  looks  in  vain  for  any  great  measures  of  progressive  legis- 
lation which  he  initiated,  but  the  rescue  of  the  Tory  party  from  the 
decline  which  followed  the  Peelite  schism  and  the  popularization  of 
the  modern  Imperialistic  idea  are  peculiarly  his  work. 

Gladstone,  His  Character  and  Policy.  —  The  Opposition  leader, 
Gladstone  (1809-1898),  though  five  years  younger  than  Disraeli,  had 
already  been  in  Parliament  five  years  longer.  The  son  of  a  rich  Liver- 
pool merchant  of  Scotch  birth,  he  had  the  "  audacious  shrewdness  of 
Lancashire  married  to  the  polished  grace  of  Oxford."  His  intellectual 
curiosity,  his  energy  and  versatility  were  prodigious.  Beginning  as 
a~Tory,  he  seceded  with  the  Peelites  and  ended  his  career  as  a  Liberal. 
Although  his  abilities  were  manifest  much  earlier,  his  Budget  of  1853 
first  established  his  reputation  as  a.  finannW  pnHtlpH  t^  rank  with 
Walpole,  Pitt,  and  Peel.  HJS..  measures  of 


cannot  be  even  touched  upon  except  bv  outlining  the  last  half  century 
of  English  history.  Great  as  was  his  superiority  to  Disraeli  in  domes_- 
tic  legislation,  his  rival  far  outshone  him  as  a  Foreign  Minister.  Glad- 
stone always  raised  his  voice  in  behalf  of  oppressed  nationalities,  but 
he  gave  no  continuous  attention  to  external  concerns,  and,  during  his 
Administrations,  it  was  generally  felt  that  England  suffered  abroad 
both  in  dignity  and  power  because  of  vacillating  and  dilatory  methods. 
His  success  as  a  legislator  and  administrator  was  enhanced  by  his 
fascinating  power  of  expounding  the  measures  which  he  framed.  He 
was,  to  be  sure,  over-copious  and  subtle,  and  surpassed  by  many  in  the 
finest  gifts  of  literary  grace;  but  thanks  to  his  telling  phrases,  his 
magical,  sonorous  voice^  his  flashing  eye,  his  wondrous  vitality  andt 
earnestness,  no  orator  of  his  generation,  except  John  Bright,  was  his 
superior^  Gladstone  was  never  congenial  to  the  Queen^  His  seces- 
sion from  the  Peelites  toward  democratic  liberalism  offended  her,  and 
his  reforming  zeal,  with  its  ruthless  disregard  of  established  institutions 
and  vested  interests,  excited  her  apprehension.  He  never  spared  her, 
as  for  example  when  he  sent  her  twelve  closely  filled  pages  on  the  com- 
plicated details  of  a  single  bill.  Then  the  ease  with  which  he  changed 
his  mind,  and  "  oiled  the  joints  "  of  his  sudden  transitions  with  words, 
bewildered  her,  as  it  did  many  another.  Moreover,  while  naturally 


702     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

considerate,  he  came,  because  of  his  tremendrms  moral  enthusiasm^ 
to  regard  himself  as  a  chosen  vesseland  impressed  his  opponents  and^ 
many  ot  his  followers  as  dictatorial    While  Disraeli  achieved  little 
irTthe  way  of  tangible  retorm  and  recreated  the  Conservatives,  Glad- 
stone accomplished  much  and  broke  up  the  Liberal  party. 

Gladstone's  Ffrst  Ministry  (1868-1874). — Disraeli  held  his  first 
Premiership  less  than  a  year.  When  a  general  election,  held  in  the 
autumn  of  1868,  resulted  in  a  complete  Liberal  victory  at  the  polls, 
he  took  the  wise  but  novel  step  of  resigning  without  waiting  to  face 
the  new  Parliament,  and,  4  December,  Gladstone  was  intrusted  with 
the  task  of  forming  the  first  of  his  four  Ministries.  For  the  first 
time  in  years  there  were  two  united  parties  confronting  one  another, 
each  led  by  a  dominant  personality.  There  were  pressing  problems 
to  be  dealt  with  —  abolition  of  privilege,  reduction  of  expenditure, 
readjustment  of  taxation,  constructive  social  measures  and  the  peren- 
nial Irish  question.  Valiantly  meeting  these  problems,  the  first 
Gladstone  Administration  was  fruitful,  to  an  unusual  Hpgrpp  in  signif- 
icant legislation . 

The  Fenian  Movement  (1858-1865).  —  The  Irish  problem  claimed- 
the  first  attention ;  for  disturbances  which  Disraeli  once  tersely  attrib- 
uted to  "  a  starving  people,  absentee  landlords,  and  an  alien  Church  " 
had  broken  out  in  a  new  and  acute  form.  The  disty rha.nr.es  were 
due  to  the  activity  of  the  Fenians.1  Early  in  the  fifties,  Phoenix 
cTuBs  had  begun  to  spring  up  in  Dublin  in  which  young  men  enrolled 
for  the  purpose  of  achieving  Irish  independence  ;,  but  little  was  accom- 
plished till  after  the  foundation  of  the  Fenian  "Rrpthprhnnrl  in  TSJpw 
York  in  1858.  The  organization  spread  rapidly  through  the  United 
States,  where  the  immigrants  who,  since  the  potato  famine,  had  flocked 
across  the  ocean  in  steadily  growing  numbers,  had  accumulated  money 
and  political  training  which  made  them  more  capable  than  their 
countrymen  at  home  of  initiating  a  serious  rebellion.  Fenianism  had 
no  design  of  bettering  agrarian  conditions,  it  had  no  great  hold  on  the 
peasantry,  and  it  was  frowned  upon  by  the  Roman  Catholic  priesthood. 
Ijs  aim  was  to  throw  off  the  British  rule  bv  intimidation  and  force. 
The  movement  received  a  great  impetus  from  the  Amerir an  Civil  WarL 
which  furnished  a  military  training  for  thousands  of_  Irishmen  and 
aroused  their  martial  spirit,  while  the  ill-feeling  which  developed  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  led  them  to  count  on  the 
alliance  oi  trie  Americans^  Many  of  the  Irish-Americans  began  to 

1  The  name  "Fenians"  is  derived  from  an  old  Irish  word  meaning  "champions 
of  Ireland,"  and  was  originally  applied  to  certain  tribes  who  served  as  the  militia 
of  the  ancient  Kings  of  Erin. 


A   NEW  ERA  IN   DEMOCRACY  703 

make  their  way  home,  to^  extend  their  organization  and  to  stir  up 
disaffection  in  England  and  Ireland. 

The  Fenian  Plots  and  their  Suppression  (1865-1867).  —  The  out- 
spokenness of  the  conspirators  and  the  reports  of  spies  stirred  the 
Government  to  action.  As  the  result  of  treachery,  O'Donovan  Rossa, 
the  proprietor  of  the  Irish  People,  was  taken  prisoner,  15  September, 
1865,  and  various  supplies  of  arms  were  disclosed  and  captured.  One 
reverse  after  another  followed.  On  31  May,  1866,  an  attempted 
Fenian  invasion  of  Canada  failed,  largely  on  account  of  the  determined 
attitude  of  the  United  States.  A  general  rising,  projected  in  Ireland  irj 
March,  1867,  proved  abortive.  During  the  year  1867  England  wit- 
nessed at  least  three  disquieting  manifestations  of  Fenian  activity. 
An  attempt  to  capture  Chester  Castle,  to  seize  the  arms  there  and  to 
convey  them  to  Ireland  was  only  frustrated  by  prompt  measures  on  the 
part  of  the  Government.  Then  at  Manchester,  two  Fenian  prisoners 
were  rescued  from  a  prison  van  and  the  sergeant  who  guarded  them  was 
killed  by  a  shot  fired  through  the  keyhole  of  the  locked  door  ;  three 
men  executed  for  this  reckless  enterprise  were  hailed  as  the  "Man- 
chester Martyrs."  A  project  to  free  two  prisoners  from  Clerkenwell 
in  London,  13  December,  by  blowing  up  a  portion  of  the  prison  wall, 
was  nothing  less  than  a  stupid  and  cowardly  outrage  ;  for  it  caused  the 
death  of  twelve  persons  and  the  injury  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
more,  and  had  the  prisoners  themselves  been  in  the  yard  at  the  time, 
they  too  would  have  been  killed.  While  such  performances  as  this 
inevitably  cast  discredit  upon  the  whole  movement  for  Irish  inde- 
pendence, nevertheless,  leading  British  statesmen  became  convinced 
that  violence  was  nothing  but  the  logical  outcome  of  political  re- 
pression, and  that  the  only  way  to  restore  peace  and  quiet  was  to  offer 
thoroughgoing  measures  of  conciliation. 

Disestablishment  of  the  Irish  Church  (1869).  —  Gladstone,  who, 
when  called  upon  to  form  a  Cabinet,  had  declared  :  "  My  mission 
is  to  pacify  Ireland,"  thus  found  his  hand  greatly  strengthened. 
Neither  the  disestablishment  of  the  Irish  Church,  to  which  he  was 
pledged,  nor  the  improvement  of  the  land  tenure,  wVn'rVi  VIP  rpgardpH 
as  almost  equally  pressing.  haH  bppn  demanded  by  the  Fenians,  vet 
he  felt  that,  if  these  grievances  were  oncp  removed,,  the  movement 
recruited  trom  discontent  would  wither  at  the  roots^  Gladstone's 
before  the  Commons  in  March,  i86q,  provided  that  the 


Irish  Church  should  cease  to  be  a  legal  establishment  after  i  January, 
1871.  Its  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  was  to  be  abolished  and  the  four 
Irish  bishops  were  no  longer  to  sit  in  the  House  of  Lords^  The 
Church's  endowments  were  also  to  be  taken  away,  with  comppn  Cation 


704     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

for  vested  interests,  while  Church  buildings,  episcopal  residences  and 
parsonages  were  reserved  to  a  new  voluntary  organization  which  was 
to  take  the  place  of  the  old  Establishment.  The  Regium  Donum 
which  the  Government  had  allotted  to  the  Presbyterians  in  Ireland 
since  the  time  of  William  of  Orange,  as  well  as  the  Maynooth  Grant,1 
was  discontinued,  but  also  with  compensation.  Private  endowments 
made  since  the  Restoration  of  1660  were  to  be  left  untouched.  The 
tithe  rent  charge  was  to  be  bought  in  by  the  landlords  for  a  sum  esti- 
mated at  about  £9,000,000.  The  remaining  property  of  the  Irish 
Church,  consisting  mainly  of  land  and  land  rents,  was  computed  to  be 
worth  some  £6,000,000  or  £7,000,000  more.  According  to  Gladstone's 
plan,  almost  half  this  total  of  £16,000,000  would  be  employed  in  pro- 
viding for  the  clergy,  who  were  to  have  the  option  of  continuing  in 
their  offices  and  drawing  their  revenues  for  life,  or  of  settling  for  a 
lump  sum.  The  surplus  remaining  was  to  be  devoted  to  charity. 
Although  the  Episcopal  clergy  in  Ireland  denounced  the  bill  as  "  highly 
offensive  to  Almighty  God  "  and  as  "  the  greatest  national  sin  ever 
committed,"  and  although  they  were  strongly  backed  by  the  English 
Conservatives,  who  regarded  it  as  a  menace  to  Protestantism  and 
property,  it  passed  the  Lower  House  with  little  difficulty.  The  great 
struggle  came  in  the  House  of  Lords,  though  the  Peers,  instead  of 
rejecting  it  forthwith,  strove  to  defeat  its  main  provisions  by  hostile 
amendments.  All  they  accomplished,  however,  was  to  secure  an 
increased  compensation  for  the  clergy  of  about  £850,000  and  an  agree- 
ment that  the  disposal  of  the  surplus  should  be  left  to  Parliament. 
The  Queen  was  largely  responsible  for  the  compromise.  Much  as 
she  disliked  the  measure,  she  feared  the  consequences  in  case  the 
Upper  House  persisted  in  its  obstruction. 

The  Irish  Land  Act  of  1870.  —  Having  disestablished  the  alien 
Church  which  had  for  over  three  centuries  been  a  grievance  to  the 
Irish,  Gladstone,  in  1870,  undertook  to  deal  with  the  land  system. 
The  difficulties  were  many  and  complex.  In  the  first  place,  with, 
comparatively  few  large  industries  or  thickly  populated  cities,  the 
bulk  of  the  Irish  were  dependent  upon  the  land.  This  exces«j_of  culti- 
vators led  to  keen  competition.  Moreover t  the  Encumbered  Estates 
Act  of  1848  had  transferred  nearly  one  sixth  of  the  soil  to  a  class  of 
land-jobbers  who  were  more  greedy  and  exacting  than  the  old  absentees. 
Leases  and  contracts  were  the  exception  rather  than  the  rule,  so  that, 
in  the  majority  of  cases,  the  tenant  could  be  arbitrarily  evicted  at 
six  months'  notice.  The  case  of  the  tenant  was  all  the  worse  since 

1  Toward  the  support  of  an  Irish  college  founded,  in  1795,  for  the  education  of 
priests. 


A  NEW  ERA  IN  DEMOCRACY  705 

he  commonly  made  the  improvements,1  and,  after  he  had  thus 
rendered  the  holding  more  valuable,  he  was  liable  to  an  increase  of 
rent  and  to  eviction  if  he  could  not  pay ;  though  some  evictions  were 
defensible,  to  get  rid  of  the  thriftless  and  to  consolidate  holdings 
that  were  too  small.  In  Ulster  a  better  custom  —  known  as  the 
Ulster  Tenant  right  —  prevailed.  There  rents  were  fixed  by  a  fair 
valuation  instead  of  by  competition,  nor  were  they  raised  in  conse- 
quence of  improvements  made  by  the  tenant,  who  was  entitled  to 
compensation  for  unexhausted  improvements  when  he  left  the  estate ; 
at  the  same  time  a  tenant  might  remain  in  undisturbed  occupancy  so 
long  as  he  paid  his  rent,  though  he  might  sell  his  good  will  and  transfer 
to  any  occupant  of  whom  the  landlord  should  approve.  Gladstone's 
Bill  legalized,  in  the  districts  where  it  already  prevailed,  so  much  of 
the  custom  as  provided  compensation  for  arbitrary  disturbance  and 
the  right  of  tenants,  whether  disturbed  or  not,  to  sell  their  unex- 
hausted improvements,  and  provided  a  similar  arrangement  for  the 
other  parts  of  Ireland  where  the  custom  did  not  exist.  By  the  so- 
called  "  Bright  Clauses  "  subsequently  added,  loans  were  to  be  ac}- 
vanced  by  the  Government  to  tenants  who  wished  to  buv  their  Iands1 
In  spite  of  these  good  features,  the  Act  of  1870  failed  to  give  satis- 
faction. For  one  thing,  it  failed  to  touch  the  evil  of  competitive 
rents,  which  were  in  most  cases  too  high ;  moreover,  while  it  hampered 
the  landlord's  power  of  eviction,  it  did  not  seriously  check  his  exercise 
of  that  power,  since  frequently  he  found  it  more  profitable  —  when^ 
he  wanted  to  raise  the  rent,  for  example  —  to  pay  the  compensation 
than  to  retain  a  tenant  whom  he  regarded  ?*  ^nHpgira^1p  In  a  word, 
while  the  Irish  desired  many  things,  including  fair  rents  and  fixity 
of  tenure,  they  got  compensation  —  and  not  always  an  adequate 
amount  —  for  disturbance  and  unexhausted  improvements. 

The  Education  Question.  —  Directly  after  the  Irish  Land  Act  had 
been  carried,  the  Government  pressed  forward  an  epoch-making 
Education  Bill.  The  subject  needed  attention  sadly ;  for  the  English 
system,  so  far  as  it  could  be  called  a  system,  was  incomparably  below 
those  prevailing  in  the  United  States,  in  Prussia,  and  in  Switzerland. 
There  were  nearly  four  million  children  of  school  age,  of  whom  nearly 
one  half  were  unprovided  for.  About  one  million  attended  schools 
attached,  for  the  most  part,  to  the  Church  of  England ;  they  were  sup- 
ported b\r voluntary  subscriptions,  supplemented  by  fees  and  small 
Government  grants,  and  were  under  Government  inspection.  An- 
other million  went  to  schools  which  received  no  Government  grant,  were 

1  In  England  the  reverse  was  true.  The  landlords  usually  made  the  improve- 
ments. 

2Z 


706     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

uninspected,  and  often  in  a  very  unsatisfactory  state.  The  grammar 
schools,  founded  atter  the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  by  the  Crown 
and  by  men  who  profited  from  the  spoil  of  the  monastic  lands,  were 
largely  under  Church  control  and  were  practically  monopolized  by  the"3* 
upper  and  middle  classes?;  Moreover,  they  did  not  furnish  primary  in- 
struction,  which  was  generally  provided  by  private  schools  and  tutors. 
For  a  long  time  the  working  classes  were  mainly  dependent  on  appren- 
ticeship, and  when  apprenticeship  came  to  be  superseded  by  the  factory 
system,  toward  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  two  men  who  rep- 
resented opposing  policies  undertook  to  supply  the  lads  with  primary 
instruction.  One,  Joseph  Lancaster,  a  Quaker,  who  believed  in  non- 
sectarian  education,  was  supported  by  the  British  and  Foreign  School 
Society,  founded  in  1808.  The  other  was  Andrew  Bell,  who  advo- 
cated a  form  of  instruction  based  on  Church  principles,  and  the  National 
Society  was  founded  in  1811  to  carry  out  his  policy.  In  1833  Parlia- 
ment made  its  first  grant  of  £20,000,  the  bulk  of  which  went  to  the 
National  Society.  Very  slowly  and  meagerly  parliamentary  grants 
were  increased,  and  a  few  halting  steps  in  advance  were  taken  — 
inspectors  of  schools  were  appointed  and  a  committee  of  the  Privy 
Council  on  Education  was  created. 

The  Education  Bill  of  1870.  —  The  framers  of  the  Act  of  1870  were 
confronted  by  two  main  difficulties :    the  disinclination  of  many  to 
pay  rates  for  the  education  of  other  men's  children,  and  thequestion_ 
of  religious  education;   indeed,  there  were  sharplyconflicting  views 
arrio!Tg~tiiUiJt;  wliO^greed  that  the  existing  situation  should  be  reformed. 
Some  were  for  free,  compulsory  education,  divorced  altogether  froinj 
religious  control ;    others  were  opposed  to  free  education ;    others, 
again,  insisted  on  some  form  of  religious  teaching,  either  denomi- 
national or  undenominational.  _  The  Government  plan  was  to  retain 
the  voluntary  schools  where  they  were  doing  good  work,  and,  in  dis- 
tricts where  they  failed  to  meet  the  need,  to  set  up  schools  under  the 
charge  of  locally  elected  boards.     These  Board  Schools,  as  they  were 
called,  were  to  be  maintained  partly  by  Government  grant,  partly  by 
parents7  fees,  and  partly  from  local  rates^    Attendance  was  not  to  be_ 
generally  compulsory,  the  decision  being  left  to  the  discretion  of  each 
school  board.     The  question  of  religious  instruction  was  eventually 
settled  by  a  compromise, which  satisfied  neither  of  the  extreme  parties.. 
The  voluntary  schools  were  allowed  to  continue  their  religious  instruc- 
tion ;  but  while  the  Government  grants  might  be  increased,  they  were 

1  In  this  class  were  the  so-called  "public  schools"  like  Eton,  Rugby,  and  Harrow, 
which  prepared  for  the  universities,  were  not  free,  and  were  practically  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  poorer  classes. 


A  NEW  ERA  IN  DEMOCRACY  707 

to  receive  no  aid  from  the  local  rates.1  In  the  Board  Schools  all 
denominational  religious  instruction  was  prohibited.  "Reading  and 
explaining  the  Bible  was  allowed ;  but  even  that  had  to  come  at  hours 
when  parents  who  so  desired  might  withdraw  their  children.  Although 
the  Act  was  very  unpopular,  especially  among  the  Nonconformists,  it 
marked  a  long  step  in  the  direction  of  providing  instruction  free  of 
cost  for  all  the  children  of  the  Kingdom.  Within  twenty  years  the 
number  of  schools  had  increased  from  9000  to  20,000,  accommodating 
5,500,000  pupils,  and  attended  on  the  average  by  nearly  4,000 ,ooo.2 

The  Civil  Service  Reform  (1870).  —  Another  far-reaching  reform  of 
this  notable  year  1870  was  an  Order  in  Council  providing  that  candi- 
dates for  the  Civil  Service  should,  at  the  discretion  of  the  heads  ot 
departments,  be  subjected  to  competitive  examinations.  For  seven- 
teen years,  posts  in  the  Indian  Civil  Service  had  been  filled  by  com- 
petitive examination,  while,  since  1855,  a  Civil  Service  Commission 
had  selected  candidates  for  the  Home  Service  by  examination,  but 
only  in  the  case  of  those  nominated  to  competition. 

Army  Reform  and  the  Ballot  Act  (1871,  1872).  —  The  Secretary  for 
War,  and  the  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  were  not  behindhand  in 
reforms  relating  to  their  respective  departments,  both  in  shaving  down 
expenses  and  increase  of  efficiency.  The  only  serious  struggle  arose 
over  the  abolition  of  the  purchase  of  army  officers'  rnmrm'ggi'rmg  it 
was  a  grave  defect  in  the  existing  system  that  capable  men  of  train- 
ing could  be  jumped  by  mere  youths  of  wealth  and  influence.:  on 
the  other  hand,  it  was  argued  that  discipline  would  suffer  if  men  of 
inferior  station  were  put  in  command  of  their  social  superiors,  also, 
quite  naturally,  those  who  had  expended  large  sums  in  the  purchase 
of  commissions  were  bitterly  opposed  to  the  change.  As  a  concession 
tp  the  latter  it^  was  provided  that  officers  who  had  paid  for  their  posi- 
tions might  retain  them,  and  £7,000,000  was  appropriated  to  compen- 
sate those  who  wished  to  withdraw]  The  bill  passed  the  Commons) 
with  some  difficulty ;  but  the  Lords,  while  they  did  not  venture  to 

1  Even  this,  however,  was  allowed  in  an  indirect  way.     School  boards  were  per- 
mitted to  pay  fees,  in  the  denominational  schools,  of  the  children  of  parents,  who, 
though  not  paupers,  were  unable  to  meet  the  expense. 

2  In  1902  a  Conservative  Government  abolished  the  special  school  boards  set 
up  in  1870,  and  placed  both  the  Board  and  the  Church  schools  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  County  and  Borough  Councils  and  provided  that  both  types  should 
be  supported  by  Government  grants  supplemented  by  local  taxes.     At  the  same 
time,  the  actual  control  of  the  Church  schools  in  each  county  or  borough  was 
vested  in  a  committee  of  six,  two  from  the  Council,  and  four  from  the  denomina- 
tion to  which  the  school  belongs.     Since  most  of  the  schools  we,re  of  the  Anglican 
communion,  the  Dissenters  made  vigorous  protests,  but  owing  to  the  opposition 
nf  the  Lords,  a  measure  framed  by  the  Liberal  Government  in  1906  failed  to  pass. 


708     SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

reject  it,  sought  to  shelve  it  by  delaying  the  second  reading  till  the 
whole  plan  of  army  reorganization  was  before  them.  In  consequence, 
Gladstone  induced  the  Queen  to  declare  the  abolition  of  purchase 
by  royal  warrant,  a  proceeding  for  which  the  Prime  Minister  was 
loudly  criticized.  The  Lords  —  who  were  now  obliged  to  pass  the 
Compensation  Bill  —  took  their  revenge,  in  1871,  by  rejecting  a  bill 
providing  for  vote  by  ballot  and  for  more  effective  checks  against 
corrupt  practices  in  elections ;  but  they  had  to  give  their  assent  the 
following  year. 

The  Growing  Unpopularity  of  the  Gladstone  Ministry  (1871). — 
The  Ministry,  though  it  survived  three  years  longer,  had  already 
drawn  upon  its  head  a  varied  and  powerful  opposition  that  was,  in  the 
end,  to  prove  overwhelming.  The  Education  Act  had  alienated  the 
Nonconformists  as  well  as  the  stanch  High  Churchmen,  reductions 
in  naval  work  in  the  dockyards  had  aroused  the  workingmen,  and  the 
abolition  of  purchase  had  stirred  the  wrath  of  the  upper  classes. 
Moreover,  the  conciliatory  attitude  of  the  Government  in  foreign 
policy  was  scornfully  branded  as  too  tame  and  submissive.  While  the 
Liberal  party  was  growing  steadily  weaker,  it  was  persistently  attacked 
by  Disraeli  who  was  aiming  to  popularize  the  Conservatives  chiefly  by 
exploiting  the  Imperial  idea,  the  union  of  the  Mother  Country  and  her 
Colonies  in  closer  Imperial  bonds.  In  a  famous  speech  in  1872  he 
compared  the  Ministers  to  a  "  range  of  exhausted  volcanoes." 

The  Supreme  Court  of  Judicature  Act  (1873).  —  Although  in  a  sadly 
crippled  state,  for  more  than  one  measure  had  to  be  withdrawn,  the 
Gladstone  Ministry  was  able  to  undertake,  during  the  last  few  months 
of  its  career,  one  more  far-reaching  reform  —  a  fundamental  reorgan- 
ization of  the  Law  Courts  and  their  procedure,  which,  however,  required 
some  years  to  complete.  By  the  Judicature  Act  of  1873,  and  the  sup- 
plementary Acts  which  followed,  the  three  Common  Law  Courts,  to- 
gether with  Chancery  and  various  other  tribunals,  were  consolidated 
into  one  Supreme  Court  of  Judicature.  This  was  to  consist  of  two 
primary  divisions :  (i)  the  High  Court  of  Justice,  made  up  of  three 
subdivisions,  (a)  Queen's  Bench,  (6)  Chancery,  (c)  Probate,  Divorce, 
and  Admiralty ;  (2)  the  Court  of  Appeal.  From  the  Court  of  Appeal 
cases  went,  as  a  last  resort,  to  the  House  of  Lords,  which  was  strength- 
ened, in  1876,  by  the  addition  of  three  Law  Lords  who  held  their  title 
for  life.  A  fourth  was  subsequently  added. 

The  End  of  the  First  Gladstone  Ministry  (1874).  —  In  1874,  Glad- 
stone suddenly  appealed  to  the  country  in  a  general  election  which  re- 
sulted in  an  overwhelming  victory  for  the  Conservatives.  By  pro- 
posing a  tax  on  spirits  the  vanquished  Prime  Minister  had  added  to 


A  NEW   ERA   IN  DEMOCRACY  709 

his  list  a  new  enemy,  the  liquor  dealers,  who  worked  so  actively 
against  him  that  he  wrote  to  his  brother :  "  We  have  been  borne  down 
in  a  torrent  of  gin  and  beer  "  —  doubtless  an  exaggeration  of  the  in- 
fluence of  this  particular  factor.  The  Ministry  had  committed  some 
blunders,  it  had  made  many  enemies  and  alienated  some  of  its  friends ; 
aside,  however,  from  those  who  were  actuated  by  strong  religious  con- 
victions or  insistent  upon  a  more  aggressive  policy  abroad,  most  of  its 
opponents  were  from  those  whose  class  privileges  and  vested  interests 
had  suffered.  It  had  come  to  power  pledged  to  carry  out  a  vast  pro- 
gram of  reform,  and  its  achievements  in  constructive,  progressive 
legislation  had  been  surpassed  by  few  Ministries  of  the  century.  Not 
only  that,  but  it  had  reduced  expenses  materially  and  left  the  treasury 
in  a  most  flourishing  condition. 

England  and  the  Franco-Prussian  War  (1870-1871).  —  The  two 
most  important  features  in  British  foreign  relations  during  the  Glad- 
stonian  regime  were  the  attitude  of  the  Government  toward  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War  and  the  adjustment  of  the  Alabama  claims.  On  19  July, 
1870,  war  broke  out  between  France  and  Prussia.  The  causes  were 
many  and  complicated.  The  French  were  jealous  of  the  rising  power 
of  Prussia^  they  burned  to  recover  the  old  Prankish  territories  to  the 
leftjbank  of, the  Rhine,  their  "  natural  frontier,"  while  Napoleon  III 
was  anxious  to  unite  his  discontented  subjects  in  a  great  war  of  con- 
quest. Entrapped  by  the  adroit  diplomacy  of  Bismarck,  who  was 
striving  to  complete  the  unification  of  Germany  under  Prussian  dom- 
ination, the  French  rushed  headlong  and  unprepared  into  the  conflict. 
The  result  was  a  Prussian  triumph.  On  i  September,  1870,  the  Em- 
peror, with  an  entire  French  army,  was  surrounded  and  captured  at 
Sedan.  On  19  September  the  siege  of  Paris  began,  and,  after  heroic 
suffering,  the  city  yielded,  28  January,  1871 .  Ten  days  before,  William, 
King  of  Prussia,  was  crowned  German  Emperor  at  Versailles,  and  by 
the  peace  concluded  3  March,  France  ceded  Alsace  and  Lorraine  and 
agreed^ to  pay,  a- war  indemnity  of  five  milliards  of  francs.  The  organ- 
ization of  the  new  German  Empire  was  completed  in  1871.  After 
vain  offers  of  mediation  the  British  Government  remained  neutral. 
By  his  ruthless  methods,  Bismarck  was  able  to  prevent  English  popular 
sympathy  for  France  from  going  too  far,  his  most  telling  stroke  being 
the  publication,  25  July,  1870,  of  the  draft  of  a  treaty  which  he  had 
induced  the  Emperor  to  submit  to  him,  looking  toward  a  French  occu- 
pation of  Belgium.  The  Queen,  naturally  inclined  to  favor  the  Ger- 
man cause,  nevertheless,  in  the  interests  of  humanity,  tried  to  prevent 
the  bombardment  of  Paris.  This  Bismarck  resented  as  "petticoat 
sentimentality,"  hindering  German  designs.  In  order  to  prevent  any 


710     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

possibility  of  Great  Britain  and  Russia  combining  to  intervene  in  behalf 
of  France,  he  sought  to  set  the  two  Powers  by  the  ears.  To  that  end, 
he  prompted  Russia  to  seize  the  opportunity  offered  by  the  disturbed 
condition  of  Europe  to  abrogate  the  clause  in  the  treaty  of  1856  which 
excluded  Russian  war-ships  from  the  Black  Sea.  Russia  decided  to 
take  the  step,  and  suddenly  announced  her  intention  in  a  circular  htter 
issued  31  October,  1870.  Great  Britain  protested  stoutly  against  her 
proceeding  independently  of  the  other  parties  to  the  Treaty.  Although 
a  conference  was  assembled  at  London  in  December,  the  result  was  a 
foregone  conclusion.  Russia  had  her  way. 

The  Alabama  Claims.  —  The  settlement  of  the  Alabama  claims  was 
regarded  by  many  as  another  diplomatic  defeat  for  the  Gladstone 
Ministry.  Undoubtedly,  however,  Russell  was  at  fault  in  allowing 
the  Alabama  to  sail.  In  1865,  he  admitted  to  Gladstone  that  "  paying 
twenty  millions  down  would  be  far  preferable  to  submitting  the  case 
to  arbitration."  The  question  was  complicated  by  the  resentment 
aroused  in  the  United  States  against  the  British  recognition  of  the 
belligerent  rights  of  the  South,  and  by  the  setting  forth  of  indirect  claims 
amounting  to  £400,000,000.*  After  long  and  arduous  negotiations 
had  failed  to  accomplish  anything,  the  two  Governments  finally  ar- 
ranged to  appoint  a  joint  commission  to  discuss  the  questions  at  issue 
and  decide  upon  a  plan  of  settlement.  By  the  Treaty  of  Washington, 
1871,  it  was  agreed,  among  other  things,  that  Great  Britain  should  ex- 
press her  regret  at  the  escape  of  the  Alabama  and  the  other  Confeder- 
ate cruisers,  and  that  the  assessment  of  damages  should  be  referred 
to  an  international  tribunal.  This  body,  meeting  at  Geneva,  was  to 
consist  of  five  members  chosen  by  the  rulers  of  Great  Britain,  the 
United  States,  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  Brazil.  As  the  result  of  its 
findings,  announced  in  September,  1872,  the  United  States  was  awarded 
£3,250,000.  This  Geneva  Award  marked  the  first  step  in  international 
arbitration,  and  hence  a  notable  advance  in  the  progress  of  civilization, 
though  the  majority  of  the  British  people  looked  upon  it  in  the  light  of 
a  national  humiliation.2 

The. Second  Disraeli  Ministry  (1874-1880).  —  For  the  first  time 
since  the  Peelite  schism,  the  .Conservatives,  in  1874,  came  to  office  with 

1  These  were  based  on  the  ground  that  Great  Britain's  encouragement  pro- 
longed the  war,  that  her  attitude  was  responsible  for  a  large  share  of  the  Northern 
losses  at  sea,  and  on  the  expense  incurred  by  the  United  States  Government  in 
pursuing  the  various  cruisers  which  had  sailed  from  British  ports. 

2  By  the  Foreign  Enlistment  Act  of  1870,  making  it  "an  offense  to  build  a  ship 
in  circumstances  which  gave  reasonable  cause  for  belief  that  it  would  be  used 
against  a  friendly  state  engaged  in  war,"  Great  Britain  provided  for  the  future 
against  any  difficulties  of  this  nature. 


A  NEW  ERA  IN  DEMOCRACY  711 

a  decided  majority.  Their  ranks  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  ac- 
cession of  numbers  from  the  commercial  classes,  who  were  alienated 
from  the  Liberal  party  because  it  was  attracting  the  increasing  support 
of  the  trade-unions  and  the  artisans.  A  Jew  who  had  achieved  his 
earliest  fame  as  a  fop  and  a  novelist,  and  who  had  entered  public  life 
advocating  a  union  of  the  nobility  and  the  masses  against  the  capitalis- 
tic class,  was  the  leader  of  a  new  combination  of  aristocracy  and  con- 
servative commercialism.  After  the  mass  of  legislation  produced  by 
the  late  Ministry,  Disraeli's  Government  proposed  to  give  the  country 
a  comparative  rest.  To  be  sure,  he  passed  a  few  measures  which  in- 
dicated that  he  was  still  mindful  of  the  welfare  of  the  working  classes 
and  sought  their  support,  but  his  most  notable  achievements  were  in 
the  field  of  Imperial  and  foreign  affairs,  which  may  best  be  considered 
*n  another  connection. 

The  Fall  of  the  Beaconsfield  Ministry  (1880).  —  In  dealing  with 
world  problems  in  Egypt,  India,  and  the  Near  East,  Disraeli — who  was 
raised  to  the  peerage  as  Earl  of  Beaconsfield  in  August,  1876  —  showed 
vision  and  splendid  audacity,  though  later  events  necessitated  a  re- 
versal of  the  British  attitude  toward  both  Turkey  and  Russia.  Bea- 
consfield's  Ministry  reached  the  high- water  mark  of  its  popularity  about 
the  time  of  his  return  in  1878  from  the  Congress  of  Berlin.  Then  agri- 
cultural depression,  decline  in  trade,  strikes,  Afghan  and  Zulu  wars, 
unsatisfactory  budgets,  dearth  of  remedial  legislation,  together  with 
a  policy  of  systematic  obstruction  initiated  by  the  new  Irish  Home 
Rule  party  in  the  Commons,  all  contributed  to  prepare  the  way  for 
its  overthrow.  On  March  8,  1880,  the  Prime  Minister  appealed  to 
the  country  in  a  general  election.  The  cause  of  the  Liberals  was  much 
assisted  by  the  superiority  of  their  political  organization  based  on  the 
model  which  Joseph  Chamberlain,  destined  to  become  one  of  the  dom- 
inant figures  of  the  generation,  had  introduced  from  the  United  States 
into  Birmingham,  whence  it  spread  through  the  country.  Another 
factor  in  the  election  was  the  support  which  the  Irish  gave  to  the  Lib- 
erals ;  but  still  more  decisive  forces  in  determining  the  election  were 
the  Nonconformists'  hostility  to  the  Prime  Minister,  the  more  or  less 
vague  desire  for  a  fresh  Administration,  and  the  fervid  speeches  of  the 
veteran  Gladstone,  who  scored  most  scathingly  the  aggressive  and  costly 
foreign  policy  of  the  Conservatives  as  well  as  their  apathy  in  domestic 
reform.  When  Beaconsfield  learned  of  the  defeat  of  his  party  at  the 
polls,  he  resigned,  18  April,  1880,  without  waiting  to  face  Parliament. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 
See  Chapter  LIV  below. 


CHAPTER  LIV. 
THE   LAST   TWO    DECADES    OF   VICTORIA'S   REIGN    (1880-1901) 

The  Second  Gladstone  Ministry  (1880-1885) ;  the  Bradlaugh  Case 
(1880-1886).  —  Gladstone,  now  over  seventy,  became  for  the  second 
time  Prime  Minister.  At  the  opening  of  the  new  session,  Charles 
Bradlaugh,  elected  from  Northampton,  raised  an  issue  which  culmi- 
nated, after  six  years  of  struggle,  in  removing  the  last  religious  dis- 
ability for  membership  in  the  House  of  Commons.  As  an  atheist 
Bradlaugh  objected  to  the  required  oath  which  contained  the  words : 
"  So  help  me  God,"  and  insisted  on  taking  an  affirmation  instead. 
When  this  was  finally  refused  he  offered  to  take  the  oath ;  but  since 
he  frankly  stated  that  it  meant  nothing  to  him,  the  Speaker  ruled 
against  him.  After  a  persistent  struggle,  during  which  he  was  un- 
seated and  reflected  many  times  and  even  expelled  from  the  House  by 
force,  he  was  finally,  January,  1886,  allowed  to  take  the  oath,  and  he 
held  his  seat  till  his  death.  In  1888  he  secured  the  passage  of  a  bill 
legalizing  the  substitution  —  formerly  limited  to  Quakers  —  of  an 
affirmation  for  an  oath,  both  in  the  Commons  and  in  the  Law  Courts. 
Thus  the  question  was  settled  once  and  for  all. 

The  Origin  and  Rise  of  the  Home  Rule  Party.  —  Meanwhile,  Ire- 
land was  again  demanding  serious  attention.  In  1871  Isaac  Butt,  who 
entered  Parliament  in  that  year,  launched  a  new  policy  for  which  he 
invented  the  name  "  Home  Rule."  In  contrast  to  the  Fenians,  who 
aimed  at  an  independent  republic,  it  was  his  purpose  to  secure  a  separate 
legislature  for  Ireland  by  peaceful  political  methods.  Owing  to  his 
genial  temper  and  want  of  aggressiveness,  the  movement  made  little 
progress  under  his  direction.  The  force  which  he  lacked  was  supplied 
by  Charles  Stewart  Parnell  (1846-1891),  who  entered  Parliament  in 
1875,  and  who  two  years  later  deliberately  adopted  and  systematized 
a  policy  already  resorted  to  on  occasion,  a  policy  which  consisted  in 
obstructing,  in  every  way  possible,  the  legislative  policy  of  the  House 
of  Commons  until  the  demands  of  the  Irish  Home-Rulers  were  con- 
sidered. At  first  sight  it  would  seem  that  Parnell  was  the  very  last 


THE  LAST  TWO  DECADES  OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN          713 

person  to  lead  the  Nationalist  cause.  He  had  not  a  drop  of  Irish  blood 
in  his  veins,  for  his  paternal  ancestors  were  Englishmen  who  had  set- 
tled in  Ireland ;  moreover,  he  was  a  landowner  and  a  Protestant.  How- 
ever, he  had  inherited  from  his  mother  —  a  daughter  of  the  Ameri- 
can admiral,  Charles  Stewart,  who  had  fought  in  the  war  of  1812  — 
an  intense  hatred  of  the  English.  The  attainment  of  Home  Rule  for 
Ireland  grew  rapidly  to  be  his  consuming  ambition.  He  was  a  cold, 
undemonstrative  man ;  but  his  force  and  energy  were  tremendous, 
and  by  sheer  will  power,  with  little  or  no  literary  training,  he  grew  to 
be  a  powerful,  incisive  speaker.  In  addition  to  his  leadership  of  the 
Home  Rule  party,  he  was,  in  1879,  elected  to  the  presidency  of  the  Na- 
tional Land  League  of  Ireland,  founded  for  the  reduction  of  unjust 
rents  and  for  the  ultimate  transfer  of  the  ownership  of  land  to  the 
occupiers. 

The  Land  Act  of  1881.  —  Soon  after  Gladstone  came  to  power,  the 
situation  in  Ireland  became  so  disturbing  that  in  the  session  of  1881 
the  Liberals,  despairing  of  maintaining  order  by  ordinary  law,  forced 
through  a  new  series  of  coercive  measures  in  the  teeth  of  determined 
opposition  from  the  Irish  Nationalists.  By  way  of  conciliation,  how- 
ever, Gladstone  introduced  a  Land  Act  designed  to  remedy  the  defects 
of  his  measure  of  1870  by  granting  the  "  three  F's  "  demanded  bv  the 
Irisji  —  tair  rents,  fixity  of  tenure,  and  free  sale  of  his  interests  by  the_ 
tenant.  The  Act  was  to  be  enforced  by  a  Land  Court,  which, however, 
took  no  action  unless  voluntarily  resorted  to  by  one  of  the  parties,  either 
landlord  or  tenant.  It  might  fix  a  "  judicial  rent  "  which  was  to  re- 
main in  force  for  fifteen  years,  during  which  period  the  tenant  could 
not  be  evicted,  except  for  non-payment  of  rent  and  certain  other 
specified  reasons.  At  the  end  of  the  fifteen  years  the  landlord  might 
resume  possession  with  the  Court's  consent.  Meanwhile,  if  at  any 
time  the  occupier  wished  to  part  with  his  tenant  right,  he  was  allowed, 
subject  to  certain  restrictions,  to  sell  it  for  the  best  price  he  could  get, 
though  the  landlord  was  to  have  the  first  option.  In  case  the  tenant 
wished  to  buy  his  holding,  the  Government  was  to  loan  three  fourths 
of  the  purchase  money.  Advances  were  also  made  for  emigration, 
and  for  improvements,  including  reclamation  of  waste  lands.  In  spite 
of  its  well-meant  provisions,  the  Act  found  favor  neither  with  the  land- 
lord nor  the  tenants ;  the  latter  insisting  that  the  rents  were  fixed  at 
too  high  a  rate. 

The  Phoenix  Park  Murders  (1882).  —  Once  more  coercion  and  con- 
ciliation alike  proved  ineffective,  although  Parnell,  after  a  short  term 
in  prison  for  inciting  Irishmen  to  defeat  the  Land  Act  by  intimidating 
tenants  inclined  to  take  advantage  of  its  provisions,  was  released  in  the 


714      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

spring  of  1882,  in  accordance  with  an  unofficial  agreement  to  put  an  end 
to  boycotting  and  to  cooperate  with  the  Liberal  party.  This  "  treaty  " 
had  scarcely  been  concluded  when  all  England  was  shocked  by  the 
news  that,  6  May,  Lord  Frederick  Cavendish,  the  new  Chief  Secretary 
for  Ireland,  and  Burke,  the  Permanent  Under-Secretary,  had  been 
murdered  by  a  band  of  Fenians  in  broad  daylight  in  Phoenix  Park, 
Dublin.  The  murderers  escaped;  but  they  were  finally  discovered 
and  sent  to  the  gallows  in  1883.  Parnell  gained  great  credit  with 
Gladstone  by  repudiating  all  connection  with  the  outrage  and  offering 
to  resign  from  the  leadership  of  the  Home  Rule  party ;  but  the  Govern- 
ment passed  a  Prevention  of  Crimes  Bill  which  was  regarded  as  one  of 
the  strongest  coercive  measures  of  the  century.  The  year  was  marked 
by  a  series  of  murders  in  Ireland ;  but  Parnell  brushed  aside  with  cold 
contempt  the  charge  that  he  was  in  any  way  privy  to  them.  Meantime, 
he  had  broken  off  all  connection  with  an  organization  centering  in  the 
United  States,  the  Clan-na-Gael,  which  under  O'Donovan  Rossa  and 
other  extremists,  was  now  seeking  to  terrorize  the  English  by  attempts, 
that  proved  futile,  to  dynamite  their  public  buildings,  including  the 
Houses  of  Parliament  and  the  Tower  of  London. 

The  Franchise  Bill  of  1884.  —  Gladstone  in  February,  1884,  intro- 
duced a  new  franchise  bill,  with  the  object  of  extending  to  the  rural 
classes  the  same  rights  of  voting  as  were  enjoyed  in  the  boroughsTanfl 
for  establishing  a  substantially  uniform  franchise  throughout  the 
UniteoT  Kingdom"  The  new  measure  went  almost  to  the  length  of 
manhood  suffrage,  since  domestic  servants,  bachelors  living  with  their 
parents  and  paying  no  room  rent,  and  those  who  had  no  fixed  abode  x 
were  the  only  classes  excluded,  and  involved  an  addition  of  some 
2,000,000  voters,  nearly  four  times  the  number  added  in  i8^2^nfj 
nearly  twice  the  number  added  in  1867.  Not  only  the  Conservatives 
as  a  whole,  but  many  Liberals,  even  in  the  Cabinetr  insisted  that  it^  was 
dangerous  to  go  to  such  lengthy.  While  the  Opposition  in  generaHelt 
that  the  agricultural  laborer  was  too  ignorant  to  vofp.j  f^P  Conserva~ 
tives  laid  chief  emphasis  on  the  fact  that  Gladstone  refused  {o  prp^ 
vide  for  a  redistribution  of  seats  fngpt.hp.r  with  extension  of  the  fran- 
chise^  The  Bill,  however,  passed  the  House  of  Commons  with  some 
difficulty,  but  was  rejected  in  the  Lords. 

Its  Passage.  The  Redistribution  Act  (1885).  — The  Queen  strove 
as  she  had  in  1869,  to  avoid  a  breach,  though,  before  she  had  gone 
very  far,  influential  members  of  the  Conservative  party  had  inde- 
pendently come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  measure  might  safely  pass 
if  joined  to  a  satisfactory  distribution  bill.  Gladstone,  while  he  de- 

1  These  latter  were  excluded  by  various  residence  qualifications. 


THE   LAST  TWO  DECADES  OF  VICTORIA'S  REIGN          715 

murred  at  first,  finally  yielded  to  this  stipulation,  and,  as  a  result,  the 
Franchise  Bill  passed  easily  during  the  autumn  session  of  1884.  The 
Redistribution  Bill,  which  followed  close  upon  its  heels,  did  away 
with  160  seats,  though,  by  substitutions  and  the  increase  of  new 
constituencies,  the  membership  of  the  House  of  Commons  was  in- 
creased from  658  to  670 ;  moreover,  except  in  the  case  of  the  City  of 
London  and  boroughs  with  between  15,000  and  165,000  inhabitants, 
which  retained  two  members  each,  the  country  was  cut  up  into  single 
member  constituencies.  The  Bill  became  law  in  June,  I885.1 

The  Fall  of  the  Second  Gladstone  Ministry.  —  The  foreign  policy 
of  the  first  Gladstone  Ministry  had  aroused  widespread  dissatisfaction, 
that  of  the  second  stirred  the  Opposition  to  fury.  The  Cabinet  was 
loudly  criticized  for  truckling  to  Russia  in  Afghanistan,  for  making 
concessions  to  the  Boers  in  South  Africa  after  British  forces  had  suf- 
fered a  humiliating  defeat  at  their  hands ;  and  —  what  contributed 
more  than  anything  else  to  drive  the  Liberals  from  power  —  for  its 
feeble  and  halting  policy  in  the  Egyptian  Sudan  which  resulted  in  the 
failure  to  relieve  General  Gordon  and  his  consequent  destruction  at 
Khartum.  Not  only  was  the  policy  of  the  second  Gladstone  Ministry 
unsuccessful  abroad,  but  its  well-meant  efforts  to  deal  with  the  Irish 
problem  had  antagonized  both  the  Home-Rulers  and  the  Conserva- 
tives. Gladstone's  first  administration  was  notable  for  marked 
achievement  in  his  peculiar  field  -  -  financial  administration  and 
progressive  legislation  voicing  the  needs  of  middle  class  Liberalism. 
Tn  his  second,  when  he  was  confronted  with  a  different  class  of 
problems,  his  prestige  suaered  distinctly.  Finally,  he  resigned, 
12  June,  1885,  nominally  on  the  passage  of  a  hostile  amendment  to 
his  budget. 

The  First  Salisbury  Ministry  (July,  1885,  to  February,  1886).  - 
The  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  headship  of  the 
Conservative  party  on  the  death  of  Beaconsfield,  19  April,  1881,  now 
became  Prime  Minister  in  place  of  Gladstone.  By  the  Ashbourne 
Act2  of  1885  the  Government  advanced  £5,000,000  to  Irish  tenants, 
who  with  loans  from  this  fund  might  purchase  their  holdings  and  repay 
the  debt  by  annual  installments  of  4  per  cent  for  forty-nine  years.  The 
policy  of  creating  a  body  of  peasant  proprietors  as  a  cure  for  Irish 

1  Two  years  before,  in  1883,  another  step  in  advance  had  been  taken  by  the 
Corrupt  Practices  Act,  which  reduced  the  cost  of  general  elections  from  £2,500,000 
to  £800,000.     No  candidate  or  his  agent  might,  henceforth,  spend  more  than  a 
fixed  sum  for  election  expenses ;  also  bribery,  treating,  and  kindred  practices  were 
prohibited.     Penalties  were  imposed  which  varied  according  to  the  gravity  of  the 
offense. 

2  The  Act  was  named  from  its  author,  Lord  Ashbourne,  the  Irish  Lord  Chancellor. 


716     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

discontent,  which  was  initiated  by  John  Bright  in  1870,  and  which 
formed  a  feature  of  the  Act  of  1881,  was  thus  adopted  and  extended 
by  the  Conservatives.1  This  form  of  assistance  to  the  Irish  tenantry, 
together  with  the  concession  of  increased  power  of  self-government  in 
local  affairs,  came  to  be  the  main  substitutes  which  the  Conservatives 
offered  in  place  of  the  Home  Rule  demanded  by  the  Nationalists. 
On  the  other  hand,  early  in  1886,  the  Liberals  identified  themselves 
with  the  cause  of  the  Home-Rulers. 

Home  Rule  Adopted  by  Gladstone  (December,  1885).  —  In  the  gen- 
eral election  which  took  place  in  December,  1885^  Gladstone  had 
evaded  committing  himself  on  his  future  Irish  policy ;  consequently 
the  Irish  refused  to  support  the  Liberal  party,  who,  nevertheless,  se- 
cured 335  members  in  the  new  Parliament  to  249  Conservatives  and 
86  Nationalists.  Scarcely  were  the  elections  over  when,  17  December, 
a  newspaper  report  announced  that  Gladstone  was  prepared  to  sup- 
port, subject  to  certain  conditions,  a  Home  Rule  proposition.  While 
he  declared  that  the  statement  had  been  published  without  his  knowl- 
edge or  authority,  it  represented  his  views  with  substantial  accuracy. 
At  any  rate  it  soon  became  generally  known  that  he  was  for  "  a  plan 
of  duly  guarded  Home  Rule." 

The  Third  Gladstone  Ministry  (February  to  August,  1886).  The 
First  Home  Rule  Bill.  —  Salisbury  was  forced  to  resign,  28  January, 
1886,  and  was  succeeded  by  Gladstone,  who  in  constructing  his  third 
Ministry,  informed  each  man  whom  he  asked  to  take  office  that  it 
would  be  the  aim  of  the  Government  to  determine  whether  or  not  Ire^ 
land  should  be  given  an  independent  legislature^  Accordingly,  many 
of  his  old  associates,  including  John  Bright,  refused  to  join.  Lord 
Randolph  Churchill  achieved  the  result,  which  proved  big  with  con- 
sequences, of  stirring  up  Ulster  to  oppose  the  impending  project,2 
and  at  a  meeting  in  Manchester,  employed  two  terms  which  soon 
became  generally  current  —  "  Unionist  and  Separatist."  On  8  April, 
1886,  Gladstone  moved  for  leave  to  bring  in  an  Irish  Government  Bill. 

1  Subsequent  Land  Purchase  Acts  were  passed  in  1887,  1891,  1896,  and  1903. 
The  chief  weakness  in  the  scheme  was  that  it  availed  little  in  the  congested  districts 
where  the  tenants  were  too  poor  to  purchase  their  holdings  even  with  the  liberal 
aid  of  the  Government.     The  Congested  Districts  Board  has  undertaken,  with  a 
fair  degree  of  success,  to  remedy  that  situation. 

2  In  the  past,  Ulstermen  had  been  among  the  leaders  in  the  endeavor  to  secure 
an  independent  government  for  Ireland.     But  there  was  a  strong  Protestant  ele- 
ment in  the  district,  and  there  were  vast  industrial  interests  centering  chiefly  in 
Belfast,  and  their  change  of  front  was  due  to  the  fear  that  their  religion  and  their 
wealth  might  be  exploited  by  the  poor  Roman  Catholic  element  who  would  dominate 
the  Irish  legislature. 


THE   LAST  TWO  .DECADES  OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN          717 

^provided  for  the  establishment  of  a  legislative  body  to  sit  in  Dublin_ 
for  the  purpose  of  making  the  laws  and  controlling  the  administra- 
tion of  Ireland,  and  for  the  withdrawal  of  Irish  members  from  the 
Parliament  at  Westminster.  While  the  Irish  legislature  was  to  have 
the  power  of  imposing  taxes,  this  was  not  to  include  customs  or  cer- 
tain excises,  which  were  reserved  to  the  imperial  body,  though  afleT* 
Ireland's  share  of  the  common  expenses  had  been  provided  for,  any 
surplus  remaining  was  to  be  handed  over  to  the  Irish  Exchequer. 
Moreover,  certain  areas  of  legislation,  relating  chiefly  to  the  Crown, 
the  army  and  the  navy,  navigation  and  trade,  were  also  to  be  dealt  with 
by  the  British  Parliament  exclusively.  The  main  defect  in  the  Bill 
and  the  one  most  criticized  was  the  exclusion  of  the  Irish  members 
from  Westminster;  indeed,  Gladstone  himself  admitted  that  this  was 
an  open  question.  Whatever  chances  the  measure  may  have  had  in 
the  House  of  Commons  were  ruined  by  a  schism  in  the  Liberal  party. 
Chief  among  the  leaders  of  this  secession  movement  —  known  as 
Liberal  Unionism  —  were  the  Marquis  of  Hartington  and  Joseph 
Chamberlain. 

The  Defeat  of  the  First  Home  Rule  Bill  and  the  Fall  of  the  Third 
Gladstone  Ministry  (1886).  —  In  spite  of  a  noble  and  eloquent  speech 
by  Gladstone,  the  Home  Rule  Bill  was  defeated  on  the  second  reading 
by  343  to  313,  with  93  Liberals  voting  on  the  Opposition  side.  An- 
other general  election  followed,  which  in  Ireland  was  marked  by 
intense  violence,  while  in  England  the  strife  was  confined  to  words. 
John  Bright  in  writing  to  his  former  leader  declared  that,  while  he  would 
do  much  to  "  clear  the  rebel  party  from  Westminster,"  he  could  not 
give  his  assent  to  a  measure  which  he  regarded  as  unjust  to  Protestant 
loyal  Ulster,  and  various  letters  of  his  during  the  campaign  carried 
great  weight.  On  the  other  hand,  such  was  the  magic  of  Gladstone's 
presence,  that,  even  though  he  was  puzzling  and  persuasive  rather 
than  convincing,  he  won  converts  wherever  he  went,  yet  in  the  end 
he  was  completely  defeated.  Salisbury,  who  had  been  peculiarly 
acrid  in  his  insistence  on  the  inability  of  the  Irish  to  govern  themselves, 
entered  on  his  second  term  as  Prime  Minister,  lasting  from  1886  to 
1892. 

"  Parnejlism  and  Crime  "  (1887).  — The  Irish  problem  continued 
to  be  the  storm  center  of  politics.  Early  in  March,  1887,  Salisbury's 
nephew,  Mr.  Arthur  Balf  our,  became  Chief  Secretary  for  that  distracted 
country.  Hitherto  known  chiefly  as  a  young  man  of  languid,  elegant 
tastes  and  as  a  writer  on  deep  philosophical  subjects,  he  proved  to 
be,  during  his  four  years'  tenure,  a  vigorous  and  effective,  if  somewhat 
ruthless,  administrator.  On  28  March,  as  a  means  of  combating 


718     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  violent  and  murderous  activities  of  the  extremists,  he  introduced 
a  new  Crimes  Bill  which  contained  the  novel  feature  that  its  provisions 
should  be  permanent.  While  it  was  being  enacted  into  law,  intense 
excitement  was  aroused  by  a  series  of  articles  in  the  Times,  entitled 
"  Parnellism  and  Crime,"  charging  the  Irish  leader  and  his  followers 
with  the  employment  of  violence  and  intimidation  to  gain  their  ends, 
and  even  with  sanctioning  murder.  On  18  April  appeared  the  fac- 
simile of  a  letter,  purporting  to  be  signed  by  Parnell  and  dated  15  May, 
1882,  in  which  he  was  made  to  declare  that  he  had  only  condemned 
the  Phoenix  Park  murders  as  a  matter  of  policy.  Though  Parnell 
forthwith  denounced  the  letter  as  a  forgery,  its  publication  had  the 
effect  of  facilitating  the  passage  of  the  Crimes  Act.  At  length,  in 
July,  1888,  Frank  Hugh  O'Donnell,  one  of  those  against  whom  charges 
had  been  directed  in  the  recent  articles,  brought  suit  against  the 
Times  for  libel. 

Parnell's  Temporary  Triumph  (1889).  Final  Ruin  and  Death 
(1891).  —  When,  at  the  trial,  the  counsel  for  the  newspaper  produced 
new  letters  alleged  to  have  been  written  by  Parnell,  the  Irish 
chieftain  was  at  length  roused  from  the  indifference  which  he  had 
displayed  hitherto.  On  6  July,  he  issued  in  the  House  of  Commons  a 
formal  denial  of  any  connnection  with  the  letters,  and,  feeling  that  he 
would  be  unlikely  to  obtain  justice  from  a  Middlesex  jury,  asked  for  a 
select  committee  to  investigate  the  question  of  their  origin.  The  Gov- 
ernment, refusing  his  request,  took  the  unprecedented  action  of  ap- 
pointing a  special  commission  of  three  judges  to  inquire  into  the  whole 
subject  of  the  charges  made  by  the  articles  on  "  Parnellism  and  Crime." 
The  sessions  of  the  Commission  extended  over  more  than  a  year,  from 
September,  1888,  to  November,  1889;  but,  before  its  work  was  half 
completed,  the  author  of  the  letters  attributed  to  Parnell  was  dis- 
covered. He  proved  to  be  one  Richard  Pigott,  a  broken-down  Irish 
journalist,  who  had  sold  them  to  the  Times.  Confessing  the  forgery, 
he  fled  across  the  Channel  and,  i  March,  1889,  he  shot  himself  in 
Madrid  to  escape  the  officers  on  their  way  to  arrest  him.  Thus  ended 
the  most  dramatic  feature  of  the  inquhy.  The  Commission  issued 
its  report  13  February,  1890.  Though  many  of  the  charges  in  the 
Times  against  the  other  Irish  leaders  were  sustained,  Parnell  was 
acquitted  of  all  complicity.  The  proprietors  of  the  newspaper  had 
to  pay  him  £5000  damages  and  to  assume  all  the  costs  of  the  investi- 
gation. 

Scarcely  had  he  won  his  triumph,  which  promised  much  for 
Home  Rule,  when  he  and  the  cause  were  overtaken  by  a 
crushing  reverse.  In  November  he  was  involved  as  co-respondent 


THE   LAST  TWO   DECADES  OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN          719 

in  a  divorce  suit  brought  by  Captain  O'Shea,  the  result  of  which 
was  to  destroy  Parnell's  credit  with  the  morally  strict  and  to  fur- 
nish others  with  a  pretext  for  repudiating  him.  Gladstone  at  first 
declined  to  be  "a  censor  and  a  judge  of  faith  and  morals";  but 
owing  to  the  decided  attitude  of  the  strong  Nonconformist  ele- 
ment in  his  party  and  the  unmistakable  trend  of  public  opinion,1 
he  decided,  after  some  hesitation,  to  throw  Parnell  over.  "  The 
English  wolves  howl  for  my  destruction  "  was  the  bitter  comment  of 
the  discredited  chieftain,  who  defiantly  resisted  all  efforts  to  induce 
him  to  resign.  The  result  was  to  produce  a  schism  among  his  followers ; 
after  a  long  hard  struggle  44  of  the  Nationalists  chose  Justin  McCarthy 
as  their  leader,  while  a  minority  of  26  stuck  to  Parnell.  During  the 
few  remaining  months  of  his  life  he  fought  an  uphill  but  hopeless 
fight  to  regain  his  lost  ascendancy.  He  came  to  advocate  separation, 
he  bitterly  denounced  those  of  the  opposing  camp  who  had  repudiated 
him,  and  had  in  his  turn  to  submit  to  scathing  personal  abuse.  He 
died,  6  October,  1891,  at  the  age  of  forty-six.  "  The  strongest  and 
the  strangest  of  the  Irish  political  leaders  ...  he  had  brought  Home 
Rule  from  the  clouds  and  made  it  the  leading  issue  in  the  party  con- 
flict." John  Redmond  took  his  place  as  head  of  the  minority. 

The  Queen's  Jubilee  and  the  Growth  of  Imperialism  (1887). — 
These  years,  during  which  the  Irish  problem  was  passing  through  such 
acute  stages,  were  marked  by  a  striking  revival  of  the  popularity  of 
the  Monarchy,  due  to  the  Queen's  emergence  from  the  seclusion  in 
which  she  had  remained  since  the  Prince  Consort's  death  and  to  the 
growing  strength  of  the  Imperialistic  sentiment  which  Disraeli  had 
done  so  much  to  promote.  The  Jubilee  of  1887,  marking  the  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  Victoria's  accession,  was  at  once  a  mighty  manifesta- 
tion and  a  potent  factor  in  the  revival  of  the  royal  popularity  and  of 
the  Imperialistic  sentiment  which  had  such  an  effect  in  fostering  it. 
The  pomp  and  circumstance,  the  crowds  and  pageantry  which  at- 
tended the  celebration,  together  with  the  simultaneous  outbursts  of 
enthusiasm  which  the  event  called  forth  in  the  Colonies  and  in  India 
were  no  mere  empty  vaporings.  "  Thenceforth  the  Sovereign  was 
definitely  regarded  as  the  living  symbol  of  the  unity  not  merely  of  the 
British  Nation  but  of  the  British  Empire." 

The  Last  Years  of  the  Second  Salisbury  Ministry.  —  In  1888  an 
important  Act  was  passed  creating  for  England  and  Wales  elective 
County  Councils  which  took  over  many  of  the  administrative  functions 
of  the  justices  of  the  peace ;  London  was  made  a  separate  adminis- 
trative county,  though  the  ancient  rights  and  privileges  of  the  City 
1  The  Roman  Catholic  clergy  also  declared  against  Parnell. 


720     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

were  left  undisturbed.  In  1892,  since  Parliament  was  nearing  the  end 
of  its  septennial  term,  the  Conservative  Government,  with  a  good 
record  behind  it,  appealed  to  the  country  in  a  general  election.  Its 
financial  administration  had  been  good,  in  1891  it  had  abolished  fees 
in  the  public  elementary  schools,  and,  in  addition  to  the  Irish  land  pur- 
chase Acts,  had  taken  the  first  steps  to  assist  English  tenants  and 
agricultural  laborers  to  buy  small  holdings.  Tendencies  toward  State 
socialism  and  protection  were  becoming  more  and  more  marked.  As 
yet,  however,  the  Liberals  were  less  ready  to  accept  the  new  situation  ; 
for  they  still  based  their  policy  mainly  upon  "  the  extension  of  political 
equality  and  the  abolition  of  privilege."  The  Conservatives,  on  the 
other  hand,  just  because  they  were  the  guardians  of  privilege  and  vested 
interests,  preferred  to  assist  the  masses  rather  than  to  increase  their 
powers.  With  regard  to  foreign  affairs,  the  Salisbury  Ministry,  while 
aiming  to  be  conciliatory,  asserted  British  claims  with  dignity  and  force. 

The  General  Election  of  1892.  —  Gladstone,  endeavoring  to  combine 
the  radicals  of  his  party  with  the  old  line  Liberals  by  advocating 
various  progressive  measures,  nevertheless  made  Home  Rule  the  main 
campaign  issue.  The  Conservatives,  as  a  substitute  for  Home  Rule, 
proposed  to  extend  the  peasant  proprietary  by  further  appropriations 
for  land  purchase  and  to  grant  the  Irish  a  limited  amount  of  local  gov- 
ernment by  establishing,  with  some  modifications,  the  English  system 
of  County  Councils.  In  England,  Gladstone  was  beaten,  but  he 
got  enough  votes  in  Wales  and  Scotland  to  give  him,  with  the  aid  of 
eighty-one  Irish  Nationalists,  a  majority  of  forty  for  Home  Rule. 
Salisbury  remained  in  office  to  face  the  new  Parliament  and  only  re- 
signed when  a  vote  of  no  confidence  was  carried,  15  August. 

The  Fourth  Gladstone  Ministry  and  the  Second  Home  Rule  Bill.  — 
Though  many  of  Gladstone's  own  party  desired  to  avoid  the  issue,  he 
proceeded  to  introduce,  13  February,  1893,  his  second  Home  Rule  Bill, 
which  differed  from  the  first  chiefly  in  the  provision  that  eighty  Irisji 
representatives^  were  to  sit  in  the  Parliament  at ,  Westminster r  but  wir.h^ 
the_privilege  pf  voting  only  on  matters  of  Irish  concern  The  main 
objection  to  this  provision  was  that  it  would  make  the  existing-syatem 
of  Cabinet  Government  practically  impossible,  since  the  tenure  oJLihe 
Government  depended  upon  a  majority  in  the  Commons,  which-J^ 
might  have  when  the "Irish  member^  wprp  prpspnt,  and  fail  to  have^ 
when  they  were  absenL.  Eventually  the  Bill  passed  the  Lower  House, 
i~  septemDer,  by  a  majority  of  thirty-four,  with  the  "  in  and  out  " 
clause  omitted,  raising  the  new  objection  that  Ireland  was  given  a 
decided  advantage  over  Wales  and  Scotland ;  since  the  Irish  members 
had  a  voice  in  Welsh  and  Scotch  internal  concerns  and  independent 


THE  LAST  TWO  DECADES   OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN         721 

control  over  their  own.  Throughout  the  debates,  the  excitement 
and  bitterness  were  intense ;  indeed,  27  July,  some  of  the  members 
went  so  far  as  to  resort  to  personal  violence,  for  the  first  time,  it  is 
said,  in  parliamentary  history.  It  was  all  in  vain,  however,  since  the 
measure  was  rejected  in  the  House  of  Lords  on  the  second  reading,  by 
a  vote  of  419  to  41.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  many  members  of  the  Lower 
House  had  voted  for  the  measure  only  because  they  foresaw  this  result. 

Ireland  in  the  Last  Decade  of  Victoria's  Reign.  —  Nearly  twenty 
years  elapsed  before  a  measure  of  Home  Rule  again  succeeded  in 
passing  the  Commons.  During  the  interval,  there  was  a  period  of 
comparative  peace  in  Ireland,  and  the  issue  played  a  relatively  small 
part  in  practical  politics.  Many  reasons  contribute  to  explain  this. 
For  one  thing,  the  Conservatives,  who  were  in  power  from  1895  to  1005, 
continued  their  policy  of  trying  to  "  kill  Home  Rule  by  kindness," 
new  Land  Purchase  Acts  were  passed,  and,  in  1898,  a  Local  Govern- 
ment Act  extended  to  Ireland  the  same  degree  of  local  government 
which  the  English  enjoyed.1  In  the  previous  year,  largely  through  the 
efforts  of  Mr.  (now  Sir)  Horace  Plunkett,  the  Irish  Agricultural  Or- 
ganization Society  was  founded,  and  contributed  much  to  the  pros- 
perity of  the  country  by  fostering  cooperative  farming  and  the  develop- 
ment of  the  dairy  and  poultry  industry ; 2  at  the  same  time,  some  forty 
credit  banks  had  been  established  to  assist  the  farmers  with  loans. 
In  1899,  the  work  was  made  more  effective  by  the  creation  of  a  new 
Department  for  Agriculture,  Industries  and  Technical  Instruction, 
with  Mr.  Plunkett  as  Vice-President.  Although  there  has  been  fric- 
tion with  the  Government  and  evictions  have  not  wholly  ceased, 
Ireland  has  been  growing  steadily  better  off,  and,  during  the  first  ten 
years  of  the  present  century,  the  decrease  of  population  has  been  less 
than  in  any  decade  since  the  potato  famine.  Another  factor  which 
tended  for  a  number  of  years  to  weaken  the  force  of  the  Home  Rule 
movement  was  the  the  split  in  their  ranks  resulting  from  the  disgrace 
of  Parnell.  It  was  not  till  1899  that  the  two  sections  of  the  National- 
ists were  reunited  under  John  Redmond. 

The  Home  Rule  Problem.  —  Many  factors  have  contributed  to 
render  the  Irish  problem  so  difficult  as  to  be  almost  insoluble.  In 
the  first  place,  there  is  the  baffling  difference  of  racial  temperament. 

1  In  1894  a  Local  Government  Bill  had  supplemented  the  Act  of  1888  by  es- 
tablishing throughout  England  and  Wales  elective  district  and  parish  councils. 

2  This  was  a  happy  departure,  for  the  soil  of  Ireland  was  in  general  too  wet  for 
tillage,  and  the  improved  methods  of  transportation  had  made  it  practically  im- 
possible for  the  Irish  to  withstand  the  overseas  competition  in  the  supply  of  meat. 
Parts  of  Ireland  suffer  still  from  insufficient  railway  facilities,  giving  Denmark  an 
advantage  in  supplying  the  London  market,  even  with  poultry  and  dairy  products. 


722 

Religious  antagonism  also  was  for  centuries  an  element  of  discord, 
though,  since  the  Disestablishment  Act  of  1869,  it  has  perhaps  been 
less  acute.  Furthermore,  the  Irish  have  been  embittered  by  poverty, 
which,  even  if  —  to  a  large  degree  —  due  to  the  unfortunate  physical 
features  of  the  country  and  to  a  certain  lack  of  industrial  aptitude, 
was  greatly  fostered  by  misgovernment  as  well  as  by  absenteeism, 
middlemen,  and  rackrenting.  Of  late  years,  unquestionably,  the  Gov- 
ernment has  done  its  best  to  improve  the  situation ;  but  it  has  always 
been  handicapped  by  party  differences,  by  the  long  tradition  of  polit- 
ical oppression  in  the  past,  and  the  natural  desire  of  the  Irish  for  in- 
dependence. How  far  Home  Rule  would  solve  the  question  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  predict.  The  Irish  Nationalists  argue  that  the  Union  was 
brought  about  by  fraud  and  hence  should  be  repealed ;  that  Ireland 
best  understands  her  own  needs  and  hence  should  govern  herself ;  and 
that,  though  they  have  a  representation  in  Parliament,  their  members 
accomplish  little  except  by  obstruction,  save  at  times  when  the  two 
great  parties  are  so  evenly  divided  as  to  give  them  the  balance  of  power. 
These  arguments  have  appealed  to  some  Englishmen;  others  have 
contended  that,  right  or  wrong,  the  Irish  should  be  listened  to ;  while 
to  others,  again,  the  strongest  argument  in  favor  of  Home  Rule  is  that 
a  legislative  body  at  Dublin  would  relieve  the  pressure  on  the  Imperial 
Parliament,  which  is  sadly  overworked.  On  the  other  hand,  much  has 
been  urged  against  Home  Rule.  For  one  thing,  it  has  been  argued 
that  the  Irish  are  unfit  to  govern  themselves.  Secondly,  it  would  not 
only  destroy  the  integrity  of  the  British  Empire,  but,  owing  to  the 
position  of  Ireland,  it  would  be  strategically  dangerous  to  give  her  an 
independent  government.  Thirdly,  since  Ireland  is  not  self-sufficing, 
it  would  be  an  impossible  task  to  adjust  the  financial  burdens. 
Fourthly,  it  would  be  unfair  to  the  Ulster  Protestants.  Finally, 
none  of  the  schemes  yet  suggested  would  be  workable  —  either  the 
admission  or  the  exclusion  of  Irish  members  at  Westminster  or  the 
"  in  and  out  "  arrangement.  Apparently  the  best  solution  would  be 
a  scheme  corresponding  to  the  system  in  vogue  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  with  a  Federal  Parliament l  at  Westminster  for  the  whole 
United  Kingdom,  and  separate  bodies  for  England,  Wales  and  Scot- 
land, and  northern  and  southern  Ireland.  Even  this,  however,  would 
not  be  wholly  without  objection,  since  there  is  a  strong  Roman 
Catholic  element  in  some  of  the  counties  of  Ulster. 

The  Resignation  of  Gladstone  (March,  1894).  —  Gladstone's  patience 
with  the  House  of  Lords  was  almost  exhausted  after  they  defeated 

1  This  arrangement  is  known  as  devolution,  arrived  at  by  a  process  precisely  the 
reverse  of  that  by  which  federation  is  achieved. 


THE   LAST  TWO  DECADES   OF  VICTORIA'S   REIGN         723 

his  Home  Rule  Bill.  When  they  suggested  various  amendments  to 
the  Local  Government  Bill  of  1894  he  was  provoked  to  declare  that : 
"  the  differences  between  the  two  Chambers  disclosed  a  state  of  things 
of  which  we  are  compelled  to  say  that,  in  our  judgment,  it  cannot 
continue,"  a  statement  which  occurred  in  what  proved  to  be  his  last 
speech  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Not  only  had  he  failed  in  his 
supreme  effort  to  carry  Home  Rule,  but  he  had  shattered  his  party 
as  well.  The  immediate  occasion  of  his  retirement,  however,  was  his 
inability  to  bring  the  majority  to  support  him  in  his  opposition  to 
increased  naval  estimates,  though  the  only  reasons  which  he  offered 
in  his  letter  of  resignation  were  his  advanced  age,  and  his  failing  eye- 
sight and  hearing.1 

The  Third  Salisbury  Ministry  (June,  1895,  to  July,  1902).  —  For  a 
brief  interval  of  little  more  than  a  year  the  Liberal  party  continued  in 
power,  until  June,  1895,  when  Salisbury  returned  to  head  his  third  and 
last  Ministry.  Some  of  the  chief  Liberal  Unionists  took  office  in  the 
new  Government,  among  them  the  Marquis  of  Hartington,  now  Duke 
of  Devonshire,  and  Joseph  Chamberlain.  The  latter  had  entered  public 
life  as  a  Radical,  but  in  his  new  position  as  Colonial  Secretary  he  de- 
voted himself  to  a  zealous  exploitation  of  the  policy  of  Imperialism 
which  he  had  recently  adopted.  Regarding  the  Colonies  and  the 
dependencies  as  the  real  source  of  Great  Britain's  wealth  and  strength 
he  determined  that  it  should  be  her  guiding  aim  to  develop  and  con- 
solidate the  Empire.  Among  the  most  important  domestic  measures 
of  the  Ministry  during  its  first  years  were  the  Irish  Local  Government 
Act,  1898,  and  an  Act  establishing  borough  councils  in  London,  1899. 

The  Venezuela  Boundary  Dispute  (1895-1899).  —  Toward  the  close 
of  1895,  Grover  Cleveland,  President  of  the  United  States,  had  nearly 
brought  on  a  war  with  Great  Britain  by  a  belligerent  message  sent  to 
Congress  17  December.  Declaring  that  Salisbury's  refusal  to  submit 
to  arbitration  her  territorial  claims  in  a  boundary  dispute  with  Vene- 
zuela was  a  violation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  he  asked  Congress  to 
authorize  him  to  appoint  a  boundary  commission  whose  findings  should 
be  "  imposed  upon  Great  Britain  by  all  the  resources  of  the  United 
States."  Salisbury's  calm  and  courteous  attitude  alone  averted  war. 
Convinced  of  the  justice  of  his  cause  he  submitted  it  to  the  commission 
appointed  by  Cleveland,  and  the  proposal  to  enforce  its  findings  was 
dropped.  The  commission,  made  up  of  two  American  and  two  British 
judges  with  a  Russian  jurist  as  president,  rendered,  in  October,  1899, 
a  unanimous  opinion  conceding  to  Great  Britain  practically  all  she 

1  Gladstone  died,  19  May,  1898,  and,  30  July,  Bismarck,  the  creator  of  German 
unity  and  the  most  commanding  figure  in  Europe,  followed  him  to  the  grave. 


724     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

had  claimed.  Meantime,  Salisbury's  good  offices  in  preventing  an 
anti-American  coalition  of  the  European  powers,  when  the  Spanish 
war  broke  out  in  the  spring  of  1898,  contributed  to  bring  about  a 
friendlier  feeling  between  his  country  and  the  United  States. 

Death  and  Character  of  the  Queen  (1901). — The  year  1899  was 
sadly  marked  by  the  outbreak  of  a  war  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
Boers  in  South  Africa,  a  war  the  embers  of  which  still  smoldered 
when  Queen  Victoria  died,  22  January,  1901,  in  her  eighty-second 
year,  after  completing  the  longest  reign  in  English  history.  Doubt- 
less the  grief  at  her  death  was  more  widespread  and  heartfelt  than  that 
inspired  by  any  of  her  predecessors.  This  was  partly  due  to  her 
personal  character.  During  her  last  years,  the  feeling  against  her 
German  husband  and  against  her  selfish  isolation  following  his  death 
had  been  forgotten,  and  people  recalled  her  virtues,  her  courage,  her 
honesty,  her  unblemished  reputation,  and  her  interest  in  their  welfare, 
which  she  had  come  to  manifest  more  and  more  as  time  went  on. 
Possessed  of  no  great  intellectual  power,  Victoria  was  gifted  with  un- 
common will  and  energy  and  strength  of  character ;  nevertheless,  she 
recognized  the  constitutional  limitations  of  the  Crown  as  no  previous 
Sovereign  had  done,  and  she  had  the  tact  to  yield  to  the  expressed 
will  of  her  subjects  when  the  occasion  demanded  it.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  spite  of-  her  customary  high  sense  of  duty,  she  on  occasion 
allowed  personal  considerations  to  influence  her  in  ways  that  con- 
flicted at  times  with  the  broadest  public  interests.  Her  prolonged 
indulgence  in  private  grief  put  a  barrier  between  her  and  her  subjects, 
and,  since  she  was  fond  of  Scotland,  she  went  there,  after  1854,  for  a 
part  of  every  year,  while  she  visited  Ireland  only  four  times  during  her 
whole  reign,  and  from  1861  to  1900  never  set  foot  in  the  country  at 
all  —  a  discrimination  which  was  keenly  felt  by  the  sensitive  Irish. 
Her  German  connections  and  her  devoted  attachment  to  their  dynastic 
interests  affected,  frequently  and  strongly,  her  attitude  toward  many 
foreign  questions  and  often  aroused  irritation  and  suspicion  among 
the  Ministers  and  subjects.  However,  she  followed  public  business 
and  performed  her  public  duties  conscientiously  and  punctiliously. 
And  she  possessed  an  influence  out  of  all  proportion  to  her  constitu- 
tionally recognized  powers ;  for  her  long  experience  and  her  detach- 
ment from  party  passions  gave  great  weight  to  her  views,  and  she  was 
very  frank  and  honest  in  expressing  them  to  her  Ministers.  In  the 
robustness  of  her  nature,  her  simplicity,  her  charitable  interest  in  the 
poor,  her  domestic  ideals,  as  well  as  in  her  rather  masterful  temper, 
she  represented  the  best  type  of  the  average  English  people.  While 
strict  in  the  standards  of  conduct  which  she  set  for  those  about  her, 


THE   LAST  TWO   DECADES   OF   VICTORIA'S   REIGN         725 

she  was  very  tolerant  in  matters  of  religious  opinion.  True  to  her 
feminine  nature  she  was  guided  usually  by  sentiment  rather  than 
principles  of  reason  and  logic ;  but  her  sentiments  were  usually  whole- 
some and  her  instincts  were  right. 

The  Close  of  the  Reign  and  its  Problems.  —  Yet  the  cause  of  Vic- 
toria's final  popularity  was  due  less  to  personal  qualities  than  to  the 
fact  that  she  was  regarded  as  the  outward  and  visible  sign  of  the 
Imperial  unity  that  was  the  outgrowth  largely  of  the  last  quarter  of  a 
century  of  her  life.  "She  and  her  Ministers  .  .  .  encouraged  the 
identification  of  the  British  sovereignty  with  the  the  unifying  spirit 
of  Imperialism,  and  she  thoroughly  reciprocated  the  warmth  of  feel- 
ing for  herself  and  her  office,  which  the  spirit  engendered  in  her  people 
at  home  and  abroad."  The  reign  was  one  of  astounding  material 
progress  and  of  great  political  progress  as  well;  but  her  death  left 
many  problems  pressing  for  solution  —  the  question  of  preferential 
tariffs  in  the  Dominions,  Imperial  federation,  the  status  of  Ireland, 
the  relations  between  the  House  of  Commons  and  the  House  of  Lords, 
relations  between  capital  and  labor,  and  of  provisions  to  be  made  for 
the  poor  in  the  case  of  old  age,  sickness  and  unemployment.  Some- 
thing has  been  done  during  the  reigns  of  her  son  and  grandson  to  deal 
with  those  problems,  though  many  phases  of  them  still  await  settle- 
ment. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

See  chs.  XL VIII  ff.  Also  T.  H.  Ward,  Reign  of  Queen  Victoria  (2  vols., 
1887),  a  cooperative  work.  C.  A.  Whitmore,  Six  Years  of  Unionist  Govern- 
ment, 1886-1892  (1892).  H.  Whates,  Third  Salisbury  Administration, 
1895-1900  (1901).  R.  H.  Gretton,  A  Modern  History  of  the  English  People 
(1913),  I,  1880-1898. 

Biography.  In  addition  to  works  cited  ch.  LII,  H.  D.  Traill,  The  Marquis 
of  Salisbury  (1890).  Lord  E.  Fitzmaurice,  Life  of  Earl  Granmlle  (2  vols., 
1905).  J.  H.  Parnell,  Charles  Stewart  Parnett  (1914).  R.  B.  O'Brien,  Life 
of  Charles  Stuart  Parnell  (3  vols.,  1898),  very  outspoken.  W.  Churchill, 
Life  of  Lord  Randolph  Churchill  (2  vols.,  1906),  especially  good  for  the  Fourth 
Party.  Rosebery,  Lord  Randolph  Churchill  (1896).  T.  E.  Kebbel,  Lord 
Beaconsfield  and  other  Tory  Memoirs  (1907).  J.  Bryce,  Stitdies  in  Con- 
temporary Biography  (1903).  B.  Holland,  Life  of  Spencer  Compton,  Eighth 
Duke  of  Devonshire  (1911).  A.  L.  Thorold,  The  Life  of  Henry  Labouchere 
(1913).  Sir  H.  Maxwell,  The  Life  and  Letters  of  George  Villiers,  Fourth  Earl 
of  Clarendon  (2  vols.,  1913). 

For  a  critical  bibliography  of  the  successive  English  Ministries  from 
1865  to  1902  see  Low  and  Sanders,  503-506. 

For  Ireland  and  Home  Rule,  see  bibliography  in  Turner's  Ireland  and 
England,  471-480;  see  also  Low  and  Saunders,  496,  and  Cambridge  Modern 


726     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

History,  XII,  863-869.  Besides  the  works  therein  cited  see  A.  Balfour, 
Aspects  of  Home  Rule  (1912) ;  E.  Childers,  The  Framework  of  Home  Rule 
(1912) ;  A.  V.  Dicey,  England's  Case  against  Home  Rule  (1887)  and  A  Fool's 
Paradise  (1913) ;  Lord  Eversley,  Gladstone  and  Ireland  (1912). 

Selections  from  the  sources.    Adams  and  Stephens,  nos.  267-276.   Robert- 
son, pt.  II,  XXIX-XXXII,  app.  439-441- 


CHAPTER   LV 
VICTORIAN  AND  POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND 

General  Features.  —  The  period  from  the  First  Reform  Bill  to  the 
beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  is  so  complex  in  character  and  so 
teeming  with  achievement  that  only  the  barest  outline  of  its  main 
features  can  be  attempted.  In  literary  production  it  challenges  com- 
parison with  any  age  except  the  Elizabethan.  In  painting  the  out- 
look has  been  notable.  History  has  been  transformed  almost  into 
a  new  science,  while  significant  work  has  been  done  in  philosophy  and 
other  fields  of  humanistic  scholarship.  However,  the  really  epoch- 
making  achievements  of  the  Victorian  era  have  been  in  the  field  of 
pure  science  and  in  its  practical  applications,  particularly  in  trans- 
portation and  communication.  The  doctrine  of  evolution  has  revolu- 
tionized modern  thinking,  while  steam  and  electricity,  by  infinitely 
multiplying  means  of  distribution,  have  developed  the  possibilities  of 
production  to  a  point  hitherto  undreamed  of.  Moreover,  but  for 
steam  navigation,  the  postal  service  and  the  telegraphs,  the  amazing 
growth  of  the  British  Empire  and  the  unity  which  pervades  it  would 
have  been  impossible.  Finally,  the  democratization  of  the  United 
Kingdom,  —  the  triumph  of  popular  majority  rule,  with  the  conse- 
quent breaking  down  of  class  privileges,  the  growth  of  State  inter- 
vention in  the  interest  of  the  masses,  and  the  increasing  humanitarian 
spirit,  —  is  a  distinctive  feature  of  this  wonderful  age. 

The  Condition  of  the  Church.  —  The  religious  and  moral  enthusiasm 
inspired  by  the  Wesleyan  revival  began  to  spend  its  force  early  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  at  least  so  far  as  the  upper  classes  were  concerned, 
and  the  Established  Church  —  except  for  the  Evangelicals  —  hardly 
warmed  by  the  fervor  of  the  moment,  relapsed  into  its  customary 
state  of  chilly  conservatism.  Its  bishops  were  pompous  dignified 
figures  who  had  secured  their  high  offices  through  family  connection 
or  personal  influence,  who  enjoyed  ample  incomes  and  extensive 
powers,  and  who,  with  little  regard  for  purely  religious  work,  devoted 
themselves  to  politics,  to  the  administration  of  their  estates,  to 
society  and  scholarly  leisure.  Among  the  "  high  and  dry  "  Anglicans 

727 


728      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

there  were  two  types.  The  clergy  of  the  better  sort  were  kindly 
and  respectable,  but  idle  and  worldly.  The  less  edifying  representa- 
tives of  this  party  were  the  "  two-bottle  orthodox,"  the  hard  drinking 
sporting  parsons  who  came  from  the  hunting  field  to  read  a  funeral 
service,  their  pink  coat  and  top-boots  barely  covered  by  a  cassock. 
More  earnest  were  the  few  on  whom  the  Evangelical  revival  had  left 
an  enduring  mark,  and  who  manifested  their  enthusiasm  in  practical 
work,  in  prison  reform,  antislavery  agitation,  and  the  reformation  of 
manners  ;  as  a  rule,  however,  they  were  limited  and  narrow  in  their 
ideas.  The  greatest  extremes  of  wealth  and  poverty  existed  ir^  the 
Church^  While  the  bishops  and  a  few  favored  clergy  were  in  receipt 
of  rich  revenues,  the  rank  and  file  of  the  country  parsons  drew  only 
meager  stipends,  besides  which  more  than  half  the  Church  livings  were 
held  by  non-resident  rectors  and  vicars,  usually  represented  by  under- 
paid curates.  Akin  to  the  evil  of  non-residence,  and  made  possible 
by  it,  was  the  distressing  prevalence  of  pluralities.  Furthermore, 
men  of  influence,  Churchmen  and  laymen  alike,  heaped  their  relatives 
and  supporters  with  fat  benefices.  There  was  already  much  dis- 
content, when  a  series  of  events  occurred  which  threatened  to  shake 
the  Establishment  to  its  very  foundations.  In  1828  came  the  repeal 
of  the  Test  and  Corporation  Acts,  followed  by  the  Catholic  Relief  Bill 
in  1829.  The  passage  of  the  Reform  Bill,  three  years  later,  gave  an 
impulse  to  a  more  radical  policy  in  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  political 
legislation  ;  Lord  Grey  advised  the  bishops  "  to  set  their  houses  in 
order,"  and,  in  1833,  came  the  Irish  Church  Temporalities  Act.  The 
attempt  to  meet  the  threatened  dangers  resulted  in  the  Oxford  Move- 
ment, so  called  because  it  was  started  largely  by  a  group  of  young 
Oxford  scholars,  and  for  some  years  had  its  center  in  the  University. 
Its  main  aim  was  to  emphasize  the  antiquity  and  authority  of  the 
Church,  partly  for  the  purpose  of  asserting  its  independence  of  State 
control,  and  partly  for  the  purpose  of  stimulating  the  imagination 
and  arousing  spiritual  and  moral  enthusiasm  in  its  members.  Another 
powerful  stimulus  to  the  Movement  was  the  romflrtlr 

Jiterature,  the  glorification  of  medievalism,  which  Scott 

'so  much  to  foster.~ 

The  Beginning  of  the  Oxford  Movement.  —  John  Henry  Newman^ 
who  came  t.n  be  thp  Hnmir>g<-'r>c  ^gnrp  i"  **"*  Qyfnrrl  group,  dated 


the  beginning  of  the  Movement  from  a  sermon  on  "  National  Apos- 
tasy "  preached  by  John  Keble,  14  July,  1833.  A  small  but  slowly 
increasing  number  of  earnest-minded  young  men  became  convinced 
that  if  the  Church  of  England  was  to  be  saved,  it  must  be  justified 
on  other  grounds  than  mere  expediency  and  custom.  To  promulgate 


VICTORIAN  AND  POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  729 

their  teachings  they  started  a  series  of  Tracts  for  the  Times,  in  which 
they  sought  to  revive  and  emphasize  old  Catholic  beliefs  which  had 
been  discredited  and  forgotten,  and  to  assert  the  continuity  of  the 
visible  Church  from  the  time  of  Christ  and  the  apostles. 

The  Results  of  the  Movement.  —  Before  long,  however,  grave  diffi- 
culties and  divisions  arose.  The  liberals  opposed  thp  Hoormatigm 
of  the  Movement,  the  "  two-bottle  orthodox  "  were  alienated  by  its 
asceticisni.  while  both  combined  with  the  Evangelicals  to  resist  its 
growing  Romeward  tendencies.  A  crisis  was  precipitated,,  in  i&nr  by 
the  appearance  of  Tract  XC.  in  which  Newman  sought  to  prove  that 
the  Thirty-nine  Articles  were  not  necessarily  in  contradiction  with  an- 
cient Catholic  doctrine.  A  storm  of  indignation  arose,  the  Tract  was 
condemned  by  the  Oxford  authorities,  and,  in  1843,  Newman  resigned 
his  living  at  St.  Mary's  and  went  into  retirement.  Partly  impelled 
by  more  zealous  spirits,  and  partly  by  his  own  meditations,  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  Church  of  England  was  a  schismatical  offshoot  of 
the  true  Catholic  faith,  he  went  over  to  the  Roman  Catholic  communion 
in  1845.  A  few  other  prominent  men  took  the  same  step,  and  the 
Oxford  Movement  broke  up.  Although  it  had  failed  in  its  efforts  to 
check  the  influx  of  liberalism  and  to  assert  the  Church's  independence 
of  State  control,  its  results  were  various  and  far-reaching.  As  a  re- 
action against  the  attempt  to  identify  Christianity  with  Roman 
Catholicism,  a  small  but  influential  body  of  thinkers,  including  New- 
man's own  brother,  were  driven  to  skepticism.  Others  less  radical, 
for  example  Charles  Kingsley,  formed  the  nucleus  of  a  new  liberal 
party  —  the  Broad  Churchmen  —  which  gained  strength  from  the 
dissensions  between  Tractarians,  the  Evangelicals,  and  the  old  high 
and  dry  Anglicans,  though  a  further  impetus  toward  both  skepticism 
and  a  more  liberal  school  of  Churchmanship  came  from  the  scientific 
developments  of  the  century.  Such  were  the  opposing  tendencies 
to  which  the  Oxford  Movement  gave  rise.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
unshrinking  attitude  of  those  who  remained  true  to  Anglicanism 
stimulated  the  growth  of  a  type  of  High  Churchmen,  that  put  increased 
emphasis  on  the  Catholic  apostolic  traditions  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. Among  them  were  Gladstone,  and  with  this  party  Keble  threw 
in  his  lot.  An  indirect  result  of  the  Movement  was  to  reawaken  a 
love  for  beauty  and  art  in  religious  worship,  to  restore  ancient  cere- 
monies, and  to  stimulate  an  enthusiasm  for  medieval  architecture. 
Such  ritualism  has  become  a  usual  though  not  invariable  accompani- 
ment of  High  Churchmanship,  inspiring  piety  and  works  of  charity 
in  those , who  are  best  reached  through  the  channels  of  aesthetic  emo- 
tion, and  it  has  brought  light  and  color  into  the  drab,  unlovely  lives 


730     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

of  many  who  have  little  or  no  cultural   influence    outside    their 
religion. 

Lay  Patronage  and  the  Secession  from  the  Church  of  Scotland.  — 
Meantime,  the  Church  of  Scotland  had  been  rent  by  a  secession, 
which,  though  impelled  by  different  motives, Jhad  this  in  common 
with  the  Oxford  Movement,  that  it  aimed  to^ree  the  L'hurch  troin 
^ecular  control.  An  Act  of  1711  had  restored  to  lay  patrons  the  right, 
taken  from  them  twenty  years  before,  of  presenting  candidates  to 
benefices.  Although  this  was  opposed  by  many  Presbyterians,  and 
even  resulted  in  the  secession  of  a  small  body,  the  crisis  leading  to  the 
great  disruption  did  not  come  till  1833.  The  extension  of  the  political 
franchise  strengthened  the  party  who  held  that  pastors  should  not  be 
forced  on  unwilling  congregations  by  a  few  privileged  persons.  As  a 
result,  the  "Veto  Act"  was  carried  through  the  General  Assemblyjn 
1834,  providing  that  the  dissent  of  the  majority  of  the  male  members 
of  a  congregation  would  be  sufficient  to  exclude  any  minister  presented. 
After  the  courts,  in  two  test  cases,  had  sustained  the  patrons,  a  pro- 
posal  was  made  to  abolish  lay  patronage  altogether,  and,  when  the 
Government  refused  its  assent,  some  four  hundred  of  the  clergy,  under 
the  lead  of  Dr.  Chalmers,  seceded  in  1843,  and  constituted  the  Free 
Church  of  Scotland.  In  1902  the  bulk  of  this  body  combined  with 
the  United  Presbyterians  —  an  organization,  dating  from  1847,  of 
various  other  groups  outside  the  Establishment  —  to  form  the  United 
Free  Presbyterian  Church.  In  1874  lay  patronage  was  abolished  in 
the  Church  of  Scotland,  and  strong  efforts  are  now  being  made  to 
bring  the  two  great  bodies  again  into  one  fold. 

General  Tendencies  of  Victorian  Literature.  —  The  reign  of  Vic- 
toria marks  a  distinct  era  in  literature.  At  her  accession,  in  1837,  the 
great  figures  of  the  romantic  revival  were  all  dead  except  Wordsworth, 
who  had  done  his  best  work  long  before.  While  new  writers  were  in 
the  making,  the  death  of  Byron,  in  1824,  and  of  Scott,  in  1832,  was 
followed  by  an  arid  interval  in  poetry  and  novel  writing,  when  Felicia 
Hemans  set  the  standard,  and  elegant  "  Keepsakes  "  and  "  Books  of 
Beauty  "  were  the  vogue.  The  literature  to  come  was  profoundly  JIL- 
fluenced  t>y  the  growth  of  democracy,  by  the  new  grjfntjfir  tprrjpfr,  a^r|_ 
thp  growing  hnr^^njtarian  spirit.  There  was  an  increased  intensity  of 
rfioral  earnestness,  a  desire  to  appeal  to  the  masses  —  who  for  the  first 
time  in  history  began  to  form  a  considerable  circle  of  readers  —  to  form 
their  taste  and  to  voice  their  unrest,  by  denouncing  the  evils  from  which 
they  suffered  under  the  existing  political,  social,  and  industrial  system. 

Prose  Writers.  Macaulay.  —  Thomas  Babington  Macaulay  (1800- 
1859),  preeminent  as  an  essayist  at  the  beginning  of  the  period,  was 


VICTORIAN  AND  POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  731 

not  one  of  the  apostles  of  discontent ;  active  in  public  affairs  from  his 
entrance  in  Parliament,  in  1830,  until  within  a  few  years  of  his  death, 
he  stoutly  championed,  both  in  his  speaking  and  writing,  the  domi- 
nant Whiggism  and  laissez-faire.  Having  done  his  part  toward  secur- 
ing the  extension  of  the  franchise,  in  1832,  and  the  reforms  which 
followed,  he  was  content  to  depict  with  complacent  satisfaction  the 
achievements  of  his  party.  While  his  long  and  varied  series  of 
essays  —  most  of  which  were  originally  contributed  to  the  Edinburgh 
Review  —  and  his  stirring  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome  are  famous,  his  great 
undertaking  was  his  History  of  England,  which  centers  about  the 
Revolution  of  1688,  and  which  he  left  uncompleted.  He  showed  him- 
self to  be  a  master  of  clear,  picturesque  narrative,  which  he  enriched 
by  apt  illustrations  drawn  from  copious  stores  of  knowledge,  and  he 
excelled  in  graphic  portraiture  of  political  situations.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  went  too  far  in  his  attempts  to  be  vivid,  he  was  partisan,  and 
he  lacked  the  ability  to  delineate  complex  characters,  often  presenting 
little  more  than  bundles  of  contrasted  traits.  But  he  was  a  forth- 
right, virile  figure,  who  did  much  to  shape  the  historical  view  of  the 
general  reader  for  some  time  to  come. 

Carlyle. — Thomas  Carlvle  (1795-1881),  essayist,  historian,  and 
miscellaneous  writer,  was,  in  his  tempestuous  preaching  against  trie 
materialism  and  what  he  fancied  to  be  pretentious  shams  of  the  age, 
&  striking  contrast  to  Macaulay..  He  first  attracted  attention  with 
Sartor  Resartus,  or  the  "  tailor  patched,"  which  appeared  in  1833-1834. 
To  some  degree  a  spiritual  autobiography,  it  is  also  a  scathing  jeremiad, 
lighted  by  flashes  of  grim  humor  and  noble  prophecy,  against  hollow 
pretense  and  false  ideals,  against  the  tendency  to  glorify  mechanical 
progress  rather  than  the  things  of  the  spirit.  His  French  Revolution 
is  unique  in  the  field  of  historical  literature.  The  picture  is  distorted, 
but  it  tells  the  story  with  a  fire  and  dramatic  intensity  that  leaves  an 
indelible  impression  on  the  mind.  The  Letters  and  Speeches  of  Oliver 
Cromwell  is  made  up  of  skillfully  selected  extracts  interpreted  with 
incisive  comments  by  Carlyle ;  but  one-sided  as  it  is,  it  completely 
vindicated  Cromwell  from  the  charges  of  hypocrisy  which  had  hung 
over  him  for  two  centuries.  The  History  of  Frederick  the  Great  gave 
him  another  opportunity  to  champion  a  strong,  though  ruthless  and 
cynical  man,  and  to  exhibit  his  rare  genius  for  epic  narration.  Mean- 
time ,  in  essays  and  lectures  he  was  constantly  preaching  on  the 
"  eternal  verities  "  and  "  the  government  of  the  best,"  and  railing 
against  unbaked  democracy  —  "  the  universal  Morison's  Pill  "  with 
which  its  advocates  expected  to  cure  all  the  ills  of  society  and  the  body 
politic.  In  reply  to  the  accusation  that  he  was  sponsor  for  the  doctrine 


732     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

that  "  might  makes  right,"  he  insisted  that  the  true  purport  of  his 
teaching  was  that  "  right  makes  might."  By  virtue  of  his  inimitable 
style,  with  its  strange  words  and  wild,  exclamations,  he  did  succeed  in 
arousing  many  from  their  spiritual  torpor ;  but,  as  a  practical  reformer, 
he  had  little  that  was  tangible  to  contribute. 

Arnold,  Ruskin,  and  Newman.  —  Matthew  Arnold  (1822-1888) 
Jjegan  his  literary  career  as  a  poet.  His  verses,  superb  in  their  classic 
purity  and  finish,  stand  in  striking  contrast  to  the  glowing  romanti- 
cism of  the  previous  generation,  but  are  chilled  by  austere  self-restraint. 
It  was  as  a  literary  critic  of  nice  discrimination,  as  an  advocate  of 
liberalism  in  Biblical  interpretation,  and  as  an  apostle  of  culture  — 
or,  to  use  his  own  words,  of  "  sweetness  and  light  "  —  to  the  philistine 
middle  classes,  that  he  did  his  most  distinctive  work.  Perhaps  the 
perfection  of  prose  in  nineteenth-century  England  was  reached  by 
John  Henry  Newman  (1801-1890),  especially  in  his  Idea  of  a  Univer- 
sity and  the  Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua,  the  latter  of  which  is  one  of  the 
most  profoundly  human  in  the  world's  literature  of  spiritual  biog- 
raphy, wherein  he  sought  to  reveal  to  his  countrymen  the  great  visible 
Church  as  an  infallible  guide  descended  from  Christ  and  the  apostles. 
John  Ruskin  (1819-1899)  marked  an  epoch  in  art  criticism  in  his 
Modern  Painters,  the  first  volume  of  which  appeared  anonymously  in 
1843.  He  began  the  work  in  defense  of  Turner;  but  in  successive 
volumes  he  broadened  the  scope  of  his  task  to  include  a  championship 
of  modern  painters  in  general,  and  to  develop  a  philosophy  of  art. 
According  to  the  view  which  he  worked  out,  art  is  a  true  manifestation 
of  the  temper  of  the  artist  and  a  reflection  of  the  spirit  of  his  age.  In 
the  Seven  Lamps  of  Architecture,  Ruskin  contributed  greatly  to  stimu- 
late a  new  Gothic  revival.  Toward  the  end  of  his  life  he  turned 
toward  questions  of  economic  and  social  reform,  problems  into  which 
he  sought  to  infuse  the  breath  of  idealism.  Gifted  with  an  exquisite 
sense  of  beauty,  with  a  consuming  moral  enthusiasm  and  a  style  of 
singular  eloquence  and  richness,  he  performed,  in  spite  of  inconsis- 
tencies and  occasional  petulance,  signal  service  in  elevating  artistic 
criticism  from  a  mere  question  of  professional  technique,  as  well  as  in 
unlocking  treasures  hitherto  hidden  from  the  common  man.  Thus 
Carlyle,  Arnold,  Newman,  and  Ruskin  were,  each  in  his  peculiar  way, 
preachers  to  their  generation. 

Victorian  Poets.  Tennyson,  Browning,  .and  Swinburne^  —  Alfred 
Tennyson  (1809-1892),  the  reigning  poet  of  the  Victorian  Age,  suc- 
ceeded Wordsworth  as  poet  laureate  in  1850.  He  began  to  publish 
short  lyrics  as  early  as  1827  ;  but  it  was  years  before  he  showed  inde- 
pendence of  his  youthful  models,  Byron,  Scott,  and  Moore,  after  which 


VICTORIAN  AND   POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  733 

he  produced  some  pieces  of  striking  individuality  and  rare  beauty.  Be- 
tween 1847  and  1859  appeared  the  longer  poems  which  established  his 
reputation  —  The  Princess,  In  Memoriam,  Maud,  and  the  Idylls  oj 
the  King.  Tennyson's  distinctive  merit  is  his  perfection  of  form. 
Voicing  the  conventional  thought  and  ideals  of  Victorian  society,  he 
was  an  upholder  of  well-ordered  harmony  against  individual  caprice, 
and  whenever  he  approached  the  tragic,  it  was  in  a  spirit  of  repose- 
ful melancholy  rather  than  of  passionate  revolt.  His  further  limi- 
tations are  his  lack  of  dramatic  fire,  his  elaboration  of  the  obvious 
and  commonplace,  and  his  surfeit  of  "  linked  sweetness  long  drawn 
out."  Almost  more  than  any  other  poet,  he  has  suffered  from 
the  defects  of  his  qualities;  since  many  of  his  most  ineffective 
of  beautiful  poems  are  most  popular.  Robert  Browning  (1812- 
1889)  was  his  opposite  in  almost  every  respect.  Though  he  could 
write  with  simplicity  and  exquisite  melody,  he  was,  both  in  phrasing 
and  in  the  structure  of  his  verse,  all  too  often  crabbed  and  obscure. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  had  the  dramatic  genius  which  Tennyson  lacked, 
and  is  without  a  rival  among  the  poets  in  his  ability  for  interpreting  in 
verse  the  spirit  of  music  and  painting.  A  student  of  life  in  all  its  as- 
pects, he  showed  an  insatiable  curiosity  for  probing  into  the  farthest 
recesses  of  human  motives  and  mastering  the  complexities  of  the  mind 
and  soul.  Much  in  his  writing  that  is  difficult  at  first  sight  becomes 
clear  to  the  patient  reader,  and  almost  invariably  rewards  serious  effort. 
Pauline,  his  first  poem,  appeared  in  1833 ;  Paracelsus  first  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  discerning,  while  Sordello  is  the  most  inscrutable 
of  his  productions.  Among  his  longer  works  are :  Pippa  Passes,  A 
Blot  on  the  'Scutcheon,  and  A  SouVs  Tragedy,  and  his  marvelous  The 
Ring  and  the  Book.  In  1846  Browning  married  Elizabeth  Barrett, 
the  first  woman  poet  of  high  distinction  since  Sappho.  Algernon 
Charles  Swinburne  (1837-1909),  a  devotee  of  pagan  beauty,  showed, 
particularly  in  his  earlier  work,  a  temper  of  revolt  against  convention 
and  propriety  which  shocked  the  majority  of  his  contemporaries. 
None  have  excelled  him  in  power  of  word  music  or  in  mastery  of  the 
varied  forms  of  poetical  technique,  and,  especially  in  Atalanta  in  Caly- 
don,  he  showed  a  rare  gift  of  reproducing  the  spirit  of  the  Greek  drama. 
However,  notwithstanding  a  few  signal  achievements,  the  poetic  drama 
in  the  Victorian  Age  never  recovered  the  ascendancy  which  the  novel 
had  begun  to  usurp  in  the  previous  century.1 

1  The  Pre-Raphaelite  Movement,  which  began  about  1848,  was  primarily 
artistic  rather  than  literary  in  its  inception,  a  protest  against  the  conventionalism 
bound  to  result  from  the  following  of  any  master,  even  Raphael,  the  "prince  of 
painters."  Nevertheless,  it  owed  much  to  Newman's  revival  of  ecclesiastical 


734     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Novelists.  —  Before  Scott  had  closed  his  labors,  two  novelists 
had  appeared  on  the  scene,  who,  though  they  continued  to  write  accept- 
able works  for  half  a  century,  were  soon  overshadowed.  Disraeli  wa.s 
f  he  creator  of  the  pnlif  ira.1  novel.  Beginning  in  1826,  with  Vivian  Grey, 
which  made  a  sensation  by  its  brilliancy  and  audacity,  he  concluded 
with  Endymion  in  1880,  though  Coningsby  and  Sybil,  in  which  he  at- 
tacked the  social  and  political  system  of  the  dominant  Whigs  and  ad- 
vocated his  peculiar  system  of  Tory  democracy,  are  perhaps  his  most 
important  productions.  Of  little  excellence  as  pure  literature,  his 
books  furnish  invaluable  pictures  of  the  public  men  and  problems  of 
his  time.  Edward  Bulwer  Lytton  (1803-1873),  later  Baron  Lytton, 
was  an  author  of  unusual  versatility,  who  wrote  society,  philosophical, 
scientific,  indeed,  all  sorts  of  novels  and  plays  as  well.  While  the  Last 
Days  of  Pompeii  and  the  Last  of  the  Barons  are  among  the  most  popu- 
lar stories,  Pelham  and  My  Novel  have  more  merit.  The  Lady  of 
Lyons  and  Richelieu  are  still  produced  on  the  stage.  Lord  Lytton  made 
the  most  of  his  great  talents,  but  missed  the  goal  which  is  only  attained 
by  genius  and  sincere  conviction. 

Dickens  and  ThackeT&y.  —  In  1836  appeared  the  Sketches  by  Boz 
and  the  first  installment  of  Pickwick  Papers  by  Charles  Dickens  (1812- 
1870).  The  long  series  of  his  novels  which  followed  are  familiar  in 
every  household,  and  probably  have  been  more  widely  read  than  those 
of  any  other  writer  in  the  English-speaking  world.  The  hardships  of 
his  early  life  which  brought  him  in  contact  with  the  people,  his  early 
training  as  a  journalist,  and  his  love  for  the  stage  explain  his  power  of 
appealing  to  the  masses,  his  facility,  and  his  dramatic  instinct.  Dur- 
ing the  past  generation  there  has  been  a  tendency  to  belittle  his  title 
to  fame.  His  faults  are  patent  enough  to  the  critical  reader :  his  humor 
is  largely  obvious  and  extravagant  caricature,  dwelling  much  on  "  ex- 
ternal oddities,"  his  pathos  is  often  "  shallow  and  overwrought  "  ;  his 
situations  are  frequently  artificial  and  theatrical;  he  was  wanting  in 
penetration,  and  his  characters  are,  as  a  rule,  merely  personified  traits. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  was  a  keen  observer  who  could  describe  vividly 
what  he  saw  and  tell  a  story  of  absorbing  interest.  He  had  a  genius  for 
depicting  the  tragic  and  the  terrible,  his  fun,  in  spite  of  all  that  has 
been  said  against  it,  is  wholesome  and  captivating,  and  his  characters 
live  in  the  memory.  Finally,  and  who  would  want  to  achieve  more, 
his  genial  optimism  has  brought  joy  to  millions  of  humankind.  It  has 

and  religious  symbolism,  and  had  an  important  influence  in  stimulating  mystical 
romantic  poetry  of  a  medieval  type.  Dante  Gabriel  Rossetti,  the  guiding  spirit 
of  the  "Pre-Raphaelite  Brotherhood,"  was  a  poet  as  well  as  an  artist,  and  pro- 
duced verses  of  haunting  beauty,  such  as  the  Blessed  Damozel. 


VICTORIAN  AND   POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  735 

been  said  that  Dickens  brought  good  out  of  evil,  and  that  Thackeray 
brought  evil  out  of  good.  Though  this  is  hardly  fair  to  Thackeray, 
the  two  great  masters  were  in  striking  contrast.  William  Makepeace 
Thackeray  (1811-1863)  who  began  by  picturing  unscrupulous  adven- 
turers, later  selected  his  scenes  and  characters  from  high  life  or  from 
the  upper  middle  classes.  Caring  little  for  external  nature,  he  was 
strong  in  the  analysis  and  portrayal  of  character,  dwelling  on  the  faults 
and  weaknesses  of  society  and  of  individuals ;  but,  if  he  was  cynical 
on  the  surface,  he  was  a  generous-minded,  big-hearted  man,  who  de- 
nned humor  as  "  wit  tempered  with  love,"  who  could  appreciate  noble 
traits,  and  show  a  wealth  of  pity  and  tolerance  for  even  the  least  edify- 
ing of  those  whom  he  felt  called  upon  to  depict.  Less  widely  popular 
than  Dickens,  he  has  always  made  a  stronger  appeal  to  the  thinking 
reader.  Besides  his  inimitable  satiric  pictures  of  a  life  in  his  own  day, 
he  produced  in  Henry  Esmond  one  of  the  greatest  historical  novels  in 
the  English  language ;  he  drew  a  racy  sketch  of  the  four  Georges,  and, 
in  his  English  Humourists,  he  has  made  the  literary  world  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  live  again  before  our  eyes. 

Bronte  and  Eliot.  —  Charlotte  Bronte  (1816-1855),  tne  most  fa- 
mous of  three  gifted  sisters,  is  chiefly  known  for  Jane  Eyre,  a  novel  of 
intense  power  and  passion,  but  characterizpH  by  imrpa.1iHp«;  of  Hptf^[1 
due  to  her  limited  experience  of  life.  Mary  Ann  Evans  (1819-1880), 
who  wrote  under  the  name  of  George  Eliot,  was  a  woman  of  wide  knowl- 
edge both  of  life  and  books.  In  her  first  novels  she  reproduced,  with 
graphic  fidelity,  the  scenes  and  folk  of  her  own  countryside,  and  enliv- 
ened her  serious  problems  with  touches  of  fine  humor.  As  her  work 
progressed,  she  overdeveloped  her  inclination  for  psychological  analysis. 
Adam  Bede,  the  Mill  on  the  Floss,  and  Silas  Marner  show  her  at  her 
best,  yet,  even  in  these  early  productions,  she  keeps  in  the  foreground 
her  great  lesson  that  dire  consequences  attend  the  disregard  of  the 
moral  order. 

Minor  Novelists.  —  Among  numbers  of  minor  novelists  some  have 
produced  work  well  worth  reading  by  subsequent  generations.  Charles 
Lever  wrote  rollicking  tales  of  Irish  and  military  life  during  the  era  of 
the  Napoleonic  wars.  Captain  Marryat,  a  naval  officer,  produced 
after  his  retirement  from  active  service,  in  1830,  a  series  of  breezy  sea 
stories  which  are  not  only  entertaining,  but  valuable  as  a  reflection  of 
the  author's  actual  experiences.  Charles  Kingsley  was  a  many-sided 
man,  among  other  things  a  Christian  socialist  and  an  exponent  of  mus- 
cular Christianity,  who  began  by  writing  on  contemporary  problems, 
turning  later  to  history  and  historical  fiction.  Westward  Ho,  a  glori- 
fication of  the  Elizabethan  seamen,  is  perhaps  his  best  novel,  while  his 


736     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Water  Babies  is  one  of  the  most  famous  children's  stories  in  the  lan- 
guage. Charles  Reade  started  as  a  dramatist,  but  came  to  devote 
most  of  his  energies  to  stories  exposing  social  abuses.  The  Cloister 
and  the  Hearth,  in  which  he  ventured  into  historical  fiction,  ranks  as  a 
masterpiece.  Mrs.  Gaskell,  in  Mary  Barton  and  other  works,  took  up 
the  cause  of  the  poor  in  the  manufacturing  districts,  but,  from  the 
literary  standpoint,  is  remembered  chiefly  for  Cranford,  an  exquisite 
picture  of  life  in  a  secluded  English  village.  Anthony  Trollope  was 
amazingly  industrious  and  businesslike,  reproducing  what  he  saw 
with  the  fidelity  of  a  photographer  and  with  almost  equal  absence 
of  imagination;  but  his  realistic  descriptions  of  the  clerical  life 
in  the  cathedral  city  of  "  Barchester "  are,  in  their  way,  dis- 
tinct achievements.  Wilkie  Collins  still  retains  a  hold  on  the 
lovers  of  weirdness  and  mystery.  A  period  which  could  pro- 
duce Dickens,  Thackeray,  George  Eliot,  to  say  nothing  of  such 
a  long  list  of  writers  of  second  rank,  has  certainly  been  supreme  in 
the  age  of  the  novel. 

Later  Victorian  Novelists.  —  While  it  is  too  early  to  estimate  the 
importance  of  most  recent  novelists,  three  stand  out  sufficiently  to 
merit  attention.  George  Meredith  (1828-1909)  published  the  Ordeal 
of  Richard  Feverel,  one  of  his  best-known  novels,  as  early  as  1859,  the 
same  year  in  which  Adam  Bede  saw  the  light :  yet  he  should  be  grouped 
with  the  later  generation,  for  he  outlived  his  contemporaries,  and, 
owing  to  his  obscurity  and  his  daring  manner  of  portraying  life,  he  re- 
ceived only  belated  recognition.  It  is  true  that  he  was  incapable  of 
constructing  an  absorbing  coherent  plot,  and  his  style  is  often  as  per- 
versely difficult  as  that  of  Browning;  while  this  latter  fault  was 
due  in  some  degree  to  the  complex  and  baffling  human  problems  with 
which  he  chose  to  deal,  it  prevented  him  from  making  the  universal 
appeal  reserved  for  supreme  geniuses.  On  the  other  hand,  few  English- 
men have  equaled  him  in  epigrammatic  power ;  he  had  a  wonderful 
gift  for  subtle  analysis ;  he  described  nature  lovingly  and  superbly ;  he 
delineated  the  life  of  the  English  upper  classes  with  fascinating  skill, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  equaled  Shakespeare  and  George  Eliot  in  his 
faculty  for  creating  peasants  who  could  talk  in  their  own  tongue. 
Thomas  Hardy  (born  1840)  resembles  Meredith  in  his  love  of  nature, 
and  he  has  reproduced  with  artistic  fidelity  the  scenes  and  peoples  of 
his  native  Wessex ;  but  his  conviction  that  the  irony  of  circumstance 
makes  sport  with  human  endeavor  most  often  renders  him  harrowing 
to  read.  Robert  Louis  Stevenson  (1850-1894),  handicapped  during 
much  of  his  life  by  a  malady  which  killed  him  prematurely,  showed 
himself  a  prince  of  story  tellers  and  narrated  his  entrancing  tales  in  a 


VICTORIAN  AND  POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  737 

style  of  exquisite  if  rather  overconscious  art.  He  may  prove,  as  some 
have  prophesied,  the  herald  of  a  new  romanticism.1 

Philosophy.  —  Among  the  many  philosophical  thinkers  of  the 
Victorian  Era  two  are  perhaps  most  important  from  the  historical 
standpoint  —  John  Stuajt  A/Till  (1806-1873)  and  Herbert  Spencer 
(1820-1903).  Mill,  who  had  a  soul  above  the  mechanical  train- 
ing given  him  by  his  father,  was  active  in  many  fields.  He  was 
the  last  and  greatest  economist  of  the  "  orthodox  "  school  which 
developed  from  Adam  Smith,  and  his  Principles  of  Political  Econ- 
omy long  remained  the  standard  work  on  the  subject ;  he  wrote 
a  suggestive  essay  On  Liberty,  in  which  he  sought  to  solve  the  prob- 
lem of  the  relation  between  the  individual  and  the  laws  of  Society 
and  the  State ;  he  was  a  pioneer  in  the  movement  for  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  women ;  and  was  an  interpreter  of  positivism  2  and  the  science 
of  sociology,  both  of  which  originated  with  the  Frenchman  Auguste 
Comte  (1798-1867).  In  his  Logic,  Mill  marked  the  greatest  advance 
since  Bacon,  providing,  what  Bacon  did  not,  a  philosophical  method 
for  scientific  reasoning ;  in  other  words,  he  taught  —  what  was  pecul- 
iarly valuable  in  an  age  of  scientific  discovery  —  the  method  of  gen- 
eralizing from  the  facts  and  then  verifying  by  deduction  from  known 
laws.  Spencer  published,  in  1855,  his  Principles  of  Psychology,  based 
upon  the  evolutionary  standpoint,  a  very  notable  fact,  since  the  book 
appeared  four  years  before  Darwin's  Origin  of  Species.  In  1860  he 
issued  the  prospectus  of  his  System  of  Synthetic  Philosophy,  "  in  which, 
beginning  with  the  first  principles  of  knowledge,  he  proposed  to  trace 
the  progress  of  evolution  in  life,  mind,  society 'and  morality."  This 
he  did  in  a  long  series  of  volumes,  starting  with  First  Principles  in  1862. 
His  great  service  was  to  introduce  the  principle  of  evolution  into  the 
varied  subjects  with  which  he  dealt,  and  —  though  here  he  was  not 
completely  successful  —  to  investigate  the  laws  which  underlie  life  and 
thought,  and  then  group  them  into  a  synthetic  or  unified  form. 

Historical  Scholarship.  —  This  period  marks  an  amazing  advance 
in  historical  method  and  research,  though  Thomas  Buckle  failed  in  his 
effort  to  construct  a  philosophy  of  the  subject.  TJi.p.  TJistnry  nf  Grp.er.^ 
by  George  Grote  is  a  monument  of  learning,  which,  notwithstanding 
bias  in  favor  of  Athenian  democracy  and  the  fact  that  it  has  been  super- 

1  Richard  Blackmore  (1825-1900)  in  Lorna  Doone  and  Joseph  Henry  Shorthouse 
(1834-1903)  in  John  Inglesant  have  each  created  a  work  of  enduring  merit.    Rud- 
yard  Kipling  (born  1865)  has  produced  verse  of  striking  force  and  originality,  with 
a  strong  Imperialistic  bent,  and  has  written  tales  which  throw  a  flood  of  light  on 
India  and  the  Anglo-Indian  military  and  civil  life. 

2  The  positivist  philosophy  devotes  itself  to  a  description  of  scientific  phencmena. 

3B 


738     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

seded  in  parts  by  more  recent  investigations,  still  remains  a  classic. 
Most  notable,  however,  has  been  the  progress  in  the  study  of  English 
history,  especially  in  the  early  period.  The  enthusiasm  for  freedom, 
manifested  in  and  stimulated  by  the  Reform  Bill,  led  to  a  new  interest 
in  the  Anglo-Saxon  period  —  regarded  as  a  golden  age  of  liberty  which 
Norman  absolutism  destroyed.  While  others  preceded  him,  the  first 
significant  pioneer  work  was  John  Kemble's  The  Saxons  in  England, 
1849.  Meantime,  scholars  had  begun  to  edit  and  print  the  original 
sources  and,  before  long,  a  body  of  materials  became  available  which 
challenge  comparison  with  those  of  any  other  country  in  Europe. 
Among  those  who  have  written  on  the  subject,  only  the  most  prominent 
names  can  be  mentioned  —  Freeman,  Stubbs,  Maine,  Pollock,  and 
Maitland  in  the  medieval,  and  Froude,  Gardiner,  Lecky,  and  Walpole 
in  the  modern  period. 

Darwinism.  —  In  science  and  practical  applications  "  the  advance 
made  during  the  reign  of  Queen  Victoria  has  been  greater  in  many  ways 
than  the  advance  made  from  the  beginning  of  civilization  to  that  time." 
Among  the  landmarks  of  progress  three  stand  out  preeminent  —  the 
establishment  of  the  doctrine  of  evolution :  the  extension  of  the  use 
of  steam,  particularly  in  transportation:  and  the  applications  of 
electricity.  The  former  has  fundamentally  transformed  man's  whole 
attitude  toward  the  origin  and  growth  of  life.  Evolutionary  as  distin- 
guished from  creationist  philosophy  is  as  old  as  the  Greeks,  while  bio- 
logical evolution,  in  the  general  sense  of  the  descent  of  one  species  from 
another,  was  by  no  means  a  new  idea,  but  it  was  only  the  long  and 
patient  experimental  studies  by  Charles  Darwin  (1809-1882)  which 
placed  it  on  a  sound  scientific  basis  and  resulted  in  its  final  acceptance. 
He  made  clear  the  causes  of  biological  evolution  by  showing  that  dif- 
ferent species  of  plants  and  animals,  "  instead  of  being  each  separately 
created,"  are  evolved  from  lower  types  by  means  of  "  natural  selec- 
tion "  in  the  struggle  for  existence ;  in  other  words,  there  is  a  "  sur- 
vival of  the  fittest  "  1  due  to  a  process  of  continuous  adaptation.  Dar- 
win began  his  special  investigations  in  1837,  which  were  first  completely 
set  forth  in  his  Origin  of  Species  in  i859.2  His  views  were  bitterly 

1  This  term  was  coined  by  Herbert  Spencer  and  adopted  by  Darwdn,  who  used 
it  interchangeably  with  "natural  selection." 

2  During  the  previous  year  Alfred  Russel  Wallace  sent  a  paper  from  the  Malay 
Islands  anticipating  the  results  to  which  Darwin  had  been  working  for  so  many 
years.     Happily,  both  men  thought  more  of  the  advancement  of  human  knowledge 
than  self-glorification,  so  Darwin  published  a  preliminary  paper,  together  with 
Wallace's,  and  the  latter  got  credit  to  the  full  extent  of  his  contribution.     Darwin, 
however,  had  started  first,  and  had  based  his  findings  on  an  incomparably  wider  and 
more  thorough  research. 


VICTORIAN  AND  POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  739 

opposed  by  the  more  conservative  scientists,  and  by  those  who  fancied 
that  their  theological  beliefs  were  endangered  by  the  conflict  between 
the  theory  of  evolution  and  the  Biblical  story  of  the  Creation  as  popu- 
larly understood.  Gradually,  however,  the  substance  of  the  Darwin- 
ian doctrine  has  won  its  way  to  general  acceptance,  though  certain 
features  of  it,  such  as  the  inheritance  of  acquired  characteristics,  have 
been  modified  by  later  investigators.  The  final  victory  was  due,  in  a 
considerable  degree,  to  the  championship  of  Thomas  Huxley,  who 
combined,  to  an  unusual  extent,  the  faculty  for  original  research  with 
the  gift  of  popular  exposition. 

Progress  in  Other  Sciences.  —  Not  only  did  the  period  witness 
signal  progress  in  most  of  the  older  sciences  —  sgologv.  for  example, 
threw  much  new  light  on  the  antiquity  of  the  earth  and  of  plant  and 
animal  life  —  but  many  newer  ones,  such  as  paleontology  and  anthro- 
pology, were  marked  off  as  distinct  fields  of  investigation.  Notable 
gains  were  made  in  medicine  and  surgery,  chiefly  through  the  discovery 
of  anesthesia,  the  germ  theory  of  disease,  and  antiseptic  surgery.  Ether 
was  an  American  discovery,  but  shortly  afterwards,  in  1847,  a  Scot, 
(later  Sir)  James  Y.  Simpson,  brought  chloroform  into  use.  John 
Tyndall,  a  natural  philosopher  who  devoted  much  attention  to  physics. 
and  who  exercised  an  even  wider  influence  than  Huxley  in  the  popular- 
ization of  science,  was  a  pioneer  in  the  germ  theory  of  infection  and 
in  recognizing  the  value  of  sterilization.  Dr.  Joseph  Lister  (later 
Lord  Lister)  did  wonders  in  reducing  the  fatality  of  surgical  operations 
by  the  introduction  of  antiseptic  bandaging.  Physics  and  chemistry 
made  amazing  strides,  both  in  pure  science  and  in  practical  applica- 
tions. Among  the  latter,  the  invention  of  photography  has  an  impor- 
tant place ;  for  it  has  become  an  indispensable  ally  to  investigators  in 
the  most  diverse  fields  from  astronomy  to  history.  The  Frenchman 
Daguerre  first  perfected,  in  1839,  the  process  of  obtaining  pictures 
through  the  chemical  action  of  sunlight  on  a  metallic  plate ;  but  the 
daguerreotype  was  soon  superseded  by  the  modern  photography,  in 
which  William  Talbot  led  the  way.  His  process  of  taking  impressions 
on  sensitized  paper  has  in  turn  been  improved  upon  by  the  use  of  the 
dry  plate. 

Electricity.  —  The  discovery  by  an  Italian,  Alessandro  Volta,  of  the 
voltaic  pile,  in  1800,  followed  by  his  cell,  first  provided  the  battery  for 
producing  continuous  supplies  of  electricity,  and  the  applications 
which  followed  have  had  an  incalculable  effect  on  modern  civilization. 
Michael  Faraday  (1791-1867), who  has  been  described  as  the  "prince 
of  investigators,"  did  so  much  for  pure  and  applied  science  that  only 
a  special  treatise  could  do  him  justice.  Most  significant  in  connection 


740     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

with  the  present  subject  was  his  work  on  magnetic  induction,  which 
prepared  the  way  for  the  dynamo  —  the  machine  now  employed  for 
generating  electricity  in  large  quantities.  His  discovery  of  benzene, 
in  1 82 5, has  led  to  important  commercial  results,  especially  in  the  prep- 
aration of  aniline  dyes.  William  Thomson  (1824-1907),  later  Lord 
Kelvin,  was  a  remarkable  combination  of  pure  scientist  and  inventor, 
whose  investigations  extended  over  the  field  of  mathematics,  heat, 
electricity  and  magnetism. 

Electrical  Inventions  and  Appliances. — As  practical  realities,  all  the 
epoch-making  electrical  inventions  and  appliances  date  from  the  Vic- 
torian Era.  The  first  attempt  to  construct  an  electric  telegraph  was 
made  by  one  Lesapre  in  1-77/1 ;  hnr  it  was  more  than  half  a  centuryj^e- 
fore  a  series  oi  lines  was  actually  in  operation,  and  not  till  1844.  that 
the  first  public  system  in  England  was  installed  —  soon  superseded 
by  the  system  of  the  American,  Morse,  first  employed  on  a  line  of  wires 
running  from  Washington  to  Baltimore.  Meantime,  experiments  in 
submarine  telegraphy  had  been  made,  and  a  line  between  Dover  and 
Calais  was  established  in  1851.  The  first  attempt  to  lay  an  Atlantic 
cable  was  made  six  years  later ;  after  two  successive  failures,  in  185  8 
and  186^.  the  momentous  task  was  finally  achievedjn  1866,  for  which 
infinite  credit  is  due  to  Cyrus  Field  in  securing  financeSj  ^nd  to  the  _ 
scientific  genius  of  Lord  Kelvin.1  As  the  result  of  a  long  series  of  ex- 
periments, arc-lights  were  first  made  to  work  successfully  in  1849, though 
Sir  Humphry  Davy  had  discovered  the  voltaic  arc  years  before.  The 
incandescent  lamp,  which  traces  its  beginnings  to  a  process  devised 
about  1841  by  an  Englishman,  De  Moleyns,  only  came  to  be  generally 
employed  toward  the  end  of  the  last  century.  With  the  perfecting 
of  the  dynamo,  within  the  recent  generation,  electricity  has  taken 
possession  of  the  field  as  a  motive  force,  and  as  a  means  of  com- 
munication and  illumination,  while  it  bids  fair  to  supersede  steam 
for  purposes  of  transportation  on  railways. 

Steam  Railways  and  Navigation.  —  The  development  of  railways, 
in  Great  Britain  since  the  opening  of  the  Manchester  and  Liverpool 
railway^  in  1830,  has  been  enormous,  the  tremendous  significance  of 
which  can  only  be  realized  in  view  of  the  numbers  of  men  employed 
for  the  manufacture  of  all  the  vast  equipment  which  goes  to  make  up 
a  railroad,  in  the  structure  of  the  car  shops,  in  the  mines  for  supplying 
the  materials  for  fuel ;  in  view  of  the  increased  facilities  for  emigration 

1  The  telephone  was  due  chiefly  to  American  enterprise,  while  the  perfection  of 
wireless  telegraphy  has  been  the  signal  achievement  of  the  Italian  Marconi,  who 
began  his  experiments  in  1895,  and,  in  1899,  first  succeeded  in  sending  messages 
across  the  Channel  from  Boulogne  to  Dover. 


VICTORIAN  AND   POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  741 

and  for  carrying  laborers  to  and  fro  ;  and  in  view  of  the  creation  of 
new  markets  and  the  possibilities  of  transporting  food  supplies.  The 
development  of  steam  navigation  is  equally  striking.  In  1819  the 
first  steamship  crossed  the  Atlantic  from  Savannah  to  Liverpool,  and, 
going  partly  under  sail,  occupied  thirty-two  days.  It  was  not  till  1838 
that  the  whole  distance  was  covered  under  steam,  when  the  time  was 
cut  to  fifteen.  Now  the  fastest  steamers  have  made  a  record  of  less 
than  five,  exclusive  of  the  delays  in  entering  and  leaving  port.  Origi- 
nally the  ships  were  side-wheelers  built  of  wood;  the  first  iron  steam- 
ship was  built  in  1821  and  the  first  iron  screw  propeller  in  1838;  but 
screw  propellers  and  iron  construction  were  not  generally  adopted  till 
the  early  sixties.  Iron  gave  place  to  steel  about  twenty  years  later. 
The  invention  of  the  compound  and  then  of  the  triple-expansion  engine 
made  it  possible  to  build  both  larger  and  swifter  vessels,  which,  added 
to  the  employment  of  artificial  refrigeration  and  cold  storage,  has  in- 
creased greatly  the  comfort  of  travel.  Nowadays  sailing  ships  are 
little  used  except  for  slow  coasting  trade,  and  the  effect  of  steam 
navigation  in  supplying  food  and  raw  materials,  opening  new  markets, 
stimulating  emigration  and  industry,  as  well  as  in  consolidating  the 
British  Empire,  has  been  almost  incalculable.1 

Agricultural  Progress.  —  The  period  of  agricultural  distress  follow- 
ing the  Napoleonic  War  continued  for  some  vears^  When  prices  dropped,. 
the  cultivnliir1  nf  pnr>r  1anrl  rpa^pd  tn  hp  profitably 


lords  who  had  mortgaged  their  estates  to  extend  their  farming  opera- 
tions went  under,  together  with  tenants  working  on  borrowed  capi- 
tal. Naturally,  a  further  result  was  misery  and  discontent  on  the 
part  of  the  agricultural  laborers.  However,  shortly  before  Victoria's, 
accession,  conditions  began  to  improve,  and,  with  brief  intervals  of 
depression,  the  improvement  continued  until  about  1876.  This  re- 
newed prosperity  was  due  to  a  rombirm  firm  of  many  ra.nsqs.  For  one^ 
thing,  the  revival  and  growth  of  manufactures,  following  the  tempo-. 
rary  slump  during  the  first  years  of  the  peace,  created  a  new  demand 
for  food  supplies  and  enhanced  their  price  ;  then  the  Poor  T.aw  nf  ift^/i 
lifted  a  great  burden  from  the  rural  taxpayer,  while  railways  and_ 
steam  navigation  made  possible  the  transportation  of  perisriahle. 
products  and  made  new  markets  accessible.  At  the  same  time,  the 

i  """"""  ""^*  3 

1  During  the  first  half  of  the  century,  British  naval  constructors  lagged  behind  the 
merchant  marine  in  the  introduction  of  improvements.  Since  then  they  have 
forged  steadily  to  the  front  in  iron  and  steel  construction  for  hulls,  in  the  intro- 
.duction  of  armor-plate,  in  the  introduction  of  breech-loading  guns  worked  by 
machinery,  and  in  the  employment  of  torpedoes,  torpedo  boats,  and  submarines, 
so  that,  on  the  eve  of  the  World  War,  the  British  fleet  was  not  only  nearly  double 
that  of  any  other  afloat  but  was  well  abreast  of  the  times  in  modern  equipment. 


742      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

establishment  of  joint  stock  banks  provided  capital  for  improvements 
in  which  science  came  to  the  aid  of  practice.  Chemical  and  geological 
knowledge  was  applied  in  the  treatment  of  the  soil,  and  artificially 
prepared  fertilizers  were  adopted  with  excellent  results.  Improved 
methods  of  draining  proved  a  special  boon  to  farmers  in  the  clay  soil 
districts,  where  lands  had  been  under  water  during  the  rainy  season 
and  hard-baked  during  times  of  drought.  Intensive  farming,  which 
aimed  to  get  the  greatest  amount  out  of  land  already  under  cultivation, 
began  to  take  the  place  of  extensive  tillage,  which  consisted  in  merely 
extending  the  area  to  be  worked.  The  ambition  of  wealthy  manu- 
facturers and  merchants  to  become  landed  proprietors  had  the  two-fold 
effect  of  bringing  much  capital  into  agriculture  and  of  raising  the  price 
of  land.  Finally,  in  this  period,  great  improvements  were  made  in 
agricultural  machinery,  when  new  types  of  plows,  harrows,  cultivators 
as  well  as  mowing  machines  and  steam  threshing  machines  came  to  be 
employed. 

Decline  in  Agriculture.  — ^The  repeal  nf  the  Torn  TAWS,  in  TS/J^ 
ushered  in  a  brief  interval  of  depression,  due  partly  to  an  influx  of  cheap 
food,  partly  to  the  breaking  of  the  monopoly,  and,  more  especially,  to 
tFe  fear  of  the  British  farmer  that  he  could  not  compete  with  the  over- 
sea producers.  Conditions,  however,  soon  righted  themselves.  The 
laborer  was  helped  by  the  migration,  following  upon  the  potato  famine, 
of  large  numbers  of  Irishmen  who  had  hitherto  come  to  England  dur- 
ing the  harvest  season  and  had  brought  down  wages  by  their  competi- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  the  influx  of  money  from  the  discovery  of 
gold  in  California  (1848)  and  in  Australia  (1850-1851)  raised  prices  and 
thus  aided  the  landlord  and  tenant  farmer.  The  third  quarter  of  the 
century  was,  on  the  whole,  perhaps  the  most  prosperous  period  in  the 
annals  of  British  agriculture.  About  1876  came  a  new  decline  from 
which  the  farmer  has  never  recovered.  A  chief  cause  was  the  increas- 
ing competition  from  overseas,  due  to  the  development  of  the  steam- 
ship and  the  invention  of  refrigerating  processes,  which  has  made  it 
possible  to  convey  meat  in  cold  storage  from  the  extreme  ends  of  the 
world.  For  a  time  these  foodstuffs  were  absorbed  by  the  growing 
population  ;  but  a  bad  harvest  in  1875,  followed  by  a  worse  one  in  the 
"  Black  Year,"  1879,  led  to  extrg,  heavy  imports  of  corn  and  wheat 
from  abroad,  to  the  withdrawal  of  much  land  from  tillage,  and  to  a 
consequent  rural  exodus.  Of  late,  efforts  have  been  made  to  bring  the 
laborer  back  to  the  soil.  In  1875  a  bill  was  passed  to  arrange  for 
compensation  to  agricultural  tenants  for  unexhausted  improvements. 
Then,  from  1882  to  1890,  a  series  of  allotment  Acts  were  passed  to  enable 
the  local  authorities  to  acquire  lands  to  rent  in  small  parcels.  This 


VICTORIAN  AND  POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  743 

was  followed,  in  1892,  by  the  Small  Holdings  Act,  empowering  County 
Councils  to  obtain  lands  and  advance  sums  of  money  to  those  who  de- 
sired to  purchase  holdings  of  fifty  acres  or  under.  But  none  of  these 
measures  proved  effective ;  for  in  fifteen  years  not  more  than  850  acres 
were  sold.  A  new  Small  Holdings  and  Allotments  Act  of  1907,  au- 
thorizing the  County  Councils  to  take  lands  at  the  current  price  with 
or  without  the  consent  of  the  large  owners,  has  proved  more  successful, 
and  within  three  years  nearly  100,000  acres  were  allotted  to  small  cul- 
tivators. At  present,  plans  are  under  discussion  to  improve  the  hous- 
ing conditions  of  the  agricultural  laborer,  to  raise  his  wages,  to  secure 
deserving  tenants  against  eviction,  and  to  increase  still  further  the 
number  of  peasant  proprietors.  In  view,  however,  of  the  experience 
of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  increasing  competition  from  abroad, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  the  small  farmer  could  maintain  himself. 

Decorative  Art.  —  Fertile  a.s  was  the  Victorian  age  in  science  and 
^invention,  it  was,  in  the  early  period  at  least,  barren  of  anything  except 
~bad  taste  in  .decorative  a.rt^  Mansard  roof  houses,  furnished  with 
glaring  carpets,  ghastly  marble  statuary,  and  ornately  carved  black 
walnut  are  unlovely  monuments  of  this  period  of  philistine  ugliness... 
Those  who  strove  for  better  things  were  for  years  as  voices  crying  in 
the  wilderness.  About  the  middle  of  the  century  Ruskin  began  to 
preach  the  gospel  of  a  revival  of  Gothic  art  and  ornament.  The  Pre- 
Raphaelite  Brotherhood,  not  long  after  its  foundation,  extended  its 
scope  to  include  architecture,  costume  and  household  decoration  as 
well  as  painting  and  literature.  Toward  the  end  of  its  short  life  it  be- 
came an  "  aesthetic  affectation,"  making  for  itself  a  sort  "  of  religion 
out  of  wall  paper,  old  teapots  and  fans  "  ;  but  it  began  as  a  healthy 
plea  for  simplicity  and  beauty  against  conventional  unsightliness  and 
set  standards,  which  survived  its  own  organization.  Much  was  due 
to  William  Morris  (1834-1896),  one  of  the  Brotherhood,  and  perhaps 
the  most  versatile  man  with  brain  and  hand  of  any  of  the  century.  He 
painted  pictures,  he  produced  large  quantities  of  excellent  prose  and 
verse,  he  went  in  for  printing  and  bookbinding,  and,  in  1860,  he  started 
a  firm  for  supplying  stained  glass,  tapestries,  carpets,  and  household 
furniture.  Everything  was  designed  by  men  of  artistic  instinct  and 
training,  and,  so  far  as  possible,  fashioned  by  hand.  This  wholesome 
revival  of  the  traditions  of  the  medieval  arts  and  crafts  has  had  an  im- 
mense influence.  Artistic  taste  has  continued  to  improve,  although 
an  inevitable  obstacle  to  its  general  diffusion  has  been  the  necessity 
for  cheap  machine-made  goods. 

Painting    and    Music.  —  The    Pre-Raphaelite    Brotherhood    was 
founded  by  John  Everett  Millais  and  Holman  Hunt,  though  D.  G. 


744     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Rossetti  became  the  great  spiritual  influence,  and  Edward  Burne- 
Jones  was  a  famous  member.  During  the  five  years  of  its  organized 
activity  it  formed  the  nearest  to  a  school  of  painting  that  England  has 
ever  had.  Outside  the  Brotherhood  there  are  many  names  that  might 
be  mentioned ;  for  example,  George  Frederick  Watts,  who,  during  the 
course  of  his  long  life,  painted  superb  portraits  of  most  of  the  celebrated 
Englishmen  of  his  time.  While  it  is  too  early  to  estimate,  the  general 
opinion  is  that  the  greatest  artists  since  Constable  and  Turner  have 
been  D.  G.  Rossetti,  Millais  and  James  McNeill  Whistler,  an  American 
who  spent  his  later  life  in  London.  Owing  to  the  influence  of  Handel, 
the  oratorio  has  been  the  form  of  musical  composition  which  has  since 
appealed  most  to  the  mass  of  Englishmen.  And  if  we  except  Michael 
Balfe  (1808-1870)  whose  Bohemian  Girl  has  enjoyed  a  long  and  general 
popularity,  the  uniquely  excellent  comic  operas  of  Gilbert  and  Sullivan, 
and  the  fine  compositions  of  Sir  Edward  Elgar  (born  1857),  the  British 
have  contributed  practically  nothing  in  the  way  of  operatic  or  orches- 
tral productions. 

Industrial  and  Social  Progress.  —  Two  striking  facts  in  the  material 
progress  of  Britain  during  the  period  since  the  first  Reform  Bill  arp 
the^increase  of  popnlaiirp  and  the  increase  of  wealth.     The  number 
of  inhabitants  of  the  United  Kingdom  has  increased  from  24,392,485 
to  45,365,599,  while  the  total  wealth  of  the  country,  estimated  on  the 
basis  of  income,  has  swelled,  during  the  interval,  from  about  £225,- 
000,000   to   £2,140,000,000.     Jn   other  wordft,   wealth  has   increased^ 
about  four  times  as  fast  as  the  population.     Unhappily,  however,  this 
increase  has  been  most  unevenly  distributed.     From  the  beginning  nJL 
the  century  to  1842  there  was  a.  startling  gmwtVi  nf  poverty  grid  crime, 
then   came_  q.  striking  rhangp   fnr   tVip   hpffpr^    Curiously   enough^ 
machinery  was  to  a  large  degree  responsible T  both  for  the  wretchedness^ 
and  for  the  prosperity  which  followed  it^    Other  factors  were  the  repeal 
of  the  Corn  Laws,  which  steadied  and  cheapened  the  prire  of  food  •  th£ 
legislation  regulating  conditions  of  emplnyrr|fntj  pspp.ria.11yjn  the  case 
of  women  and  children;   and  the  improvement  of  sanitary  conditions 
in   the  populous   towns.     Although  conditions  are  still   deplorable 
enough,  the  English  labourer,  what  with  better  housing,  better  HghtingT 
better  industrial  regulations,  and  better  wages,  is  far  better  off  thari^ 
his  fathers  before  him.     Friendly  societies,  trade-unions,  cooperative 
stores  and  banks,  and^building  societies  are  at  oncejnfKrf\^r>nR  of  and" 
further  aids  to  thrift"  and  progress.  (At  the  same  time,  the  growing"" 
consumption  of  meat,  tea,  sugar  and  tobacco  indicates  a  rising  stand- 
ard of  comfort.*}  This,  together  with  a  steady  upward  movement  of 
prices,  especially  during  the  last  decade,  has  resulted  in  the  acute 


VICTORIAN  AND  POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  745 

problem  that  the  incomes  of  large  numbers  of  the  working  classes  have 
ceased  to  be  sufficient  to  meet  their  expenditures.  Hence  a  serious 
agitation  has  developed  to  secure  a  minimum  wage.  However,  the 
chief  exploitation  and  suffering  exists  among  the  unskilled,  for  the 
skilled  labor,  by  virtue  of  increasingly  fine  organization,  has  made 
comparatively  good  terms  for  itself ;  but  of  late,  particularly  since 
the  War,  there  has  been  a  growing  demand  for  a  basic  reconstruction 
of  the  whole  relation  of  labor  to  capital. 

Evidences  of  Progress.  —  In  spite  of  the  present  crisis,  and  in  spite 
of  panics  and  unrest,  strikes  and  chronic  unemployment,  a  survey  of 
the  period,  as  a  whole,  shows  encouraging  evidences  of  progress. 
Old  privileges  of  the  favored  and  disabilities  of  the  unfavored  classes 
have  been  removed  one  by  one:  abolition  of  sinecures,  cessation  of 
compulsory  Church  rates,  disestablishment  of  the  Irish  Church,  and 
destruction  of  the  monopoly  of  the  East  India  Company  are  among  the 
examples  of  the  former,  while  concessions  to  the  Roman  Catholics, 
Nonconformists  and  aliens  are  instances  of  the  latter.  Although 
there  are  still  acute  differences  between  labor  and  capital,  the  break- 
ing down  of  the  aristocratic  barriers  has  tended  to  bring  the  classes 
closer  together ;  philanthropy  has  become  more  general,  and  educational 
and  social  settlements  have  been  established  in  the  crowded  quarters 
of  large  cities.  The  temperance  revival  of  Father  Mathew  (1790- 
1856),  while  mainly  concentrated  in  Ireland,  was  not  without  effect  in 
England,  while  cheaper  tea  has  contributed,  at  least  in  some  degree, 
to  check  the  excessive  use  of  alcohol.  The  establishment  of  a  system 
of  public  education,  the  introduction  of  cheap  light  in  the  form  of 
petroleum,  gas,  and  electricity,  and  the  spread  of  the  newspaper  — 
not  an  unmixed  blessing  —  have  done  much  to  develop  a  more  intelli- 
gent and  happy  body  of  citizens. 

Improvement  of  Prison  Conditions.  —  The  increase  of  humanitari- 
anism  may  be  seen  in  all  directions,  in  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade 
and  slavery,  the  prohibition  of  flogging  in  fhe  a,rmv  and  navy,  the 
discontinuance  of  the  press  gangrr  the  suppression  of  transportation^ 
the  protection  of  dumb  animals,  and  the  improved  treatment  of  debt- 
ors and  convicts.  At  the  beginning  of  the  century,  in  spite  of  the 
efforts  of  Howard,  prison  conditions  were  still  frightful.  Yet  he  had 
not  labored  in  vain,  for  his  work  was  taken  up  by  Elizabeth  Fry  and 
by  other  worthy  persons.  As  a  result  of  the  organized  work  of  the  So- 
ciety for  the  Improvement  of  Prison  Discipline  which  they  founded, 
the  Gaol  Acts  of  1823-1824  were  passed,  providing  for  improved  sani- 
tation and  cleanliness,  and  individual  cots  or  hammocks  for  prisoners. 
Also,  regular  labor,  prison  chaplains  and  schoolmasters  as  well  as 


746     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

matrons  for  the  women  were  recommended.  Following  a  parliamen- 
tary report  of  1835  the  principle  was  established  of  separate  cells  in  place 
of  the  old  practice  of  herding  debtors,  hardened  criminals  and  even 
lunatics  promiscuously  together.  More  recently,  the  custom  has  been 
adopted  of  short  terms  of  solitary  confinement,  followed  by  penal 
servitude  or  associated  labor  on  public  works  ;  followed  again  by  re- 
lease on  ticket  of  leave  or  probation.  Notwithstanding  the  increase 
of  population,  the  convictions  for  crime  have  been  decreased  from 
19,927  in  1840  to  11,987  in  1910. 

Condition  of  Women.  —  Although  much  remains  to  be  done,  the 
lot  of  women  has  greatly  improved  since  the  beginning  of  the  century. 
Within  the  memory  of  those  yet  living,  the  education  of  girls  was  largely 
in  the  hands  of  governesses  and  private  schools,  with  the  emphasis 
on  deportment,  music,  and  other  accomplishment"  Memory  was 
trained  at  the  expense  of  the  reasoning  faculties,  and  teaching  was  given 
out  of  "  elegant  abridgements."  Since  the  middle  of  the  century, 
however,  their  instruction  has  approximated  to  that  of  boys,  g,nd  highgr 
education  has  been  opened  to  them.  In  1867 


to  examinations  at  the  University  of  London,  in  1881  a.t  Cambridge^ 
and  in  1884  at  Oxford,  while  colleges  for  women  have  been  founded 
at^both  the  ancient  Universities.  Tn  1877.  the  Ladies'  Gallery  was 
opened  in  the  new  House  of  Commons.  Six  years  before,  the  first 
petition  for  votes  for  women  was  introduced,  and,  in  1867,  John 
Stuart  Mill  made  a  strong  plea  for  giving  them  the  privilege.  Soon 
after,  the  National  Union  of  Women's  Suffrage  Societies  was  founded, 
and  during  the  next  forty-five  years,  some  seven  bills  were  introduced 
—  which  got  as  far  as  the  second  reading  —  for  extending  the  vote, 
usually  to  widows  and  spinsters.  About  1905  a  militant  agitation 
developed,  led  chiefly  by  Mrs.  Pankhurst  and  her  daughters.  Their 
excesses  had  the  effect  of  alienating  many  who  might  have  been  won 
over  by  more  rational  methods,  but  the  splendid  patriotism  of  women 
in  the  War  has  resulted  in  securing  them  a  somewhat  restricted  suffrage. 
Recent  Labor  Legislation.  —  Since  the  Reform  Bill  of  1867  there 
has  been  a  marked  increase  in  labor  legislation.  This  includes  an 
Act  of  1878  simplifying,  systematizing  and  extending  all  the  factory 
legislation  of  the  century,  and  an  Act  of  1901  which  replaced  it,  and 
which  is  still  in  force.1  More  striking,  perhaps,  are  the  recent  measures 
providing  for  social  insurance.  Bismarck  initiated  this  policy  in  Ger- 
many, between  1881  and  1891,  as  a  supplement  to  coercion  in  checking 
social  unrest,  and,  in  one  form  or  another,  it  has  since  been  adopted  by 

1  It  includes  also  a  series  of  Acts  relating  to  mines  and  collieries,  passed  at  inter- 
vals between  1872  and  1906. 


VICTORIAN  AND   POST- VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  747 

the  leading  Continental  countries.  In  England  the  Liberal  party, 
which  came  to  power  in  December,  1905,  has  taken  notable  steps  in 
the  same  direction.  These  have  been  embodied  mainly  in  three  great 
measures  —  The  Workingmen's  Compensation  Act,  1906;  the  Old 
Age  Pension  Act,  1909 ;  and  the  National  Insurance  Act,  1911.  For- 
merly employees  or  workmen  could,  in  case  of  accident,  only  recover 
damages  by  lawsuit  —  a  long  and  costly  process  —  and  they  had  to 
prove  too  that  the  employer  was  directly  responsible.  Beginning  in 
1880  a  series  of  Acts  were  passed  shifting  the  burden  of  proof  on  the 
employer.  The  first  of  the  series  applied  only  to  specified  dangerous 
trades ;  but  the  Act  of  1906  renders  the  employer  liable  for  compensa- 
tion —  except  in  cases  of  "  serious  and  wilful  misconduct  "  —  to  all 
manual  laborers,  and  practically  all  other  employees,  including  domes- 
tic servants,  who  receive  a  salary  of  less  than  £250  a  year. 

Old  Age  Pensions  and  Insurance  against  Sickness  and  Unemploy- 
ment. — The  Old  Age  Pension  T^w  of  loop — an  outcome  of  nearly 
thirty  years  of  struggle— provides  that  every  person,  male  or  femaleT 
over  seventy  years  of  age,  who  has  been  a  subject  for  twenty  years  and^ 
a  resident  of  Great  Britain  for  twelve,  shall  receive  a  pension,  provided 
his  or  her  income  is  less  than  £-u  105.;  even  paupers  are  included^ 
though,  as  soon  as  the  pension  begins,  poor  relief  ceases*  Strictly  speak- 
ing it  is  not  an  insurance  scheme,  since  the  recipients  contribute 
nothing.  The  Act  of  191 1  has  a  twofold  aim :  "  to  provide  for  Insurance 
against  loss  of  Health  and  for  the  Prevention  a.nH  Cure  of  Sickness,  and 
for  Insurance  against  Unemployment."  By  the  terms  of  the  first  part, 
all  wage  earners  between  sixteen  and  sixty-five  who  have  less  than  £26 
annual  income  from  property  are  obliged  to  insure  against  sickness. 
Under  the  supervision  of  Government  insurance  commissioners,  the 
scheme  is  administered  through  "  approved  societies,"  either  existing 
Friendly  Societies  1  or  new  bodies  specially  created.  The  funds  are 
subscribed  partly  by  the  workers,  partly  by  the  employers  and  partly 
by  the  State  —  though,  if  the  wage  of  the  former  is  below  a  certain 
minimum,  his  quota  falls  on  the  employer  —  and  the  benefits  include 
weekly  payments  during  sickness,  free  medical  attendance,  and  free 
treatment  at  hospitals  to  be  supplied  by  the  State.  The  second  part 
of  the  Act  is  in  the  nature  of  an  experiment  for  meeting  the  problem 
of  chronic  unemployment.2  So  far,  it  applies  only  to  two  trades  — 

1  These  are  voluntary  benefit  or  "mutual  assurance"  societies,  some  of  which 
date  back  at  least  to  the  eighteenth  century,  and  may  possibly  even  trace  their 
descent  to  the  medieval  gilds. 

2  Something  had  already  been  accomplished  by  the  Labor  Exchange  Act  of  1909, 
according  to  which  England  was  divided  into  eleven  districts,  each  including  a 


748      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  building  and  the  engineering  —  which  include  nearly  2,500,000 
out  of  a  total  of  15,000,000  workmen.  As  in  the  case  of  the  sickness 
insurance,  the  employees,  the  employers,  and  the  State  all  contribute ; 
the  benefit  is  limited  to  a  maximum  of  fifteen  weeks,  and  is  withheld 
in  case  the  unemployment  is  due  to  misconduct,  to  strikes  or  lockouts. 
These  socialistic  features  of  the  Liberal  program  were  due  mainly 
to  Mr.  Lloyd  George  —  who  became  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
in  1908  —  and  are  being  watched  with  great  interest. 

The  Cooperative  Movement.  Trade-Unionism.  —  The  coopera- 
tive movement  in  England,  of  which  Robert  Owen  was  the  practical 
founder,  started  as  an  effort  to  check  the  evils  of  c^mpf1'1'*1'""  His 
ideas,  first  of  a  benevolent  cooperation  between  employers  and  work- 
men and  then  of  State  organized  communities  in  which  the  employer 
had  no  place,  came  to  nothing ;  but  an  indirect  result,  not  contemplated 
by  him,  was  the  organization  of  cooperative  shops.  The  first  to  achieve 
practical  success  was  started  at  Rochdale  in  1844.  Since  then  many 
other  ventures  have  been  undertaken.  While  attempts  at  coopera- 
tive production  have  been,  generally  speaking,  failures,  cooperative 
shops  for  distribution  have  had  a  considerable  if  not  sensational 
success,  and,  in  course  of  time,  their  members  formed  a  national  or- 
ganization and  began  to  hold  annual  congresses  and  to  go  into  the 
wholesale  business.  The  trade-unions  of  various  trades  began  to 
hold  annual  congresses  in  1870  —  before  Acts  of  I87I,1  1875  and  1876 
gave  them  legal  status.  In  1899  a  General  Federation  of  Trade- 
Unions,  affiliated  with  kindred  organizations  on  the  Continent,  was 
created  "  to  supplement  the  activities  of  the  Trade-Union  Congress." 
Although,  in  1901,  in  the  famous  Taff  Vale  Case,  the  House  of  Lords 
struck  a  blow  at  trade-unionism,  by  a  decision  "  that  the  members  of 
the  trade-union  are  liable  singly  and  collectively  for  acts  committed 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Union,"  this  decision  was  offset  to  a  large 
degree  by  the  Trades  Dispute  Act  of  1906  —  to  which  the  Peers  gave  a 

number  of  labor  exchanges,  which  serve  to  bring  employers  and  laborers  together, 
and,  if  necessary,  advance  money  to  pay  the  latter's  traveling  expenses  to  the 
place  where  work  is  offered  him. 

1  In  1867,  as  a  consequence  of  outrages  committed  against  workmen  in  Sheffield, 
and  to  a  less  degree  in  Manchester,  a  Royal  Commission  was  appointed  to  inves- 
tigate the  whole  subject  of  the  Trade-Unions,  held  to  be  responsible.  It  was 
shown  that  they  labored  under  serious  disabilities.  Some  of  the  judges,  at  least, 
were  of  the  opinion  that  any  combination  to  raise  wages  was  a  "  conspiracy  and  a 
misdemeanor"  at  common  law.  Hence  the  discontent  of  the  Unions;  but  it  was 
found  that,  while  one  murder  and  many  cases  of  intimidation  could  be  traced  to 
their  members,  only  twelve  unions  out  of  sixty  in  Sheffield,  and  only  one  in  Manches- 
ter were  involved.  So,  by  the  Trade-Union  Act  of  1871,  their  legality  was  formally 
recognized. 


VICTORIAN  AND   POST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  749 

reluctant  assent  —  protecting  the  funds  of  trade-unions.  By  the  Os- 
borne  Judgment  of  1909  the  Lords  decided  that  it  was  illegal  to  employ 
moneys  raised  by  compulsory  contributions  to  pay  the  salaries  of  the 
members  representing  them  in  Parliament.  This,  again,  has  been 
offset  by  a  measure  of  1911  providing  for  the  payment  of  all  members 
of  the  House  of  Commons  at  £400  a  year. 

Laborite  Political  Parties.  —  Meantime,  labor  had  sought  to 
reinforce  the  work  of  the  trade-unions  by  organizing  into  political" 
parties.  ^Two  labor  candidates  stood  for  Parliament  in  1868,  and, 
six  years  later,  when  the  number  had  risen  to  thirteen,  two  were  elected. 
In  1893  the  Independent  Labor  Party  was  organized  for  the  purpose, 
not  only  of  demanding  State  intervention  in  the  interests  of  labor  — • 
for  procuring  an  eight-hour  day  for  example  —  but  with  the  avowed 
socialistic  aim  of  establishing  "  collective  ownership  and  control  of 
the  means  of  production,  distribution  and  exchange."  Since  these 
views  proved  too  radical  for  the  rank  and  file  of  the  British  workmen 
the  Trade-Union  Congress,  in  1899,  took  steps  which  resulted  in  the 
organization  of  a  group  in  the  Commons  prepared  "  to  cooperate  with 
any  party  which  for  the  time  being  may  be  engaged  in  promoting 
legislation  in  the  direct  interest  of  labor."  In  1906  this  organization 
took  the  name  of  the  Labor  Party,  and  succeeded  in  electing  twenty- 
nine  out  of  fifty-one  candidates,  whereas  the  Independent  Laborites 
elected  seven.  Although  the  number  of  labor  representatives  has 
since  declined  somewhat,  the  Liberal  party  depends  upon  them,  to- 
gether with  the  Irish  Nationalists,  for  a  majority. 

Socialism.  —  English  socialism  was  for  a  long  time  identified  with 
Robert  Owen,  who  enunciated  his  views  nearly  twenty  years  before 
the  word  was  coined  in  1835.  His  work,  however,  had  no  direct  result, 
and  the  system  owes  its  development  to  Continental  thinkers.  About 
the  middle  of  the  century,  however,  a  school  of  Christian  Socialists 
was  founded  in  England  by  Charles  Kingsley,  Thomas  Hughes  and 
others  as  a  protest  against  the  prevailing  laissez-faire.  While  Christian 
Socialism,  as  a  formal  movement,  had  a  short  life,  it  planted  seeds 
which  have  never  died.  In  1864  an  International  Workingmen's 
Association  was  formed  in  London  by  the  combined  efforts  of  British 
trades  unionists  and  Continental  refugees.  But,  as  a  whole,  how- 
ever, the  British  workmen  have  never  been  socialists,  though  the 
depressions  from  1875  to  1880  had  the  effect  of  accentuating  socialistic 
tendencies,  of  developing  a  new  unionism  more  aggressive  and  less 
individualistic  than  the  old.  The  Democratic  Federation,  dating 
from  1881,  and  its  reconstitution  two  years  later,  under  the  name 
Social  Democratic  Federation,  marks  the  modern  stage.  Yet 


750     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

neither  the  Federation,  nor  the  Social  Democratic  party  which  it 
formed,  has  been  very  successful,  and  both  have,  to  a  large  degree, 
been  forced  to  act  with  the  non-socialistic  laborites.  Recently,  how- 
ever, syndicalism  —  a  revolutionary  trade-unionism  originating  in 
France  about  1906,  and  aiming  to  control  production  and  distribu- 
tion —  has  been  a  force  in  general  strikes.  The  Fabian  Society, 
founded  in  1883,  consists  of  educated  men,  including  many  liberals, 
who  hold  moderate  theoretical  socialistic  views,  and  directs  its  appeal 
mainly  to  the  upper  and  middle  classes.  While  out-and-out  socialism 
has  made  little  headway,  socialistic  principles  have  gained  increas- 
ingly even  in  the  Conservative  and  Liberal  parties,  and  have  shown 
their  strength  in  the  legislation  outlined  above,  undertaken  by  the 
latter  party  since  1906. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

General  Conditions.  Traill,  Social  England,  VI,  to  1885.  J.  Ashton, 
When  William  IV  was  King  (1896).  Brodrick  and  Fotheringham,  ch.  XX. 
Low  and  Sanders,  ch.  XX.  Walpole,  History  of  England,  III,  ch.  XII; 
IV,  ch.  XVII ;  VI,  conclusion.  History  of  Twenty-five  Years,  I,  ch.  I. 

Constitutional  and  Legal.  May,  Constitutional  History.  Maitland, 
Constitutional  History,  period  IV,  an  excellent  brief  survey.  D.  J.  Medley, 
Manual  of  English  Constitutional  History,  a  valuable  work  of  reference,  not 
chronological.  E.  Jenks,  Short  History  of  the  English  Law  (1912),  especially 
period  IV.  Sir  R.  W.  Anson,  Law  and  Custom  of  the  Constitution  (3  vols. 
3d  ed.,  1907).  A.  V.  Dicey,  Law  and  Public  Opinion  (8th  ed.,  1915),  very 
suggestive.  W.  Bagehot,  The  English  Constitution  (2d  ed.,  1872).  S.  Low, 
The  Governance  of  England  (1904).  L.  Courtney,  The  Working  Constitution 
of  the  United  Kingdom  (1901).  T.  F.  Moran,  The  Theory  and  Practice  of 
the  English  Government  (1908).  D.  D.  Wallace,  The  Government  of  England 
(1917).  The  three  latter  are  good  brief  accounts.  A.  L.  Lowell,  The 
Government  of  England  (2  vols.,  1910),  the  standard  work  on  the  subject. 

Social  and  Industrial.  Usher,  Industrial  History  (bibliography  following 
text,  XIV-XVII).  Porter's  Progress  of  the  Nation  (ed.  F.  W.  Hirst,  1912). 
McCulloch,  Dictionary  of  Commerce  and  Commercial  Navigation  (1860- 
1872).  R.  H.  Palgrave,  Dictionary  of  Political  Economy  (1894-99).  T. 
Mackay,  History  of  the  English  Poor  Law  (1904).  S.  and  B.  Webb's  Trade 
Unions  (1894,  rev.  ed.  1919)  and  Industrial  Democracy  (1897).  G.  J. 
Holyoake's  History  of  Co-operation  (2  vols.,  rev.  ed.  1906).  J.  F.  Wilkin- 
son, The  Friendly  Society  Movement  (1891).  Sir  E.  W.  Brabrook,  Provident 
Societies  and  Industrial  Welfare  (1898).  Sir  E.  F.  Du  Cane,  The  Punishment 
and  Prevention  of  Crime  (1885).  F.  A.  Ogg,  Social  Progress  in  Contemporary 
Europe  (1912),  which  contains  much  on  England,  is  an  excellent  com- 
pendium. C.  Hayes,  British  Social  Politics  (1913),  valuable  for  legislation 
since  1906.  Percy  Alden,  Democratic  England  (1912).  G.  H.  Perris,  Indus- 


VICTORIAN  AND  PPST-VICTORIAN  ENGLAND  751 

trial  History  of  Modern  England  (1914).  A.  E.  Metcalfe,  Woman1  s  Effort 
(1917),  "a  chronicle  of  British  women's  fifty  years  struggle  for  citizenship." 
See  also  Cambridge  Modern  History,  XII,  ch.  XXIII  (bibliography  957- 
966).  R.  E.  Prothero,  English  Farming  Past  and  Present  (1913).  S. 
Smiles,  Lives  of  George  and  Robert  Stephenson  (1868).  Acworth,  The  Rail- 
ways of  England  (1900). 

Science  and  Literature.  G.  J.  Romanes,  Darwin  and  After  Darwin 
^1892-7).  F.  Darwin  ed.,  Life  and  Letters  of  Charles  Darwin  (3  vols., 
1887).  O.  Lodge,  Pioneers  of  Science  (1893).  A.  R.  Wallace,  The  Wonderful 
Century  (1898).  R.  Garnett,  Heroes  of  Science  (1885).  G.  P.  Gooch, 
History  and  Historians  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1913).  Cambridge  Modern 
History,  XI,  ch.  XIII  (bibliography  934-936),  XII,  ch.  XXVI  (bibliography 
972-976).  Moody  and  Lovett,  English  Literature.  Taine,  English  Litera- 
ture. McCarthy,  Our  Own  Times,  II,  ch.  XXIX,  IV,  ch.  LXVII.  E.  C. 
Stedman,  Victorian  Poets  (1903).  Mrs.  Oliphant,  A  Literary  History  of 
England  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1882).  W.  L.  Cross,  The  Development 
of  the  English  Novel  (1911).  J.  A.  Buckley  and  W.  T.  Williams,  A  Guide 
to  British  Historical  Fiction  (1912).  For  further  references  on  the  novel  see 
Moody  and  Lovett,  451.  For  literature  in  general  see  ch.  XLIX  above. 

The  Church.  Wakeman,  ch.  XX.  F.  W.  Cornish,  The  History  of  the 
English  Church  (pts.  I  and  II,  1910).  Walpole,  History  of  England,  V,  XXI ; 
History  of  Twenty-five  Years,  IV,  XIX.  Newman,  Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua 
(1864-5),  frequently  reprinted.  R.  W.  Church,  The  Oxford  Movement 
(1891).  W.  Ward,  William  George  Ward  and  the  Catholic  Revival  (1893). 
B.  Ward,  The  Sequel  to  Catholic  Emancipation,  1820-1850  (2  vols.,  1915). 
S.  L.  Ollard,  A  Short  History  of  the  Oxford  Movement  (1915).  P.  H.  Brown, 
Scotland,  III.  W.  L.  Mathieson,  Church  and  Reform  in  Scotland,  1797- 
1843  (1918).  H.  J.  Laski,  Studies  in  the  Problems  of  Sovereignty  (1917), 
relates  to  the  Oxford  and  Free  Kirk  movements.  For  further  references 
see  Low  and  Sanders,  506-507. 


CHAPTER  LVI 

SKETCH  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  VII  (1901-1910)  AND  OF  THE 
EARLY  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  V  (1910-1914) 

Edward  VII.  Accession  and  Character.  —  Albert  Edward,  who, 
in  his  sixtieth  year,  ascended  the  throne  as  Edward  VII,  22  January, 
1901,  was  a  man  of  unusual  social  gifts  and  worldly  experience,  genial, 
tactful  and  fond  of  seeking  acquaintances  from  the  most  diverse  walks 
of  life,  though  he  was  punctilious  in  matters  of  ceremony  on  state 
occasions.  He  spent  short  terms  at  various  universities;  but  the 
rigid  training  to  which  his  parents  subjected  him  disinclined  him  for 
serious  study ;  books  made  little  appeal  to  him,  and  in  later  life  he 
rarely  read  anything  but  the  newspapers.  Furthermore,  he  was  a  pa- 
tron of  sport,  particularly  of  the  turf,  he  was  an  enthusiastic  supporter 
of  the  theater  and  the  opera,  as  well  as  the  leader  of  fashion  in  London ; 
indeed  his  love  of  pleasure  and  his  bohemian  tastes  aroused  serious 
criticism  at  times  on  the  part  of  the  soberer  folk ;  but  the  emergence 
of  Queen  Victoria  from  her  seclusion,  the  swelling  tide  of  Imperialistic 
sentiment,  together  with  his  own  good  nature  and  public  spirit,  made 
him  a  popular  figure  years  before  he  became  King.  While  he  was 
an  ardent  promoter  of  philanthropic  causes  and  a  ready  and  gracious 
speaker  at  dedications  of  public  buildings  and  other  ceremonious 
occasions,  unhappily  his  mother  excluded  him  from  serious  political 
activities ;  it  was  not  till  Gladstone's  last  Ministry  (1892-1894),  that 
Cabinet  business  was  regularly  communicated  to  him,  and  he  did 
not  have  unrestricted  access  to  foreign  dispatches  until  Salisbury  took 
the  Premiership  for  the  third  and  last  time  in  1895.  But  if  he  was  not 
studious  or  systematically  trained,  he  was  observant;  he  gathered 
stores  of  information  from  those  with  whom  he  conversed  and  retained 
what  he  heard.  He  was  widely  traveled :  he  visited,  at  one  time  or 
another,  the  chief  possessions  of  the  British  Empire,  and  was  accustomed 
to  spend  parts  of  each  year  in  Continental  capitals  and  watering  places. 
In  his  close  association  with  foreign  Sovereigns  and  foreign  ambassa- 
dors he  learned  much  that  was  officially  kept  from  him ;  but  he  knew 
little  and  cared  little  for  routine  matters  domestic  or  foreign. 

752 


EDWARD   VII  AND   EARLY  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  V         753 

First  Measures  of  the  New  Reign  and  the  Retirement  of  Salis- 
bury. —  King  Edward  opened  Parliament  in  person,  14  February,  1901, 
and  read  the  speech  from  the  throne,  formalities  which  the  late  Queen 
had  for  years  dispensed  with.  The  Commons  voted  him  a  Civil  List 
of  £470,000,  an  increase  of  £85,000  over  that  which  Victoria  had  re- 
ceived ;  but  the  step  was  bitterly  opposed  by  the  Radicals,  the  Labor- 
ites  and  the  Irish  Nationalists.  Another  important  measure,  carried 
in  this  session,  was  a  Royal  Titles  Bill  adding  to  the  royal  style  "  all 
the  British  Dominions  beyond  the  Seas."  l  Salisbury,  who  was  in 
failing  health,  resigned,  n  July,  1902,  and  died  22  August  of  the  follow- 
ing year.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew,  Mr.  Arthur  Balfour. 

Chamberlain  and  "Tariff  Reform"2  (1903).  —  On  15  May,  1903, 
Chamberlain  raised  the  issue  of  Tariff  Reform  in  a  speech  at  Birming- 
ham advocating  preferential  tariffs  and  reciprocity  in  Colonial  trade, 
and  retaliation,  where  necessary,  in  the  case  of  foreign  countries.  In  this 
and  subsequent  speeches  he  argued  that  the  whole  fiscal  situation  had 
changed  since  the  days  of  Cobden  and  Bright,  that  Great  Britain's 
exports  were  decreasing  and  her  imports  increasing.  He  did  not  pur- 
pose to  tax  raw  materials,  but  advocated  moderate  duties  on  corn, 
flour,  meats,  dairy  produce  (counterbalanced  by  reductions  on  tea, 
coffee,  cocoa,  and  sugar),  and  foreign  manufactures.  In  this  way, 
he  insisted,  Great  Britain  would  have  a  means  of  bargaining  with  the 
Colonies  and  supplying  them  with  the  products  of  industries  which 
they  had  not  yet  started ;  of  preventing  other  countries  from  dumping 
their  products  on  British  shores;  and  of  increasing  the  revenue. 
Business  depression,  lack  of  employment,  the  deficit  due  to  the  Boer 
War,  and  the  growing  enthusiasm  for  Colonial  unity  all  told  in  his 
favor,  though  his  opponents  argued  that  the  country  needed  cheap 
food  and  that  it  was  impossible  to  increase  the  customs  revenue  and 
keep  out  imports  at  the  same  time.  His  resignation  from  the  Cabinet 
was  announced,  18  September,  and  he  was  followed  into  retirement  by 
various  free-trade  Unionists,  of  whom  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  was  the 
most  influential.  Apparently  Mr.  Balfour  was  ready  to  go  too  far 
for  them  and  not  far  enough  for  Chamberlain.  He  was  inclined  to 
favor  the  principle  of  retaliation,  without  taxing  food,  but  declared  that 
the  question  of  preferential  tariffs  could  not  be  raised  during  the 
present  Parliament. 

1  The  full  royal  title  was:  "Edward  VII,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  of  the  United 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  and  of  all  the  British  Dominions  beyond 
the  Seas,  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  Emperor  of  India." 

2  This  meant  an  alteration  of  the  tariff  in  the  direction  of  protection  instead  of 
in  the  direction  of  free  trade,  as  is  the  usage  in  the  United  States. 


754     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Army  Reform  (1904).  —  The  miscarriages  of  the  South  African  War 
and  the  defects  in  military  training  and  equipment  which  it  mani- 
festedj  forced  the  Government,  in  1904,  to  undertake  a  comprehensive 
scheme  of  army  reform.  A  Defense  Committee  was  constituted,  with 
the  Prime  Minister  as  its  head,  to  deal  with  estimates  and  questions 
of  larger  military  policy;  and  at  the  same  time  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  was  replaced  by  an  Army  Council  made  up  of  four  military  l 
and  three  Parliamentary  members,  headed  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  War. 

The  Fall  of  the  Balfour  Ministry  (December,  1905).  —  The  Balfour 
Ministry  was  steadily  growing  weaker.  While  the  Prime  Minister 
persisted  in  treating  the  tariff  question  as  irrelevant  and  staving  it 
off,  the  Liberals  were  gaining  new  strength.  Besides  the  tariff,  which 
had  caused  a  split  in  the  Unionist  ranks,  there  were  various  other 
difficulties  confronting  the  Government.  For  one  thing,  the  Non- 
conformists were  opposing  the  Education  Act  of  1902  by  a  policy  of 
passive  resistance,  withdrawing  their  children  from  the  denomina- 
tional schools  and  refusing  to  contribute  financial  support.  Also,  the 
Ministry  had  aroused  great  dissatisfaction  by  sanctioning  ordinances, 
prompted  by  the  South  African  mine  owners,  for  admitting  Chinese 
coolie  labor  into  the  Rand,  a  proceeding  which  strengthened  the  con- 
viction that  the  Boer  War  had  been  waged  in  the  interests  of  the  capi- 
talists. In  view  of  all  these  and  other  difficulties,  —  for  instance  the 
fact  that  many  had  begun  to  tire  of  ten  continuous  years  of  Conserva- 
tive rule, — Mr.  Balfour  tendered  his  resignation,  4  December,  1905, 
counting,  it  is  said,  on  the  hope  that  the  Liberals  would  not  be 
able  to  form  a  Cabinet  and  that  his  party  would  be  recalled  to 
power. 

A  New  Liberal  Regime  (1906).  —  On  5  December,  1905,  Sir  Henry 
Campbell-Bannerman  was  summoned  to  form  a  Cabinet.  The  main 
features  of  the  Liberal  program  were:  the  exclusion  of  Chinese 
labor  from  the  Transvaal ;  the  emendation  of  the  Education  Act  in  the 
interest  of  the  Nonconformists ;  the  reduction  and  national  control 
of  liquor  licenses;  and  sweeping  measures  for  social  and  industrial 
betterment.  One  of  the  first  steps  was  to  stop  the  further  importation 
of  Chinese  into  South  Africa.  Among  the  other  important  measures 
carried  during  the  next  two  or  three  years  were  the  Trades  Disputes 
Bill,  the  Workmen's  Compensation  Bill,  the  Small  Holdings  Bill  and 

1  They  were :  the  Chief  of  the  General  Staff ;  the  Adjutant-General ;  the 
Quartermaster-General,  and  the  Master-General  of  the  Ordnance.  Responsible 
to  the  Army  Council,  but  separate  from  it,  was  the  Department  of  Inspector- 
General  of  the  Forces. 


EDWARD   VII  AND   EARLY  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  V         755 

the  Old  Age  Pensions  Bill  already  described.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
Licensing  Bill  and  an  Education  Bill  —  the  latter  twice  —  were  de- 
feated in  the  House  of  Lords.  Thus  the  Liberal  party  with  an  over- 
whelming majority  in  the  Lower  House  was  able  to  carry  only  part  of 
its  program  owing  to  the  Conservative  strength  which  invariably 
dominates  the  Peers,  a  situation  which  led  Sir  Henry  Bannerman  to 
declare  in  October,  1907,  that  the  constitution  of  the  Upper  House 
would  have  to  be  altered.  However,  he  did  not  live  to  finish  the  fight ; 
owing  to  a  breakdown  in  health  he  resigned  5  April,  igoS.1 

Mr.  Lloyd  George's  Budget  of  1909  and  the  War  against  the 
House  of  Lords.  —  The  King  summoned  Mr.  Asquith  to  assume  the 
Premiership.  In  the  reconstructed  Cabinet,  Mr.  Lloyd  George  be- 
came Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  and  his  revolutionary  Budget 
forced  the  issue.  Confronted,  in  consequence  of  increased  naval 
estimates  and  the  expense  of  the  new  social  industrial  legislation,  with 
a  deficit  of  £16,500,000,  he  proceeded,  in  April,  1909,  to  frame  a  Budget 
based  on  principles  very  unpalatable  to  the  Opposition,  who  insisted 
that  a  tariff  was  the  only  reasonable  means  of  enhancing  the  revenue. 
Chief  among  his  recommendations  were :  increased  duties  on  the  lux- 
uries of  the  masses,  notably  liquor  and  tobacco ;  taxation  of  the  excess 
of  wealth  by  an  increase  of  the  income  tax  and  the  succession  duties, 
and  a  higher  rate  for  unearned  incomes,  from  which  he  anticipated  a 
revenue  of  over  £7,000,000 ;  heavy  rates  on  monopolies,  such  as  liquor 
licenses ;  and  —  what  roused  a  furious  outcry  —  on  unearned  incre- 
ments of  land,  that  is,  the  increase  in  site-values  of  unoccupied  and 
uncultivated  lots.  In  general,  the  aim  of  the  Budget  was  to  meet  the 
deficit  to  a  large  degree  by  "  shifting  the  burden  of  taxation  from  the 
producers  to  the  possessors  of  wealth."  The  Finance  Bill,  based  upon 
it,  was  introduced,  26  May,  and  was  hotly  attacked  on  the  ground  that 
it  discriminated  unfairly,  that  it  struck  at  security  of  property,  and 
that  it  would  drive  capital  from  the  country.  Still,  it  finally  passed 
the  Commons,  5  November,  but  was  rejected  by  the  Lords,  on  the 
3oth,  until  the  judgment  of  the  country  could  be  obtained  —  a  step 
which  Mr.  Asquith  denounced  as  "  a  wanton  breach  of  the  settled 
practice  of  the  Constitution." 2  In  January,  1910, an  appeal  was  made 
to  the  country  in  a  general  election,  when  the  issue  was  fought  on  the 
Budget,  the  abolition  of  the  veto  power  of  the  House  of  Lords,  and 
the  introduction  of  a  scheme  of  Home  Rule ;  for  the  Irish  National- 
ists had  agreed  to  support  the  Government  on  condition  that  the  power 

1  He  died  22  April. 

'2  While  right  of  the  Peers  to  amend  money  bills  had  been  given  up  in  1678,  they 
had  never  abandoned  their  right  to  veto,  though  they  had  long  ceased  to  exercise  it. 


756     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

of  the  Peers  be  so  reduced  that  tney  would  be  unable  to  defeat  a  new 
measure  of  Home  Rule.  The  .esult  of  the  election  showed  a  striking 
falling  off  in  the  Liberal  majority.1 

The  Parliament  Bill  of  1911.  —  On  10  May,  three  resolutions  passed 
the  House  of  Commons,  (i)  Henceforth,  the  Lords  should  have  no 
right  to  veto  a  money  bill ;  if,  in  one  month,  they  refused  their  assent 
it  should,  nevertheless,  go  to  the  King  for  his  signature,  the  power  to 
determine  whether  any  particular  measure  was  a  money  bill  being  left 
to  the  Speaker.  (2)  Any  measure,  not  a  money  bill,  passing  the  Com- 
mons in  three  successive  sessions  might,  in  spite  of  the  veto  of  the  House 
of  Lords,  be  submitted  to  the  King  for  his  approval,  provided  that, 
in  each  instance,  it  had  been  submitted  to  the  Peers  one  month 
before  the  close  of  the  session,  and  provided  that  two  years  had 
elapsed  since  its  first  introduction.  (3)  The  maximum  life  of  a  Parlia- 
ment should  henceforth  be  five  years  instead  of  seven.  A  conference 
between  the  party  leaders,  which  continued  at  intervals  from  17  June 
until  10  November,  failed  to  arrive  "  at  any  decision" ;  then,  in  the 
Lords,  on  the  second  reading  of  the  Parliament  Bill,  based  on  the  three 
resolutions  of  21  April,  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne  moved  —  as  an 
alternative  to  the  Government  scheme  —  a  plan  for  reconstructing 
the  Upper  House  by  making  it  more  representative,  reducing  the  Con- 
servative majority,  and  slightly  curtailing  its  powers.  As  a  conse- 
quence, Parliament  was  dissolved  28  November  and  a  general  election 
was  held  for  the  second  time  within  a  year,  with  the  Lansdowne  res- 
olutions as  the  official  program  of  the  Unionist  party.  The  result 
was  a  net  gain  of  only  two  seats  for  the  Liberal  coalition. 

On  21  February,  1911,  Mr.  Asquith  introduced  his  Parliament  Bill 
into  the  House  of  Commons,  and  although  Lord  Lansdowne  intro- 
duced a  new  alternative  scheme  in  the  House  of  Lords,  the  Parlia- 
ment Bill  passed  the  Upper  House  with  amendments,  20  July;  but 
Mr.  Asquith  refused  to  accept  the  amendments,  and  announced  that 
he  had,  before  the  election,  secured  the  assent  of  the  King  to  create 
a  sufficient  number  of  Peers  to  carry  the  Bill  if  necessary.  As  a  result, 
the  Bill,  without  amendments,  passed  the  Lords  10  August,  and  re- 
ceived the  royal  assent  18  August,  in  spite  of  the  "  Die-Hards  "  or 
"  Forwards  "  led  by  Lord  Halsbury,  who  had  pledged  themselves  to 
die  in  the  last  ditch.  On  24  August  the  Commons  voted  to  pay  their 
members  salaries  of  £400  a  year. 

The  Accession  of  George  V  (6  May,  1910).  —  King  Edward  did  not 
live  to  see  the  end  of  the  struggle.  He  died  6  May,  1910,  and  his 

1  The  final  returns  were:  Liberals,  275;  Labor  party,  40;  Nationalists,  71; 
Independent  Nationalists,  ir;  Unionists,  273. 


EDWARD  VII  AND   EARLY   YEARS  OF  GEORGE  V         757 

eldest  surviving  son  was  proclaimed,  9  May,  as  George  V.1  In 
the  winter  of  1911-1912  the  new  King  and  Queen  paid  a  visit  to  India 
for  the  purpose  of  holding  a  coronation  Durbar. 

Labor  Disturbances  (1911-1912).  —  At  home,  the  opening  years 
of  the  reign  of  George  V  were  disturbed  not  only  by  a  grave  constitu- 
tional crisis  but  by  serious  labor  troubles.  Distressingly  frequent  in 
recent  times,  the  year  1911  proved  to  be  an  "unprecedented  year 
of  strikes,"  which  reached  the  dimensions  of  a  veritable  epidemic 
during  the  weeks  immediately  following  the  coronation.  The  strikes 
in  1912  were  less  in  number  than  in  1911,  but,  considering  the  number 
of  persons  involved  and  the  loss  of  time  and  money,  they  were  more 
serious  than  in  any  previous  year  in  English  history.  Worst  of  all 
was  the  coal  strike,  occasioned  by  the  demand  for  a  minimum  wage 
for  all  underground  workers.  On  26  February,  the  first  miners  went 
out  in  Derbyshire,  and  by  2  March  all  the  mines  in  the  country,  except 
a  few  private  ones,  were  idle.  At  length  the  Government  stepped 
in  and  passed  a  Minimum  Wage  Bill,  29  March,  providing  for  joint 
district  boards  under  an  independent  chairman  chosen  either  by 
agreement  or  by  the  Board  of  Trade.  When  Mr.  Asquith,  however, 
refused  a  demand  that  a  minimum  wage  should  be  fixed  in  all  cases 
at  2S.  for  boys  and  55.  for  men,  a  majority  voted  against  resumption 
of  work ;  but  a  conference  of  miners'  delegates,  6  April,  declared  for 
resumption,  since  a  majority  of  two  thirds  was  necessary  to  call  a 
strike.  After  the  Easter  holidays  most  of  the  men  were  back.  The 
strike  had  involved  1,000,000  mine  workers  and  500,000  from  allied 
industries,  and,  from  the  time  when  the  first  men  went  out,  had  lasted 
six  weeks.  This,  and  the  failure  of  the  London  dockers  and  transport 
workers  to  bring  about  a  general  strike  in  July,  struck  a  hard  blow  at 
syndicalism.  On  the  whole,  in  spite  of  these  labor  disturbances  the 
year  was  one  of  prosperity  in  trade,  and  higher  wages  and  shorter 
hours  were  very  general. 

The  Revival  of  Home  Rule  and  the  Ulster  Opposition.  —  The 
leading  features  of  the  Liberal  program  were  Home  Rule,  the  dis- 
establishment of  the  Welsh  Church,2  and  the  abolition  of  plural  voting, 
or  the  introduction  of  the  principle  of  "  one  man,  one  vote."  The 
prospect  of  Home  Rule  aroused  a  determined  opposition  in  Ulster 
led  by  Sir  Edward  Carson,  who  soon  attained  such  an  ascendancy 
in  the  Province  as  to  gain  the  name  of  "  King  Carson."  On  n  April, 

1  On  31  August,  1910,  after  a  long  struggle,  an  Accession  Declaration  Act  was 
passed  which  shortened  the  form  of  the  oath,  and  removed  the  phrases  offensive 
to  Roman  Catholics. 

-  A  subject  which  had  been  under  discussion  for  some  years. 


758     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

1912,  the  Home  Rule  Bill  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Commons.1 
Although  objections  to  the  financial  provisions  of  the  Bill  were  pointed 
out  and  the  advantage  Ireland  would  have  over  Wales  and  Scotland, 
the  chief  criticism  was  directed  against  the  injustice  to  Ulster,  and 
motions  were  made  to  exclude  the  four  northeast  counties  of  Antrim, 
Armagh,  Down,  and  Londonderry,  which  are  prevailingly  Protestant.2 
In  August,  it  was  announced  that  the  men  of  Ulster  would  pledge 
themselves  to  a  solemn  covenant  for  united  resistance  to  Home  Rule 
and  for  refusal  to  accept  it  if  it  were  set  up.  A  series  of  great  demon- 
strations culminated  with  the  signing  of  the  Covenant  at  Belfast,  28 
September.  On  12  July,  1913,  there  was  another  demonstration 
attended  by  150,000  Ulstermen  and  a  resolution  was  adopted  to 
resist  Home  Rule  by  force  of  arms  if  necessary ;  the  enrollment  of  the 
Ulster  volunteers  began,  and,  by  December,  the  numbers  had  reached 
100,000.  All  through  July  and  August  Sir  Edward  Carson  went 
through  Ulster  making  speeches,  declaring  that,  in  the  event  of  the 
Home  Riile  Bill  passing,  Ulster  would  set  up  a  provincial  government 
and  refuse  to  pay  taxes  to  the  Parliament  at  Dublin.  In  December 
the  Government  prohibited  the  importation  of  arms;  but  it  was  a 
question  whether  the  proclamation  was  legal,  and  certainly  it  was  not 
effective  in  preventing  gun  running.  Mr.  Winston  Churchill  suggested 
a  possible  scheme  of  devolution,  but  the  Cabinet  were  under  pledge 
to  the  Nationalists  to  carry  a  Home  Rule  Bill  before  considering  any 
form  of  modification ;  the  only  alternatives  seemed  to  be  to  take  a 
referendum  which  the  Unionists  desired,  or  to  run  the  risk  of  civil 
war  if  the  Home  Rule  Bill  were  pressed  to  a  final  passage. 

The  Passage  of  the  Home  Rule  Bill  (1914).  —  On  10  February, 
1914,  Parliament  met.      Among  the  chief  features  of  its  program 

1  It  provided  for  a  Parliament  in  Ireland  consisting  of  a  Senate  of  40  members 
and  a  House  of  Commons  of  164  members.     Ulster,  which  was  to  have  59  members, 
was  to  be  safeguarded  by  the  provision  that  the  Irish  Parliament  could  not  make 
any  law  "either  directly  or  indirectly  to  establish  or  endow  any  religion  or  pro- 
hibit the  free  exercise  thereof,  or  give  any  preference,  privilege  or  advantage  or 
impose  any  disability  or  disadvantage  on  account  of  religious  belief  or  religious  or 
ecclesiastical  status."     Furthermore,  the  Irish  Parliament  could  not  legislate  on 
peace  or  war,  the  navy,  army,  foreign  relations,  trade  outside  Ireland,  coinage  or 
legal  tender.     The  executive  was  to  remain  vested  in  the  Sovereign  or  his  repre- 
sentative, and  42  members  from  Ireland  were  to  be  elected  to  the  British  House  of 
Commons. 

2  The  Province  of  Ulster  consists  of  9  counties,  or  n  including  Belfast  and  Derry 
City.     It  returns  17  Home-Rulers  and  1 6  anti-Home-Rulers,  and,  if  the  large  and 
wealthy  city  of  Belfast  were  excluded,  the  Roman  Catholics  would  be  in  the  ma- 
jority.    They  have  a  strong  minority  in  the  four  Protestant  counties.     The  problem 
of  exclusion  is  complicated  by  the  Roman  Catholic  minority  in  the  four  counties  and 
the  Protestants  scattered  through  the  rest  of  Ireland. 


EDWARD   VII   AND   EARLY   YEARS   OF   GEORGE   V          759 

were :  (i)  a  Bill  for  Irish  Home  Rule  which  had  already  passed  in  two 
successive  sessions  and  been  vetoed  by  the  Lords ;  (2)  a  Bill  for  the 
disestablishment  of  the  Welsh  Church  which  had  had  the  same  history ; 
(3)  a  Plural  Voting  Bill ;  and  (4)  reconstruction  of  the  House  of  Lords. 
The  Home  Rule  Bill  continued  as  the  center  of  interest.  The  Unionist 
Opposition,  realizing  that  they  could  not  defeat  the  measure  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  determined  to  force  a  dissolution,  to  secure  an 
appeal  to  the  country  by  a  referendum  or  to  intimidate  the  Liberals 
by  threats  of  civil  war  in  Ulster.  On  2  March  appeared  a  Declaration 
signed  by  twenty  English  subjects  headed  by  Earl  Roberts,  to  the 
effect  that  "  the  claim  of  the  Government  to  carry  the  Home  Rule 
Bill  into  law  without  submitting  it  to  the  judgment  of  the  nation,  is 
contrary  to  the  spirit  of  our  Constutition,"  and  that,  if  it  was  so  passed, 
they  would  hold  themselves  "  justified  in  taking  or  supporting  any 
action  that  may  be  effective  to  prevent  it  being  put  into  operation, 
and  more  particularly  to  prevent  the  armed  forces  of  the  Crown 
being  used  to  deprive  the  people  of  Ulster  of  their  rights  as  citizens  of 
the  United  Kingdom."  Five  days  later,  Mr.  Asquith  laid  a  compro- 
mise scheme  before  Parliament,  providing  that,  before  the  Bill  became 
operative,  the  parliamentary  electors  in  each  of  the  nine  counties  of 
Ulster  might  decide  by  vote  whether  their  county  should  be  excluded 
from  the  arrangement  for  a  term  of  six  years.  Mr.  Bonar  Law, 
leader  of  the  Conservatives,  said  that  if  the  Government  insisted  on 
the  excluded  counties  coming  in  at  the  end  of  six  years  the  Unionists 
could  not  accept  the  plan.  He  again  urged  dissolution  and  submis- 
sion of  the  whole  question  to  the  electors,  though  he  later  intimated 
that  he  would  agree  to  leave  the  question  of  the  term  of  the  exclu- 
sion to  a  future  Parliament.  Then  came  a  crisis.  On  20  March  the 
Government  issued  an  order  that  was  interpreted  by  several  of  the 
army  officers  as  a  step  toward  the  coercion  of  Ulster,  and  they  forth- 
with resigned.  Colonel  Seely,  the  Secretary  for  War,  at  once  assured 
them  that  they  had  misunderstood  the  order,  which  was  purely  a 
precautionary  measure,  and  that  the  Government  had  no  intention 
of  using  the  suppression  of  disorder  to  crush  political  opposition  to 
Home  Rule,  whereupon  they  withdrew  their  resignation.  The 
Radical  Press  at  once  raised  the  cry  of  "  army  dictation."  Colonel 
Seely,  taking  the  blame  on  himself,  offered  his  resignation ;  Mr.  Asquith 
refused  to  accept  it,  but  repudiated  the  guarantee,  and  the  Army 
Council  framed  an  order  to  the  effect  that,  henceforth,  no  officer  was 
to  ask  for  or  receive  any  assurances  "as  to  orders  which  he  may  be 
required  to  fulfill."  This  led  to  the  resignation  of  various  officers 
including  Sir  John  (now  Viscount)  French,  the  Chief  of  the  General 


760     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

Staff.  Colonel  Seely  offered  his  resignation  a  second  time,  which 
the  Prime  Minister  now  accepted,  assuming  the  Secretaryship  for  War 
himself.  Sir  Edward  Grey  threw  out  a  hint  that  within  six  years 
some  form  of  devolution  might  be  devised,  while  John  Redmond,  the 
leader  of  the  Irish  Nationalists,  who  had  previously  insisted  that  there 
should  be  no  "  watering  down  "  of  the  Home  Rule  Bill,  declared 
that  he  was  ready  to  exert  himself  to  placate  Ulster  and  to  do  all  pos- 
sible to  reach  an  honorable  settlement.  On  25  May  the  Home  Rule 
Bill  passed  the  House  of  Commons  by  a  majority  of  77 ;  it  was 
signed  by  the  King,  17  September,  but,  in  consequence  of  the  Great 
War  in  which  Great  Britain  had  in  the  meantime  been  plunged,  it 
never  went  into  operation. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

R.  H.  Gretton,  A  Modern  History  of  the  English  People,  i88o-igio  (2  vols., 
1913),  rather  journalistic  and  Liberal  in  sympathy,  but  clear  and  vivid. 
Slater,  The  Making  of  Modern  England,  is  helpful.  Among  the  biographies 
relating  to  this  period  are:  H.  Spender,  Herbert  Henry  Asquith  (1915): 
W.  M.  Short,  The  Mind  of  Arthur  James  Balfour  (1918) ;  Frank  Dilnot, 
Lloyd  George,  The  Man  and  his  Story  (1917) ;  St.  J.  G.  Ervine,  Sir  Edward 
Carson  and  the  Ulster  Movement  (1915),  and  W.  B.  Wells,  The  Life  of  John 
Redmond  (1919).  The  International  Year  Book,  The  Annual  Register,  The 
Statesman's  Year  Book,  and  Whitaker's  Almanack  are  very  useful.  See  also 
Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  Supplements  I  and  II.  For  Ireland,  see 
chs.  LIV  and  LX,  for  foreign  affairs  ch.  LVIII. 


CHAPTER  LVII 
A  CENTURY   OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Greater  Britain.  —  One  of  the  most  significant  features  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  has  been  the  growth  of  the  British  Empire,  which, 
in  1911,  included  an  area  of  13,153,712  square  miles  and  434,286,650 
inhabitants  —  nearly  one  quarter  of  the  land  surface  of  the  globe 
and  slightly  more  than  a  quarter  of  the  world's  population.  The 
Imperial  dominion  comprises  territories  in  Europe,  Asia,  Africa, 
America,  and  Oceania,  territories  that  may  be  grouped  under  two  main 
heads,  depending  upon  their  form  of  government,  i.  The  Self- 
governing  Colonies  —  Canada,  Newfoundland,  Australia,  New  Zea- 
land, and  the  Union  of  South  Africa  —  which,  although  nominally 
under  Governor-Generals  sent  out  by  the  King,  are  really  governed 
by  Ministers  responsible  to  elected  assemblies.  While  the  Crown 
has  the  power  of  veto,  it  is  ordinarily  exercised  only  when  a  Dominion 
measure  is  ultra  vires,  or  in  conflict  with  some  Imperial  law  or  interest, 
and  Dominion  assemblies  do,  without  interference,  control  their  own 
military  forces,  impose  taxes  and  duties,  and  even  forbid  the  immi- 
gration of  certain  classes  of  British  subjects.1  2.  Crown  Colonies. 
These  may  be  subdivided  into  three  classes.  In  the  first,  there  is  an 
approximation  to  responsible  government,  for  they  have  a  legislative 
assembly,  wholly  or  partly  elected,  in  addition  to  an  executive  council 
appointed  by  the  Crown  or  the  Governor  of  the  colony.  The  Bahamas, 
Jamaica,  Mauritius,  and  Malta  fall  within  this  group.  In  the  next 
category,  both  the  legislative  and  the  executive  councils  are  appointed. 
Ceylon  and  the  Straits  Settlements  have  this  form  of  government. 
Finally,  there  are  possessions,  like  Gibraltar  and  St.  Helena,  where 
both  the  executive  and  legislative  powers  are  vested  in  the  Governor 
alone.  Outside  the  categories  of  Self-governing  and  Crown  colonies 
are  various  possessions  or  quasi-possessions.  India  is  a  dependency 
under  a  special  form  of  government  to  be  described  in  another  con- 

1  Aside  from  the  veto,  the  only  control  exercised  by  the  Home  Government  is  in 
foreign  policy  and  certain  judicial  appeals. 

761 


762     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

nection.  Then  there  are  Protectorates  —  for  example,  British  East 
Africa,  Uganda,  Nigeria,  and,  since  1914,  Egypt,  which  retain  their 
native  government  under  British  supervision  and  control.  Finally, 
there  are  spheres  of  influence,  where  other  foreign  countries  agree 
not  to  acquire  territory  or  ascendancy,  either  by  annexation  or  treaty. 
The  Growth  of  the  Empire.  —  With  the  exception  of  Canada  and 
portions  of  India,  the  greater  part  of  the  present  Empire  was  only 
acquired  or  settled  during  the  last  century.  For  a  generation  and  more 
after  the  loss  of  the  American  possessions  and  the  publication  of  the 
Wealth  of  Nations,  the  view  persisted  that  the  monopoly  of  the  Colonial 
market  and  trade  should  be  in  the  hands  of  British  manufacturers 
and  merchants,  though  the  Colonies  were  favored  in  various  ways 
at  the  expense  of  other  countries  —  by  differential  duties  and  by  the 
exclusive  right  of  supplying  the  Mother  Country  with  goods  not  pro- 
duced by  the  native  British.  Aside  from  the  political  evil  of  alienating 
the  subjects  beyond  the  seas,  this  system  was  attended  with  two 
economic  disadvantages:  it  fostered  the  growth  of  industries  more 
naturally  adapted  to  other  countries,  and  raised  the  cost  for  the  con- 
sumer. Some  attacked  the  system;  then,  after  its  exclusiveness 
had  been  modified  by  Huskisson  in  the  early  twenties,  and  particularly 
after  the  troubles  with  Jamaica  in  the  succeeding  decade,1  others 
came  to  question  the  worth  of  foreign  possessions  at  all.  Until  well 
past  the  middle  of  the  century,  leading  statesmen  of  the  laissez-faire 
school  were  insistent  on  the  desirability  of  limiting  "  our  Colonial 
empire,"  while,  on  one  occasion,  in  a  burst  of  impatience,  even  Disraeli 
—  who  later  did  so  much  to  popularize  Imperialism  —  referred  to 
the  Colonies  as  "  millstones  about  our  necks."  Meantime,  however, 
the  development  of  steam  navigation  began  to  alter  the  situation. 
Emigration  was  stimulated,  and  the  value  of  the  Colonies  came  to  be 
realized  as  a  refuge  for  redundant  population,  as  an  outlet  for  super- 
fluous capital,  as  a  source  of  food  and  raw  materials,  and  as  a  market 
for  manufactured  goods.  The  real  beginning  of  the  movement  dates 
from  1819,  when  the  Government  appropriated  £50,000  "  to  send  a 
few  hundred  laborers  to  Cape  Town."  About  5000  ultimately  went. 
Many  would  have  preferred  the  United  States  or  Canada ;  but  the 
Government  insisted  on  South  Africa,  partly  because  it  did  not  want 
to  send  its  subjects  to  a  foreign  country  and  partly  because  South 
Africa  lay  on  the  trade  route  to  the  East  and  because  its  climate  was 
less  rigorous  than  the  Canadian.  Later,  although  it  advanced  further 
small  sums  to  emigrants,  the  Government  ceased  to  dictate.  As  a 
result,  the  majority  went  to  North  America ;  moreover,  about  the 
1  See  above  pp.  621,  663. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN    763 

middle  of  the  century  a  preference  for  the  United  States  over  Canada 
became  peculiarly  marked,  owing  to  the  desire  of  the  Irish,  driven  from 
home  by  the  potato  famine  and  the  events  which  followed,  to  settle 
outside  the  British  dominions.  In  the  meanwhile,  Edward  Gibbon 
Wakefield  (1796-1862)  who  had  sought  a  new  home  in  the  far-off 
Pacific  where  he  might  live  down  a  reprehensible  early  career,  had 
"  helped  to  create  a  new  enthusiasm  for  Empire  "  among  the  thinkers 
and  statesmen  of  his  native  England.  His  views  were  briefly  stated 
in  his  Letter  from  Sydney  (1829),  and  afterwards  elaborated  in  his  Art 
of  Colonization  (1847).  Largely  through  his  efforts,  and  the  men  he 
influenced,  a  society  was  formed  in  1830  for  systematic  colonization. 
Furthermore,  a  Canadian  crisis  led  to  a  famous  Report  by  Lord  Dur- 
ham, containing  an  eloquent  plea  for  the  development  of  Colonial 
possessions,  so  far  as  possible  on  a  self-governing  basis,  which  greatly 
furthered  the  new  movement.  As  a  result  of  all  these  factors  there 
began  to  develop,  shortly  after  the  middle  of  the  century,  an  enthusi- 
asm for  Imperialism  which  was  first  strikingly  manifested  at  Victoria's 
Jubilee  in  1887.  Before  proceeding  to  describe  it  more  in  detail,  it 
might  be  well  to  consider  briefly  the  course  of  events  in  the  separate 
colonies  during  the  century. 

The  Canadian  Problem  (1791-1837).  —  While  the  Mother  Country 
succeeded  in  retaining  her  hold  in  Canada  when  the  thirteen  Colonies 
broke  away,  grave  difficulties  developed  which  came  to  a  head  in  the 
beginning  of  Victoria's  reign.  The  population  there  consisted  of  two 
sharply  distinct  elements.  One  was  the  original  French  stock  — 
Roman  Catholic  in  faith  and  bound  by  ancient  racial  traditions  — 
which,  under  the  Quebec  Act  of  1774,  enjoyed  freedom  of  worship  and 
the  privilege  of  trial  by  French  law  in  civil  cases.  The  other  element 
was  made  up  of  British  emigrants,  pushing,  progressive,  and  chiefly 
Protestants.  In  1791,  Pitt  carried  the  Quebec  Government  Bill  which 
divided  the  country  into  two  provinces  of  Upper  and  Lower  Canada 
with  the  object  of  separating  the  British  in  the  west  from  the  French 
in  the  older  eastern  part  —  a  measure  that  was  opposed  unsuccessfully 
by  Fox,  who  was  in  favor  of  uniting  rather  than  dividing  the  races. 
For  each  province  the  same  form  of  government,  on  the  English  model, 
was  set  up  —  a  governor,  an  executive  and  legislative  council  of  life 
members,  all  appointed  by  the  Crown,  together  with  a  representative 
assembly  whose  members  were  elected  every  four  years.  Since  the 
inert  French  occupied  much  of  the  more  desirable  situation  on  the 
lower  St.  Lawrence  and  lay  as  a  barrier  between  the  newer  settlements 
and  the  sea/  the  British  pressed  hi  and  succeeded  hi  forcing  into  the 
1  Aside  from  certain  areas  settled  by  Imperial  Loyalists. 


764     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

legislative  council  a  number  of  their  candidates,  many  of  whom  were 
professional  politicians  and  agitators  who  fomented  discontent.  The 
French  resented  this  intrusion ;  moreover,  they  regarded  as  a  partic- 
ular grievance  the  fact  that  one  seventh  of  all  Canadian  lands  was 
set  apart  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Anglican  clergy.1  The  crisis 
began  to  develop,  when,  in  1832,  the  legislative  assembly  of  Lower 
Canada  refused  to  grant  money  for  the  payment  of  the  councilors, 
whom  they  regarded  as  British  agents. 

The  Canadian  Revolt  (1837).  —  For  five  years  they  continued  to 
hold  up  supplies,  while  the  executive  authorities  seized,  for  their 
salaries  and  other  expenses,  such  moneys  as  they  could  get  their  hands 
on.  The  Assembly  insisted  on  their  rights  to  control  the  revenue 
and  the  public  lands  as  well,  and  demanded  further  that  the  legislative 
council  should  be  made  elective.  Finally,  under  the  lead  of  Louis 
Joseph  Papineau,  they  refused  to  carry  on  public  business,  and  were 
declared  dissolved.  Stormy  meetings  of  protest  followed,  and  an 
attempt  to  arrest  the  chief  malcontents  resulted  in  armed  outbreak, 
in  1837,  which  was  not  put  down  without  bloodshed.2 

Lord  Durham's  Mission  (1838). — The  Home  Secretary  carried  a 
bill,  in  1838,  to  suspend  the  constitution  of  Lower  Canada  and  to  send 
out  a  Lord  High  Commissioner  "with  full  powers  to  deal  with  the  re- 
bellion, and  to  remodel  the  constitution  of  both  provinces."  Lord 
Durham,  chosen  for  the  post,  was  an  advanced  reformer,  and  a  man 
of  abilities  and  energy,  but  of  a  fiery  and  masterful  temper,  and  wholly 
devoid  of  tact.  His  mission  saved  Canada,  but  at  the  cost  of  his 
own  career.  On  his  arrival,  in  May,  1838,  he  at  once  assumed  the 
position  of  a  dictator;  he  issued  a  proclamation  in  which,  while  he 
threatened  extreme  punishment  for  the  rebellious,  he  invited  the  Col- 
onists to  cooperate  with  him  in  devising  a  system  of  government  suited 
to  their  needs.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  his  original  powers  had  been 
greatly  reduced  since  his  appointment,  he  next  proceeded  to  launch 
a  series  of  ordinances,  proclaiming  "  a  very  liberal  amnesty,"  with 
striking  exceptions.  He  forbade  certain  leaders  who  had  escaped, 
Papineau  among  the  number,  to  return  under  pain  of  death ;  further- 
more, he  exiled  to  Bermuda  others  who  were  in  custody.  While  his 
method  was  high-handed,  his  aim  was  just  and  merciful ;  for  he  wanted 

1  These  were  the  so-called  "clergy  reserves."    In  addition  the  Crown  reserved 
another  seventh,  and  much  more  was  appropriated  by  influential  jobbers. 

2  Although  the  disaffection  spread  to  Upper  Canada,  where  discontent  —  due 
to  the  facts  that  the  council  was  not  responsible  to  the  legislature  and  that  the 
government  was  in  the  hands  of  a  few  wealthy  families  —  was  fostered  by  republi- 
can sympathizers  from  across  the  border,  the  trouble  did  not  attain  serious  di- 
mensions. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     765 

to  carry  on  his  work  of  reorganization  free  from  hostile  interference. 
Moreover,  trusting  in  the  righteousness  of  his  intentions,  he  set  aside 
the  Council,  and  selected  advisers  chiefly  from  his  own  secretaries 
and  other  officials.  The  event  showed  that  he  aimed  to  use  his  powers 
for  the  establishment  of  a  liberal  constitutional  government ;  but  his 
dictatorial  methods  aroused  a  fury  of  opposition  in  Canada  and  in 
England,  with  the  result  that  he  was  recalled  and  his  Quebec  ordi- 
nances were  disallowed. 

Durham's  Report  and  its  Consequences.  —  Although  his  mission 
seemed  a  failure,  it  bore  enduring  fruit  in  his  famous  Report,  printed 
in  February,  1839,  which  "  laid  the  foundations  of  the  political  success 
and  social  prosperity  not  only  of  Canada  but  of  all  other  important 
colonies."  Durham  advised  that,  except  in  the  matters  affecting  the 
relations  between  the  Colonies  and  the  Mother  Country  —  such  as 
foreign  affairs,  defense  and  the  regulation  of  trade  —  the  making  and 
execution  of  the  laws  should  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Colonists  them- 
selves. All  officials,  except  the  Governor  and  his  secretary,  were  to  be 
responsible  to  the  elected  legislature.  The  "  clergy  reserves  "  were 
to  be  abolished.1  Upper  and  Lower  Canada  were  to  be  again  united 
with  an  assembly  representing  both  provinces.  Furthermore,  the 
other  British  North  American  Colonies  might,  with  the  consent  of  the 
Canadian  Government,  be  admitted  to  the  union.  In  short,  the  Dur- 
ham Report  recommended  not  only  representative  but  responsible 
government  in  internal  affairs,  reunion,  and  possible  federation.  In 
July,  1840,  the  Canada  Government  Bill,  reuniting  the  two  provinces, 
with  a  single  legislature,  passed  through  the  British  Parliament  and 
was  carried  into  effect  the  following  year.  Although  his  recommen- 
dation for  a  responsible  Ministry  was  not  incorporated  into  the  law,  it 
was  adopted  as  a  matter  of  practice  in  1847.  Constitutions  on  the 
Durham  model  were  granted  during  the  next  few  years  to  such  British 
possessions  as  were  capable  of  exercising  the  privilege  in  every  quarter 
of  the  globe.  In  Canada,  however,  the  united  legislature,  with  French 
and  British  elements  working  at  cross  purposes,  presented  difficulties, 
with  the  consequence  that  a  solution  of  the  problem  was  sought  in 
Durham's  suggestion  of  a  federation,  an  arrangement  which  would 
have  the  further  advantage  of  strengthening  the  country  against  an- 
nexationist  designs  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  of  which  there  had 
been  a  growing,  though  probably  groundless  fear.  In  1867,  by  the 
British  North  America  Act,  the  four  provinces  of  Quebec  (Lower  Can- 
ada), Ontario  (Upper  Canada),  New  Brunswick,  and  Nova  Scotia  were 

1  In  1854,  with  reservation  for  vested  rights,  they  were  turned  over  for  educa- 
tional purposes. 


766     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER    BRITAIN 

combined  into  a  federal  union  under  the  name  of  the  Dominion  of 
Canada.  The  formal  executive  was  vested  in  the  Governor- General 
appointed  by  the  Crown,  who  was  in  turn  to  choose  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernors  for  the  federated  provinces.  The  real  working  executive,  how- 
ever, was  vested  in  a  Prime  Minister,  responsible  to  a  federal  Parlia- 
ment consisting  of  a  senate,  composed  of  members  appointed  for  life  by 
the  Governor- General,  and  a  representative  legislature.  Each  province 
was  to  have  also  a  ministry  and  a  legislature  for  local  concerns.1 

Relations  with  Great  Britain.  — In  1846,  Great  Britain  adopted 
Free  Trade,  and  three  years  later  repealed  the  Navigation  Laws  which 
forbade  foreign  ships  from  trading  to  Colonial  ports  and  also  prohibited 
direct  colonial  trade  with  foreign  countries.  Henceforth,  Canada,  — 
and  the  other  Self-governing  Colonies  as  well,  —  was  absolutely  free 
in  respect  to  its  foreign  trade  policy,  free  to  establish  tariffs  even  against 
Great  Britain,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  she  finally  adopted  a  protec- 
tive tariff  on  manufactures  including  those  of  the  Mother  Country.2 
Except  that  she  is  formally  under  a  Governor- General  appointed  by 
the  Crown  and  cannot  pursue  an  independent  foreign  policy,  Canada 
is  practically  an  independent  State.  With  a  population  about  one 
fourth  French,  problems  of  religion  and  language  have  caused  inevitable 
friction,  but  her  loyalty  was  strikingly  manifested  by  the  prompt  and 
willing  contingents  which  she  sent  to  aid  the  British  during  the  Boer 
War,  and  the  recent  great  European  War. 

Relations  with  the  United  States.  —  By  the  Rush-Bagot  Conven- 
tion of  1818  it  was  agreed  that  there  should  be  no  armed  ships  on  the 
Great  Lakes  and  no  fortresses  on  the  land  frontier  between  the  United 
States  and  Canada.  The  boundary  line  separating  the  two  countries 
now  extends  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  a  distance  of  over  three 
thousand  miles.  This  long  undefended  frontier,  the  longest  in  the 
world's  history,  is  at  once  an  indication  and  a  further  cause  of  the  fun- 
damentally peaceful  attitude  of  the  two  neighbors  toward  one  another. 
Yet  more  than  one  point  of  difference  has  arisen  requiring  patient  ad- 
justment. The  Maine  and  Oregon  boundary  disputes  were  settled 
by  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  in  1842  and  1846  respectively. 
By  an  award  of  20  October,  1903,  a  long-standing  controversy  regard- 
ing the  Alaska  boundary  was  at  length  decided.  While  the  extreme 

1  British  Columbia,  including  Vancouver  Island,  and  Prince  Edward  Island  joined 
the  Dominion  in  1871  and  1873  respectively.      In  1870  the  Dominion  Government 
purchased  the  vast  possessions  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  out  of  which  the  new 
province  of  Manitoba  and  the  Northwest  Territories  were  created  in  the  same  year. 
Part  of  the  latter  was  carved  into  the  provinces  of  Alberta  and  Saskatchewan  in 
1905.     Newfoundland  alone  still  remains  outside  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 

2  Great  Britain,  however,  has  for  some  years  been  favored  by  preferential  duties. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     767 

claims  of  the  United  States  were  not  recognized,  the  Canadians  were 
disappointed  of  their  hope  of  access  to  the  sea  in  that  region  and  their 
two  delegates  refused  to  sign.  Although  the  British  representative, 
Lord  Alverstone,  affixed  his  signature,  the  general  feeling  in  England 
was  that  the  United  States  had  got  the  better  of  the  bargain.  On  the 
other  hand,  an  award  at  the  Hague,  September,  1910,  adjusting  the 
Atlantic  fisheries  dispute,  was  mainly  in  favor  of  Great  Britain,  though 
there  were  reservations  in  support  of  American  interests.  Further- 
more, the  matter  of  trade  relations  has  been  a  fruitful  source  of  dis- 
cord. In  1854  Canada  entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  United  States 
providing  for  reciprocal  free  trade  in  natural  products,  an  arrangement 
which  was  terminated  by  the  United  States  in  1865,  owing  largely  to 
resentment  against  the  unsympathetic  attitude  adopted  by  the  British 
Government  during  the  Civil  War.  Canadian  efforts  to  restore  the 
old  arrangements  proved  unavailing.  The  protected  interests  which 
grew  up  owing  to  the  policy  subsequently  adopted,  were  greatly  alarmed 
when  a  Liberal  Administration  under  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  negotiated 
an  agreement  with  the  United  States,  published  26  January,  1911, 
providing  for  a  substantially  free  exchange  of  natural,  especially  food 
products  and  for  a  mutual  reduction  of  duties  on  manufactured  goods. 
The  arrangement  was  ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate,  22  July; 
but,  in  a  parliamentary  election  in  September,  the  Laurier  party  was 
defeated  and  its  reciprocity  treaty  rejected.  The  entrance,  since  then, 
of  the  two  neighboring  countries  into  the  Great  War  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  democratic  ideals  which  are  their  common  heritage,  fur- 
nishes a  unique  opportunity  for  a  closer  bond  of  fellowship  in  the  future. 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  —  During  the  century  of  peace 
following  the  War  of  1812  inevitable  differences,  besides  those  in  which 
Canada  was  involved,  have  arisen  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States.  Among  the  outstanding  ones,  the  questions  arising 
out  of  the  Civil  War  and  the  Venezuela  case  have  already  been  touched 
upon.  Not  only  were  these  adjusted  amicably,  but,  during  the  last 
half  century,  particularly  since  the  impulse  to  democracy  given  by  the 
Reform  Bill  of  1867,  Anglo-American  relations  have  grown  increasingly 
satisfactory ;  indeed,  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish- American  War,  Great 
Britain  was  our  chief,  almost  our  only  European  friend.  Ten  years 
later,  following  as  far  as  possible  the  recommendations  of  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  of  1907,  the  two  countries  concluded  an  arbitra- 
tion treaty,  excluding,  however,  from  compulsory  arbitration  sub- 
jects affecting  the  "independence"  or  "honor"  or  "vital  interests" 
of  the  two  countries  or  "  the  interests  of  third  parties."  The 
Treaty,  which  was  for  five  years,  was  renewed  in  the  spring  of  1914, 


768     SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

though  there  was  a  groundless  fear  on  the  part  of  certain  United 
States  senators  that  it  might  be  invoked  to  force  an  arbitration  of  the 
vexed  question  of  the  Panama  tolls.  The  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty  of 
19  April,  1850,  had  provided  for  the  common  use  and  neutral 
control  of  any  canal  constructed  by  the  Nicaragua  or  Panama 
routes,  and  the  British  agreed  not  to  make  any  settlements  in  Central 
America.  This  was  superseded  by  the  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty,  18 
November,  1901,  by  which  Great  Britain  gave  up  all  claims  to  any 
share  in  the  construction  or  control  of  a  canal  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific,  but  on  condition  that  the  navigation  be  free  to  ships  of 
all  nations  on  equal  terms.  On  24  August,  1912,  a  bill  signed  by  Presi- 
dent Taft  for  the  regulation  of  the  Panama  Canal,  then  nearing  com- 
pletion, exempted  from  tolls  American  shipping  engaged  in  coastwise 
trade.  Regarding  this  as  a  violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  Hay-Paunce- 
fote Treaty,  the  British  Government  framed  a  protest  which  was  pre- 
sented at  Washington,  9  December,  Sir  Edward  Grey  suggesting  that 
if  the  United  States  could  not  accept  the  British  interpretation  they 
should  refer  the  matter  to  arbitration.  The  arbitration  stage,  how- 
ever, was  never  reached ;  for,  acting  on  a  recommendation  of  President 
Wilson  in  a  message  to  Congress,  5  March,  1914,  it  was  voted,  12  June, 
to  repeal  the  exemption  clause,  though  with  the  proviso  that  the  United 
States  did  not  thereby  relinquish  any  of  its  rights. 

The  upheaval  in  Mexico  following  the  overthrow  of  President  Diaz, 
and  the  policy  of  "  watchful  waiting  "  adopted  by  President  Wilson 
resulted,  for  a  time,  in  a  far  greater  strain  on  Anglo-American  friend- 
ship. In  January,  1914,  the  Spectator  voiced  the  sentiment  of  many 
Englishmen  when  it  declared  that  "  if  external  force  is  used  to  restore 
order  it  must  be  by  the  United  States  alone,"  and  complained  that 
the  President  "  deprecates  anarchy  and  bloodshed,  but  neither  stops 
them  himself  nor  allows  anybody  else  to  stop  them."  As  time  went 
on,  German  intrigue  contributed  not  a  little  to  embitter  the  situation  ; 
but  wise  moderation  averted  a  possible  rupture,  and  the  Mexican  im- 
broglio was  dwarfed  by  vaster  issues.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  it  may 
straighten  itself  out,  and  that  any  surviving  difficulties  may  be  adjusted 
in  the  sage  spirit  of  good  will  characteristic  of  recent  Anglo-American 
relations. 

The  Beginnings  of  Australia.  —  In  a  little  more  than  a  century  there 
has  grown  up,  in  the  southern  hemisphere,  a  new  Britain  with  an  area 
equal  to  the  United  States,  but  with  a  population  as  yet  no  greater  than 
that  of  the  city  of  New  York.  The  Venetian  traveler  Marco  Polo 
(1254-1324)  refers  to  a  land  now  generally  believed  to  be  Australia, 
though  the  name  originated  with  the  Spanish  explorer,  De  Quiros,  about 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN    769 

1605.  The  Dutchman,  Abel  Tasman,  discovered  New  Zealand  about 
1642  and  visited  the  island  south  of  Australia  which  now  bears  his 
name,  though  he  called  it  Van  Diemen's  Land,  after  the  Governor  of 
Java.  More  than  a  hundred  years  later,  Captain  Cook,  with  the  mem- 
bers of  an  astronomical  expedition,  landed  at  Poverty  Bay,  New  Zea- 
land, in  1769.  After  sailing  around  the  islands,  he  proceeded  to  Aus- 
tralia, explored  the  southeastern  coast,  and  named  it  New  South  Wales. 
The  Spanish  and  the  Dutch,  who  had  been  first  on  the  ground,  made 
no  effort  to  found  settlements,  and  the  vast  territories  fell  to  the  latest 
comers,  the  British.  In  1787-1788,  Captain  Phillip  was  sent  out  with 
a  shipload  of  convicts  and  founded  a  city  at  Port  Jackson  which  he 
named  Sydney.  But  conditions  were  hard,  the  convicts  ignorant 
and  intractable,  and  the  real  need  was  for  men  of  agricultural  expe- 
rience and  capital.  Tempted  "  with  the  promise  of  land,  implements, 
and  food,"  a  few  families  began  to  come  out,  grants  were  also  made  to 
convicts  whose  terms  had  expired,  as  well  as  to  some  of  the  guards, 
and  the  free  population  increased  slowly  until  New  South  Wales,  as 
the  new  State  was  called,  numbered,  in  1821,  nearly  40,000  inhabitants. 
Unfortunately,  however,  there  was  a  great  disproportion  of  men,  and 
drunkenness  was  a  fruitful  cause  of  disorder.  Meantime,  the  sheep- 
raising  industry,  which  was  to  prove  the  main  source  of  Australian 
prosperity,  had  been  introduced,  in  1791,  by  John  MacArthur,  who 
soon  had  a  flock  of  1000.  The  numbers  multiplied  steadily  until,  in 
1909,  there  were  46,187,678. 

During  a  drought,  in  1812-1813,  some  of  the  colonists  crossed  the 
Blue  Mountains,  where  they  found  a  rich  fertile  soil.  Danger  of  French 
rivalry  and  increase  of  immigration  contributed  further  to  extend  the 
area  of  settlement.  In  1826,  the  Governor  of  New  South  Wales  re- 
ceived instructions  to  assert  the  British  claim  to  the  whole  of  Australia 
and  to  occupy  the  stations  on  the  western  shore.  Thus  began,  in  1829, 
the  settlement  of  West  Australia.  An  attempt  to  develop  the  Colony 
was  made  by  private  individuals ;  but  the  experiment  proved  a  failure. 
In  1838  there  were  only  2000  inhabitants,  and,  in  1849,  not  more  than 
5000.  Meantime,  Wakefield  published  his  Letter  from  Sydney,  already 
referred  to,  which  marks  an  epoch  in  Australian  colonization.  He 
insisted  that  lands  should  be  sold  to  settlers  in  small  lots  and  at  reason- 
ably high  prices,  and  that  the  proceeds  should  be  used  to  pay  the  pas- 
sage of  emigrant  laborers  and  for  general  government  expenses.  A 
company  on  his  plan  was  formed  to  colonize  South  Australia.  Un- 
wisely ignoring  Wakefield's  qualification  that  natural  pasture  should 
be  leased  on  moderate  terms,  the  Colonial  Office  —  hitherto  very  lavish 
in  grants  to  the  favored  —  fixed  a  price  per  acre  too  high  for  the  sheep- 


770     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

raisers  to  pay.  So  they  moved  inland  and  occupied  fresh  lands  for 
which  they  paid  nothing  at  all  —  hence  they  were  known  as  "  squat- 
ters." l  Eventually  a  compromise  was  arranged  by  which  they  were 
given  temporary  rights  of  occupancy  at  a  low  rent.  In  1825  Van  Die- 
men's  Land,  or  Tasmania  —  as  it  came  to  be  called  —  which  had  been 
settled  as  a  subordinate  penal  settlement  in  1803,  was  made  a  separate 
colony.  In  1851  Victoria  was  made  independent  of  New  South  Wales ; 
then  Queensland,  the  last  of  the  six  Australian  colonies,  was  carved 
out  of  New  South  Wales  in  1859. 

The  Commonwealth  of  Australia.  —  Australia's  three  great  problems 
have  been :  the  transportation  evil ;  the  subjugation  of  the  natives ; 
and  the  establishment  of  free  institutions,  self-government  and  feder- 
ation. After  a  long  hard  struggle  transportation  was  abolished  about 
1857,  though  some  convicts  were  supplied  to  West  Australia  till  1867. 
The  Australian  natives  were  of  a  very  inferior  type:  numbers  were 
shot  for  cattle  stealing,  more  succumbed  to  drink  and  other  evil  habits. 
While  a  few  survive  in  remote  parts  of  Australia,  they  are  now  quite 
extinct  in  Tasmania.  In  1842  a  legislative  council  was  established  in 
New  South  Wales,  but,  owing  to  the  steady  growth  in  numbers,2 
wealth  and  intelligence,  there  was  an  increasing  demand  for  more  com- 
plete form  of  self-government.  After  the  example  had  been  set  in 
Canada,  New  South  Wales,  Victoria,  Tasmania,  and  South  Australia 
(under  a  permissive  Imperial  Act  of  1850)  drew  up  constitutions  with 
popularly  elected  legislatures,  which  received  the  sanction  of  the 
British  Government  in  1855.  Queensland  received  a  similar  privilege 
in  1859  and  West  Australia  in  i89o.3  By  various  extensions  of  the 
franchise,  every  adult  man  and  woman  has  received  the  right  to  vote 
in  every  one  of  the  six  States.  Besides  being  a  pioneer  in  women's 
suffrage,  Australia  has  taken  over  the  Government  ownership  of  rail- 
roads and  has  made  a  remarkable  contribution  in  the  so-called  "  Torrens 
System  "  of  conveyancing.4  After  nearly  twenty  years  of  agitation 
the  various  states  were  federated  into  the  Commonwealth  of  Aus- 

1  The  term  in  this  sense  was  of  American  origin.    Now,  in  Australia  it  is  applied 
to  any  person  who  owns  or  leases  large  areas  for  sheep  or  cattle  raising. 

2  The  discovery  of  copper  in  1848,  and  more  especially  of  gold  in  1851,  led  to  a 
considerable  influx  of  settlers. 

3  Gold  was  discovered  in  West  Australia  in  1872  and  in  greater  quantities  in 
1882  and  subsequent  years,  with  the  result  that  the  population  increased  to  50,000 
in  1891,  and  to  281,000  in  1910. 

4  By  an  Act  passed  first  in  South  Australia  at  the  instance  of  Sir  Richard  Torrens 
in  1858,  all  estates  were  required  to  be  registered,  and  the  registered  owner  was 
considered  the  real  owner  in  all  future  transactions.    Thus,  much  confusion  formerly 
arising  from  disputed  titles  has  been  saved. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN    771 

tralia  by  a  measure  sanctioned  by  the  Imperial  Parliament  in  1900. 
The  formal  executive  is  vested  in  the  Sovereign,  acting  through  the 
Cover  nor- General,  the  actual  executive  in  a  responsible  Ministry 
headed  by  a  Prime  Minister.  There  is  a  federal  Parliament,  con- 
sisting of  a  senate  of  thirty-six  —  six  elected  from  each  State  —  and 
a  house  of  representatives  elected  on  a  basis  of  population.  Such 
powers  as  are  not  specially  vested  in  the  federal  legislature  remain 
in  the  legislatures  of  the  several  States,  an  arrangement  which  differs 
from  that  in  Canada  where  such  powers  as  are  not  specially  delegated 
to  the  provincial  legislatures  are  reserved  to  the  Dominion  Parliament. 
New  Zealand.  —  In  the  thirties,  an  association,  started  by  Wake- 
field,  was  formed  for  the  colonization  of  New  Zealand,  a  group  of  two 
large  —  the  North  and  South  —  and  some  smaller  islands  lying  about 
twelve  hundred  miles  east  of  Australia.  The  British  Government 
and  the  missionaries  at  first  opposed  the  project,  fearing  that  it  would 
cause  trouble  with  the  Maoris,1  a  native  race  of  Malay  stock,  highly 
intelligent  and  very  warlike.  Nevertheless,  settlement  proceeded 
apace ;  in  1839,  New  Zealand  was  declared  subject  to  the  Crown  under 
the  Governor  of  New  South  Wales,  and  the  following  year  a  separate 
colony  was  constituted  by  a  charter.  In  1852  a  self-governing  con- 
stitution was  granted.  New  Zealand  is  perhaps  the  most  progressive 
State  in  the  world.  Women  were  given  the  vote  in  1893 ;  like  Australia 
it  has  a  State-owned  railway  system,  and  in  many  other  respects  has 
led  in  State  socialism,  such  as  Government  ownership  of  telegraphs 
and  telephones.  Moreover,  it  conducts  most  of  the  life,  fire,  and  acci- 
dent insurance  business,  and  even  operates  some  State  coal  mines. 
Under  the  Labor  Ministry,  large  estates  have  been  broken  up  —  partly 
by  heavy  taxation,  partly  by  compulsory  sale ;  a  State  bank  has  been 
founded  to  lend  money  to  small  farmers  for  the  purpose  of  improving 
their  lands ;  and  very  progressive  laws  have  been  enacted  for  regulat- 
ing factories  and  conditions  of  labor.  In  1895  a  carefully  worked  out 
scheme  was  launched  for  settling  trade  disputes  and  preventing  strikes. 
In  the  event  of  a  failure  to  agree  between  employers  and  workmen's 
unions,  provision  was  made  for  application  to  a  Board  of  Conciliation, 
and,  in  the  last  instance,  to  an  Arbitration  Court  under  a  judge  whose 
decision  shall  be  final,  and  may  be  enforced  by  fine  and  imprisonment. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  laborers  have  proved  more  refractory  than  em- 
ployers, and  of  late  the  attempt  to  avert  strikes  has  been  unsuccessful. 
In  1898,  ten  years  before  the  Mother  Country,  a  system  of  old  age 

1  The  Maoris  long  proved  a  serious  problem,  though,  it  must  be  admitted,  they 
had  much  right  on  their  side.  Now,  however,  they  are  dying  out,  and  in  1008 
formed  only  47,000  out  of  a  population  of  1,008,000. 


772     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

pensions  was  adopted,  with  a  weekly  allowance  of  105.  for  all  persons 
over  sixty-five.  In  1907  New  Zealand  was  proclained  a  Dominion, 
to  which  various  small  islands  in  the  Pacific  were  annexed. 

The  British  in  South  Africa.  —  The  British  secured  their  first  firm 
foothold  in  South  Africa  bv  conquering  Cape  Colony  from  the  Dutch^1 
during  the  Napoleonic  Wars.  The  country  was  made  self-governing 
in  1872.  Meantime,  in  the  early  thirties,  many  of  the  Boers,  or  de- 
scendants of  the  original  Dutch  immijgrarir^  had  snlrl  thpi'rfarm^  frn- 
barked  their  families  and  household  goods  in  great  springless  cartsf  and, 
driving  their  stock  before  them,  departed  north  and  northeast  to  seek 
new  homes  in  the  haunts  of  savages  and  wild  beasts..  The  Great  Trek, 
or  emigration,  occurred  in  1836,  though  the  exodus  began  before  and 
continued  after  that  date.  Much  has  been  made  of  the  emancipation 
of  their  slaves,  for  which  they  received,  in  compensation,  less  than  half 
their  value.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  only  a  small  number  of  the  original 
trekkers  were  slave-owners  to  any  considerable  extent,  and  apparently 
the  more  impelling  causes  which  drove  them  forth  were  their  restive- 
ness  under  British  rule  and  the  fact  that  the  British  neither  protected 
them  against  the  natives  nor  trusted  them  to  protect  themselves. 
Some  went  to  Natal :  but  this  was  taken  over  as  a  British  possession 
and  annexed  to  the  Cape  Colony  in  184^  being  made  a  separate  Crowrj 
Colony  in  1856.  The  extension  of  the  British  rule  over  Natal  drove 
many  of  the  Boers  westward  into  the  Orange  River  country,  whither^ 
some  of  the  first  emigrants  from  Cape  Colony  had  originally  settled^ 
But  the  British  still  extended  their  sway,  and,  in  1848,  annexed  the 
Orange  River  Colony,  which  led  the  irreconcilables  to  a  final  refuge 
among  another  group  of  Boers  who,  after  the  Great  Trek  of  1836,  had 
made  new  homes  for  themselves  in  the  district  known  as  the  Transvaal. 
By  the  Sand  River  Convention,  of  1852,  the  independence  of  the  Trans- 
vaal, or  South  African  Republic,  was  recognized  by  the  British 
Government.  Two  years  later,  the  Orange  River  Free  State  was 
accorded  the  same  recognition,  and  retained  its  independence  until 
1899. 

The  Zulu  War  (1879).  — The  Transvaal,  however,  was  re-annexed 
by  Great  Britain,  in  1877,  on  the  ground  that  the  Transvaal  policy 
toward  the  natives  provoked  troubles  and  risings  whirh  menaced  the 
peace  of  the  other  South  African  provinces.2  Discontent  and  disorder 

1  The  Dutch  had  founded  the  Colony,  in  1652,  as  a  port  of  call  between 
Holland  and  their  possessions  in  the  East. 

.  2  Also  the  residents  of  the  villages,  largely  English  and  Germans,  in  contrast  to 
the  farmers,  who  were  Boers,  petitioned  for  annexation  to  protect  them  against  the 
Zulus. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN    773 

were  rife  enough  in  South  Africa.  There  were  risings  of  the  Kaffirs 
and  other  natives,  and,  worst  of  all,  a  formidable  war  with  the  warlike 
and  powerful  tribe  of  the  Zulus  broke  out  in  1879.  Although  there 
were  many  points  of  friction,  the  real  cause  of  the  latter  was  resentment 
of  the  Zulu  chieftain  against  the  British  for  taking  the  Boers,  his  en- 
emies, under  their  protection.  Feeling  the  need  of  prompt  action, 
the  Governor  sent  an  invading  fnrre  into  /nluland  before  ^the  Home 
authorities,,  occupied  with  a  war  in  Afghanistan,  had  decided  to  send 
reinforcements,.  This,  together  with  the  fact  that  the  commanders 
on  the  spot  undervalued  the  fighting  qualities  of  the  natives,  led  to  j, 
series  of  British  reverses  before  the  Zulus  were  finallynvprrnrnfi.  Zulu- 
land  was  divided  among  a  number  of  chieftains  and  later  reunited; 
but,  owing  to  constant  confusion  and  strife,  part  of  the  country  was 
later  taken  over  by  the  Transvaal  and  the  remainder  came  under  British 
protection  in  1897. 

The  Revolt  in  the  Transvaal  (1880-1881).  —  Meantime,  events  had 
developed  in  the  Transvaal  leading  to  a  great  British  humiliation. 
Gladstone,  who  became  Premier  for  the  second  time  in  1880.  had  en- 
couraged the  Boers,  by  his  language  during  the  preelection  campaignx 
to  hope  that  he  would  reverse  the  action  of  1877 :  hence,  when  they^ 
found  that  there  was  no  hope  that  independence  would  again  be  granted 
them,  they  preparH  for  rebellion.  By  the  end  of  December,  1880,^ 
British  detachments  had  been  forced  to  surrender,  and  a  troop  of  Boers 
had  invaded  Na.ta.\.  Sir  George  Colley,  the  British  commander,  was 
hampered  by  the  desire  of  the  Home  Office  to  continue  negotiations, 
by  the  inadequacy  of  his  forces,  and  by  the  old  British  delusion  that 
farmers  would  not  fight.  As  a  result,  in  an  attempt  to  seize  Majuba 
Hill,  27  February,  1881,  he  was  attacked  by  the  Boers,  he  lost  his 
life  and  his  little  army  was  cut  to  pieces.  In  the  teeth  of  this  dis- 
aster, Gladstone  insisted  on  resuming  the  negotiations  as  if  nothing 
had  happened,  and  self-government  was  restored  in  the  Transvaal.1 
Although  the  arrangement  continued  for  nearly  a  score  of  years,  it 
satisfied  almost  no  one.  The  opponents  of  the  Ministry  declared  that 
the  British  had  humiliated  themselves  by  making  terms  with  the  vic- 
torious insurgents,  the  British  supporters  in  South  Africa  complained 
that  they  had  been  deserted,  while  the  Dutch,  still  resentful  at  the 

1  By  the  terms  of  the  Pretoria  Convention  of  1881  an  indefinable  "suzerainty" 
had  been  reserved  to  the  British  Crown.  This  was  superseded  by  the  London 
Convention  of  1884,  in  which  this  meaningless  term  was  omitted,  but  in  which  a 
new  provision  was  introduced,  that  "white  men  were  to  have  full  liberty  to  reside 
in  any  part  of  the  Republic  (the  name  South  African  Republic  was  first  restored  at 
this  time),  to  trade  in  it,  and  to  be  liable  to  the  same  taxes  only  as  those  exacted 
from  citizens  of  the  Republic." 


774    SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

attempt  which  had  been  made  to  subjugate  them,  nourished  the  further 
grievance  that  any  restrictions  —  notably  on  freedom  to  make  foreign 
treaties  —  remained  to  limit  their  complete  independence. 

The  Designs  of  Cecil  Rhodes  and  the  Discovery  of  Gold  in  the  Trans- 
vaal. —  Two  factors  ultimately  combined  to  precipitate  a  crisis  in 
South  Africa.  One  was  the  ambition  of  a  very  remarkable  man  to 
make  Great  Britain  predominant  in  Africa,  the  other  was  the  discovery 
of  gold  in  the  TransvaaL,  Qecil  Rhodes  (1853-1902)  was  an  English^ 
man  who,  as  a  young  man,  went  to  South  Africa  for  his  health,  where 
he  made  a  huge  fortune,  mainly  out  of  the  Kimberlev  diamond  mines_ 
and  the  Transvaal  gold  fields,  and  rose  to  be  Prime  Minister  of  Cape 
Colony  in  1890.  While  Rhodes  lacked  scruple  in  the  pursuit  of  his 
aims,  he  was  not  a  mere  money-maker.  Ilis  dream  was  to  makeJiis 
country  supreme  in  Africa,  north  and  south,  and  to  unite  the  two  by 
a  railroad  from  Cairo  to  the  Cape.  Salisbury,  the  British  Premier, 
enthusiastically  supported  a  strong  policy  in  Africa.  He  refused  tp_ 
recognize  the  Portuguese  claim  to  Matabeleland  and  Mashonaland, 
which  lie  to  the  west  of  Portuguese  East  Africa.1  and)  in  1890,  in  return^ 
for  the  cession  ot  Heligoland  in  the  North  Sea,  he  induced  the  Germans 
to  abandon  their  claims  to  Uganda  anH  tlip  Tipper  Ni]e,  and  then  recog- 
nize the  British  protectorate  over  Zanzibar.  France  also  agreed  to 
this,  in  return  for  the  British  recognition  of  the  French  protectorate 
over  Madagascar.  Steadily  the  British  power  advanced  through  vast 
stretches  of  the  Continent.  In  June,  1894,  because  of  the  financial 
straits  of  the  British  East  Africa  Company,  founded  in  1888,  the  Gov- 
ernment proclaimed  a  protectorate  over  Uganda,  which  not  only  com- 
manded the  Nile  basin  but  might  be  regarded  as  the  "  key  "  of  Central 
Africa.  In  1899  the  Niger  Company  was  bought  out  for  £865,000, 
thus  adding  to  the  Empire,  Nigeria,  a  territory  one  third  the  size  of 
India.  Many  years  before,  in  1882,  the  British  occupation  of  Egypt 
had  begun,  while,  early  in  1899,  British  sway  was  extended  over  the 
Egyptian  Sudan.  Thus  there  was  substantial  ground  for  Rhodes' 
Cape  to  Cairo  railway  project.  Furthermore,  the  discovery  of  gold 
in  the  Transvaal  (1884)  brought  in  a  flood  of  foreigners  or  "  Uitlan- 
ders,"  who  were  bent  on  developing  the  country,  and  on  securing  a  voice 
in  its  affairs  proportional  to  their  wealth  and  influence.  The  Boers, 
who  were  mainly  an  agricultural  people,  wanted  to  keep  the  country Jio 

-  In  October,  1888,  Rhodes  obtained  the  mining  rights  in  Matabeleland  for  the 
British  South  Africa  Company,  which  received  its  charter  29  October,  1889;  under 
the  chairmanship  of  Rhodes  it  extended  its  exploitations  into  Mashonaland,  and 
the  two  territories,  brought  together  under  the  control  of  the  Company,  came  to  be 
known  as  Rhodesia. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN    775 

themselves.1  they  had  little  desire  to  develop  it.  and  were  detTrrmnpfl 
to  exclude  the  Uillanders  from  the  franchise  and  from  all  share  in  the 
government.  _ 

The  Jameson  Raid  (1895).  —  In  the  midst  of  the  struggle  the  world 
was  startled  to  learn  that,  29  December,  1895,  Dr.  Leander  Jameson, 
the  administrator  of  Rhodesia,  had  ridden  into  the  Transvaal  with  a 
body  of  the  Chartered  Company's  troops.  It  developed  from  a  sub- 
sequent parliamentary  inquiry  that  Rhodes  had,  as  early  as  June, 
formed  an  agreement  with  the  foreigners  interested  in  the  South  Africa 
gold  fields  to  promote  a  revolution  in  the  city  of  Johannesburg.  Tell- 
ing his  story  quite  frankly  before  the  committee,  he  pointed  out  that 
the  position  of  the  Uitlanders,  who  owned  more  than  half  the  land, 
nine  tenths  of  the  wealth  and  paid  nineteen  twentieths  of  the  taxes, 
was  intolerable ;  that  the  attitude  of  the  South  African  Republic  was 
notoriously  unfriendly  to  Cape  Colony ;  and  stated  that  his  aim  was 
.to  secure  control  of  the  Transvaal  in  order  to  incorporate  it  in  a  pro-, 
jected  South  African  federation  under  Great  Britain.^  His  design  was 
to  assist  the  insurgents,  or  "  reformers,"  with  the  Company's  forces, 
whereupon  the  British  Government  was  to  intervene  and  annex  the 
country.  The  rising  came  to  nothing,  owing  to  dissension  among  the 
"  reformers,"  for  one  faction  was  opposed  to  Rhodes's  plan  of  British 
rule  and  favored  an  independent  republic.  It  was  after  the  failure 
of  this  projected  rising  that  Jameson  undertook  his  raid,  in  spite  of 
the  efforts  of  Rhodes  and  the  "  reformers."  He  was  met  by  a  force 
of  the  Boers  and,  after  a  slight  engagement,  was  overcome  and  sur- 
rendered. Together  with  the  other  leading  raiders,  he  was  handed 
over  to  the  British  authorities,  who  sent  them  to  England  for  trial. 
Jameson  was  sentenced  to  fifteen  months  imprisonment  and  some  of 
the  others  to  shorter  terms.2 

Drifting  into  War  (1896-1899).  —  In  January,  1896,  Rhodes  re- 
signed as  Premier  of  Cape  Colony,  and,  in  June,  as  managing  director 
of  the  Chartered  Company.  He  was  never  tried  for  his  share  in  the 
conspiracy  and  raid,  though  he  returned  to  England,  in  1897,  to  give 
his  testimony  before  the  parliamentary  committee.  While  the  com- 
mittee reported  that  "  whatever  the  justification  may  have  been  for 
action  on  the  part. of  the  people  of  Johannesburg,  there  was  none  for 
a  person  in  Mr.  Rhodes's  position,"  he  was  warmly  defended  in  debate 

1  Though  it  is  asserted  that  President  Kruger  invited  English  capital  to  the 
country  through  the  English  press  in  1884. 

2  Four  of  the  reform  leaders  at  Johannesburg  were  sentenced  to  death ;  but  the 
sentence  was  commuted  to  a  fine  of  £25,000  each.     Forty-two  other  members  of 
the  reform  committee  had  to  pay  £2,000  each. 


776     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

by  the  Colonial  Secretary,  Joseph  Chamberlain,  and  other  men  of  in- 
fluence.1 After  the  attempt  to  force  their  hand  had  proved  futile,  the 
Boers  were  more  disinclined  than  ever  to  grant  to  the  Uitlanders  the 
concessions  which  they  demanded  and  deserved.2  Their  cause  was 
warmly  espoused  by  the  new  High  Commissioner,  Sir  Alfred  Milner, 
who  sent  a  strong  representation  to  Chamberlain  urging  that  the  Gov- 
ernment must,  for  its  own  credit,  assert  itself  in  behalf  of  "  thousands 
of  British  subjects  kept  permanently  in  the  position  of  helots."  As 
a  result,  a  series  of  conferences  was  arranged  with  Kruger  in  the  early 
summer  of  1899.  They  came  to  nothing  because  the  British  insisted 
on  a  franchise  based  upon  five  years'  residence,  while  Kruger  would 
concede  nothing  less  than  seven  years,  and  hedged  in  with  various  re- 
strictions at  that.  While  the  Unionist  Government  was  hot  for  war, 
the  Liberals  opposed  what  they  regarded  as  an  unjust  and  unnecessary 
aggression  in  behalf  of  Rhodes  and  the  financial  interests.  At  length, 
1 8  August,  the  Boers  went  so  far  as  to  offer  a  five  years'  franchise, 
but  on  conditions  that  the  British  Government  would  not  accept,- 
namely,  that  they  would  agree  never  again  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of 
the  Republic  and  to  drop  all  claims  to  suzerainty.3  After  further  vain 
negotiations  both  sides  determined  upon  war.  The  Boers  were  far 
better  equipped  than  the  British  imagined;  for,  ever  since  the  raid, 
they  had  been  quietly  buying  from  Europe  arms  and  ammunition  of  the 
most  improved  type.  On  9  October  they  sent  an  ultimatum  demand- 
ing the  withdrawal  of  troops,  which  the  British  refused  to  consider, 
and,  two  days  later,  they  invaded  Natal.  In  the  war  which  followed 
it  required  three  years  and  cost  Great  Britain  £250,000,000  to  subdue 
a  force  of  not  over  60,000  fighting  men. 

Opening  of  the  Boer  War  (October,  1899). — Neither  party  expected 
a  long  conflict.    The  Boers  recalled  their  easy  victory  in  1881 ;  they 

1  The  Boers,  especially  President  Kruger  of  the  South  African  Republic,  always 
suspected  that  the  British  Government  was  privy  to  Rhodes's  schemes.     These 
suspicions  were  no  doubt  unfounded,  though  it  is  most  likely  that  both  he  and 
Jameson  fancied  that  the  authorities  were  not  ignorant  of  their  designs  and  would 
approve  of  them  in  case  they  succeeded. 

2  The  Uitlanders  stated  their  case  in  a  petition,  March,  1899,  in  which  they 
complained  that  they  were  heavily  taxed  without  any  vote,  that  they  were  dis- 
criminated against  in  the  matter  of  education,  and  that  the  municipal  government, 
the  mines  and  the  railways  were  corruptly  and  incompetently  administered.     Of 
course  the  Boers  regarded  them  as  interlopers,  but,  if  we  admit  their  contention 
that  they  had  a  right  to  enter  and  develop  the  country,  still  more  if  they  were 
originally  invited,  we  must  agree,  after  due  allowance  for  their  one-sided  point  of 
view,  that  their  grievances  were  many  and  substantial. 

3  The  British  insisted  that  this  term  had  been  omitted  accidentally  from  the 
London  Convention  of  1884. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     777 

counted  on  their  admirable  preparation,  on  trip  HiviHprl  gtarp  of  British, 
public  opinion,  and  the  fact  that  their  opponents  fad  g^  f^w  tr^ps  in. 
South  Africa^  The  British  proved  incapable  of  profiting  by  past  ex- 
periences ;  they  did  not  dream  that  a  scanty  population  of  farmers 
would  be  capable  of  effective  resistance ; l  thpy  diH  nr»t  rpa1i7.p  tfrp  PY- 
tent  of  their  equipment  or  how  peculiarly  adapted  they  were  to  the 
kind  of  fighting  which  the  nature  of  the  country  required.  Moreover, 
British  generals,  trained  in  peace  or  in  warfare  with  savages,  proved 
at  first  no  match  for  the  very  competent  Boer  commanders  —  De  Wet^ 
Cronjer  and  Both§.  For  the  sake  of  political  effect  it  was  regarded 
as  necessary  to  defend  northern  Natal ;  but  strategically  it  was  unwise, 
since  the  territory  in  question,  penetrating  like  a  wedge  between  the 
Transvaal  and  the  Orange  Free  State,  was  exposed  to  attack  on  both 
sides.  As  a  result,  the  British  met  with  several  reverses,  and  Sir  George 
White  was  shut  up  in  Ladysmith,  where  he  had  to  withstand  a  long 
siege.  The  arrival  of  General  Buller,  as  Commander-in-Chief,  with 
reinforcements,  brought  no  immediate  relief;  indeed,  three  defeats 
followed  within  a  week.  All  this,  however,  had  the  effect  of  consoli- 
dating British  public  opinion  in  favor  of  the  war,  and  of  calling  forth 
the  best  efforts  not  only  of  the  United  Kingdom  but  of  the  whole  Em- 
pire ;  calls  for  volunteers  met  with  a  ready  response,  and  the  Colonies, 
who  had  already  sent  contingents,  loyally  answered  the  request  for 
more.  While  Buller  was  left  to  operate  in  Natal,  General  Roberts  2 
was  put  in  supreme  command,  with  General  Kitchener  as  his  chief  of 
staff,  and  ordered  to  advance  into  the  Tra.nsvaal  through  the  Orange 
River  Free  State. 

The  End  of  the  First  Phase  of  the  War  (September,  1900).  —  On  15 
February,  1900,  Roberts  succeeded  in  relieving  Kimberlev.  which  had 
been  besieged  for  four  months,  Cronje,  retreating  toward  Bloem- 
fontein,  was  compelled  to  surrender.  27  February,  and,  is  March^ 
Roberts  occupied  the  capital  of  the  Orang?  Frpp  Statp  _  Meantime, 
Buller,  though  he  was  defeated  again  and  again,  kept  doggedly  at  his 
work  of  trying  to  break  through  the  Boer  lines.  However,  the  opera- 
tions of  Roberts  drew  a  portion  of  the  enemy's  forces  from  Natal,  and 
28  February,  after  two  weeks  of  hard  fighting,  Buller  succeeded  in  a 
fourth  and  final  attempt  to  relieve  Ladysmith,  where  General  White 
had  conducted  an  heroic  defense  for  one  hundred  and  eighteen  days. 
Buller  proceeded  to  fight  his  way  north,  and,  12  June,  brought  his  army 
into  the  Transvaal.  While  Lord  Roberts'  overspent  troops  had  been 

1  The  veteran  Commander-in-Chief  Wolseley  was  an  exception. 

2  By  the  end  of  1900  he  had  an  army  of  250,000,  a  greater  force,  it  is  said,  than 
had  ever  been  intrusted  to  any  single  British  general. 


778     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

taking  a  six  weeks'  rest,  General  De  Wet  was  conducting  an  active 
guerilla  warfare  in  the  south  and  east  of  the  Orange  Free  State  and 
creating  havoc  with  small  British  detachments.  Disregarding  this 
diversion,  Roberts,  when  he  was  ready,  started,  i  May,  for  Pretoria. 
Johannesburg  was  occupied  31  May,  and  Pretoria  was  reached  and 
taken,  after  slight  resistance,  5  June.  During  the  advance,  Roberts' 
army  relieved  Maf  eking  on  the  Transvaal  border,  where  Colonel  Baden- 
Powell  1  had  been  gallantly  holding  out  for  some  time.  The  back- 
bone of  the  war  was  now  broken  ;  but  De  Wet  was  still  unbeaten,  and 
other  detachments  cooperating  with  him  conducted  a  harrowing  par- 
tisan warfare,  constantly  threatened  Roberts'  communications,  and 
at  one  time,  cut  him  off  wholly  from  the  south.  Finally,  General  Ian 
Hamilton  was  able  to  effect  a  junction  with  Buller's  army  from  Natal 
and  to  separate  the  Boer  forces  in  the  Transvaal  from  those  in  the  Free 
State.  The  plan  was  to  crush  them  in  detail.  While  those  in  the 
hill  country  of  the  State  were  gradually  overcome,  De  Wet  managed  to 
escape  north.  Although  smaller  forces  continued  to  give  trouble  else- 
where, the  conflict  was,  from  the  summer  of  1900,  concentrated  mainly 
in  the  Transvaal.  By  September,  Roberts  regarded  the  war  as  prac- 
tically ended,  and  Kruger  had  reached  such  a  pitch  of  despair  that  he 
started  for  Europe.  Yet,  although  the  British  Commander  issued  a 
proclamation  declaring  that  he  would  treat  those  who  still  held  out 
as  rebels,  it  was  still  more  than  a  year  and  a  half  before  the  supremacy 
of  the  conquerors  was  finally  recognized. 

The  Concluding  Stage  of  the  War  (September,  1900,  to  June,  1902). 
-  The  second  phase  of  the  war,  whirr;  rnnsisteH  in  the  "  gradual  ac-_ 
quisition  and  occupation  of  the  country,"  was  left  to  General  Kitchener, 
who  secured  his  conquests  by  blockhouses  connected      by  thousands^ 
of  miles  of  barbed  wire  entanglement.^'  JPeace  was  finally  concluded^" 
i  June,  i902,~5y  which  the  i  ransvaal  and  the  Orange  RiverFree  State~ 
were  formally  annexed.    Tn  spite  ot  the  British  victory,  there  was  jo 
jnuch  discontent  with  the  existing  military  organiz^t  ''nrij 


of  preparation  at  the  opening  of  the  war,  and  at  the  disasters  which^ 
marked  its  early  stages,  that  it  was  found  advisable,  directly  the  war 
was  over,  to  overhaul  and  reform  the  whole  armv  organization  in  the^ 
light  of  the  recent  hard  experience^ 

The  South  African  tfnion  (1909).  —  The  enclosure  and  systematic 
devastation  of  certain  districts  necessitated  the  removal  of  Boer  women 
and  children  to  concentration  camps  where  there  was  much  inevitable 
suffering  and  death.  Though  this  ruthless  military  policy  was  due  to 
widespread  and  dogged  resistance  and  though  the  sickness  and  death 
1  Later  notable  as  the  founder  of  the  Boy  Scouts. 


AFRICA  IN  1910 


.      ,      .         ENGLISH  MIIE8 
200       0       200    400     000     HID    HXX) 


REFERENCE 

[         |  Oerman      tRSpbrtugueu]        \  Ottoman. 


j.,...^™  pan  Italian  ~~|  Belgia 

XOTE:  The  Coloring  thovtt  tlit  potteuioni  of  the  different 

European  Power*  at  the  present  day. 

The  independent  African  State*  are  ----  '  -  •  •• 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     779 

was  often  caused  by  refusal  of  medical  attendance  and  disregard  of 
sanitary  regulations,  it  raised  a  great  outcry  in  England,  and  naturally 
enhanced  the  bitterness  which  the  Boers  felt  at  their  defeat  and  the 
loss  of  their  independence.  This,  however,  was  speedily  and  pretty  gen- 
erally dispelled  by  wise  liberality  of  the  British,  who  gave  and  loaned 
generous  sums  to  assist  the  Boers  to  repair  the  havoc  which  had  been 
wrought.  Moreover,  by  a  stroke  of  enlightened  statesmanship,  self- 
government  was  restored  to  the  Transvaal,  in  1907,  and  to  the  Orange 
River  Colony,  in  1908.  General  Botha,  the  leader  of  the  Boer  forces, 
and  General  Smuts  performed  valiant  service  in  reconciling  their  people 
to  the  situation.  The  next  step  was  to  unite  the  various  South  African 
States  into  a  union  under  one  central  government,  an  undertaking 
that  was  completed  in  1909.  As  is  the  case  in  Canada  and  Australia, 
there  is  a  Governor- General,  a  Prime  Minister,  a  Senate  and  a  House 
of  Assembly.  In  one  respect,  however,  the  arrangement  differs  de- 
cidedly from  either  Canada  or  Australia ;  with  scarcely  more  than 
1,000,000  whites  and  nearly  6,000,000  blacks  it  was  felt  that  it  would 
be  safer  to  form  a  single  strong  Government  than  to  establish  a  feder- 
ation of  the  four  existing  States.  The  former  States  are  now  Provinces 
which  merely  administer  their  local  affairs.  Owing  to  rivalry  among 
the  various  cities,  the  executive  capital  was  established  at  Pretoria, 
the  legislative  capital  at  Cape  Town,  and  the  Court  of  Appeals  at 
Bloemfontein.  No  distinction  is  made  between  the  use  of  English 
and  Dutch. 

Post- union  Problems.  —  Since  the  Union  there  has  been  a  fair  share 
of  discontent,  unrest  and  discord.  General  Botha,  who  became  the 
first  Premier  under  the  Union,  has  been  sharply  opposed  by  General 
Hertzog  and  the  pnti'-'Rn'ti'gh  party  rhiVfly  nn  thp  ground  of  his  ent.hu- 
siasm  for  Imperial  defen&e.  Moreover,  during  the  year  1913,  South 
Africa  was  disturbed  by  serious  strikes.1.  Since  the  black  natives  out- 
number the  whites  nearly  six  to  one,  the  Botha  Government  was  so 
alive  to  the  danger  that  it  not  only  proclaimed  martial  law  and  called 
out  troops  but  went  to  the  length  of  deporting  ten  of  the  strike  leaders 

1  Another  difficulty  has  been  raised  by  the  treatment  of  East  Indian  indentured 
laborers.  In  1913  the  South  African  Parliament  passed  an  Immigrants  Regula- 
tion Act  which  continued  a  £3  tax  imposed  some  years  before  by  the  Natal  Gov- 
ernment on  such  Indian  laborers  at  the  end  of  their  term  of  service,  and  also  re- 
strictions on  their  movements  from  province  to  province.  Thereupon,  the  East 
Indians  began  a  policy  of  passive  resistance,  many  being  imprisoned  for  refusing 
to  pay  fines  imposed  on  them.  A  further  grievance  arose  from  the  fact  that  a 
Natal  court  decided  that  wives  married  according  to  Hindu  or  Mohammedan  rites 
should  have  no  status  in  the  Province.  The  whole  policy  called  forth  strong 
protests  from  the  Government  of  India. 


780     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

jr>  England.  This  procedure  aroused  an  outcry  among  the  English 
labor  leaders  which  was  only  drowned  in  the  thunders  of  the  World 
War. 

Egypt  Previous  to  the  British  Occupation.  —  Egypt,  that  land  of 
marvelous  antiquity,  furnishes  a  striking  example  of  the  manner  in 
which  stress  of  circumstances  has  not  infrequently  forced  Great  Brit- 
ain reluctantly  to  extend  her  Imperial  responsibilities.  Egypt  proper 
has  an  area  of  about  three  times  the  British  Isles  and  ^population  of 
some  |WP!VP  million^  r>f  wVnVV|  over  ten  millions  are  native  Egyptians 
oj  the  Mohammedan  faith.  The  country  is  watered  by  the  Nile,  and 
depends  for  its  fertility  not  on  rainfall  but  on  the  water  obtained  from 
the  periodic  overflow  of  the  great  river.  The  capital,  situated  just 
above  the  delta,  is  Cairo,  and  Alexandria  is  the  seaport.  South  of 
Egypt  is  the  Sudan  (the  land  of  the  Blacks),  with  an  area  of  a  million 
square  miles  and  three  million  inhabitants.  Much  might  be  said  of 
Egypt's  glorious  but  faded  past  under  the  long  regime  of  the  Pharaohs, 
of  its  successive  subjection  by  the  Persians,  by  Alexander,  and  by  the 
Romans;  but  the  interest  for  the  student  of  modern  affairs  begins 
with  Egypt's  conquest  by  the  Arab  Saracens  (the  Christian  name  for 
Mohammedans)  in  638,  or,  more  particularly,  after  its  conquest,  in 
1515,  by  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  who  two  years  later  assumed  the  posi- 
tion of  successor  of  Mahomet  by  proclaiming  himself  Caliph  of  Islam. 
For  five  centuries  the  Sultan  continued  as  nominal  overlord.  After 
Napoleon's  ambitious  plans  of  conquest  had  been  frustrated  by  Nelson 
and  the  French  had  been  driven  out,1  Mehemet  Ali,  an  Albanian  ad- 
venturer, managed  to  thrust  himself  in  as  representative  of  the  Porte, 
and  eight  years  before  his  death,  in  1849,  secured  a  firman,  or  decree, 
from  Constantinople  recognizing  as  hereditary  in  his  family  the  office 
of  Governor,  or  Vali.  Mehemet  Ali  disposed  of  his  enemies  with  the 
bloodthirsty  expeditiousness  of  the  Oriental  despot,  but,  albeit  by 
ferocious  rough-and-ready  methods,  he  dispensed  a  fair  degree  of  jus- 
tice, and  worked  according  to  his  lights  to  develop  the  resources  of 
the  land. 

The  British  Purchase  of  the  Suez  Canal  Shares  and  the  Beginning 
of  International  Control.  —  It  was  the  colossal  extravagance  of  Ismail 
(1863-1879),  one  of  his  successors,  who  was  allowed  to  assume  the  title 
of  Khedive  in  1866,  that  first  brought  about  active  European  inter- 
vention in  Egypt,  the  final  result  of  which  was  the  British  occupation. 
Among  the  projects  which  Napoleon  had  been  forced  to  abandon  was 
one  to  cut  a  canal  through  the  Isthmus  of  Suez.  This  was  taken  up 
by  the  French  engineer,  Ferdinand  de  Lesseps,  who,  in  spite  of  the  op- 

1  See  above,  p.  597. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     781 

position  of  Palmerston,  succeeded  (1856)  in  launching  a  company  with 
a  capital  of  £8,000,000,  nearly  half  of  which  was  subscribed  by  French 
capitalists.  The  Egyptian  Government,  which  took  up  most  of  the 
remainder,  ultimately  sank  more  than  £16,000,000  in  the  undertaking. 
The  Suez  Canal,  opened  17  November.  1860.  with  great  festivities, 
shortened  the  route  from  England  to  Bombay  by  6000  miles  and,  in 
conjunction  with  the  introduction  of  steamships,  reduced  trie  length 
of  the  journey  from  four  months  to  three  weeks.  British  interest  in 
Egypt,1  always  great  ever  since  the  acquisition  of  India,  now  became 
vital.  Ismail,  after  an  orgy  of  lavishness,  became  bankrupt  in  1875, 
having,  as  a  result  of  personal  prodigality,  of  internal  improvements  — • 
made  unduly  costly  by  official  graft  and  mismanagement  —  and  of 
borrowing  at  ruinous  rates,  swelled  the  national  debt  from  £3,000,000 
to  £89,000,000.  In  desperation  he  undertook  to  mortgage  his  Canal 
shares  in  Paris,  whereupon,  Disraeli,  prompted  by  a  wise  suggestion 
from  an  English  journalist,  purchased  the  whole  lot — 176,602  of  the 
400,000  originally  issued  —  for  the  British  Government.  Negotiating 
the  purchase  on  his  own  responsibility,  he  succeeded  in  inducing  Par- 
liament to  ratify  the  step.  The  shares  for  which  he  paid  slightly  more 
than  £4,000,000  are  now  worth  over  £20,000,000.  The  financial  posi- 
tion of  the  Khedive  was  so  hopeless  that  a  Caisse  de  la  Dette,  or  com- 
mittee of  bondholders,  was  set  up  in  May,  1876,  which  was  authorized 
to  receive  for  foreign  creditors  the  portion  of  the  public  revenues  that 
the  Powers  forced  the  Khedive  to  devote  to  the  payment  of  the  interest 
on  his  debts.  Later  in  the  same  year  a  scheme  was  formulated  for 
placing  the  administration  of  Egyptian  finances  under  the  supervision 
of  two  commissioners,  one  French  and  one  British.  This  Dual  Con- 
trol was  first  established  on  a  satisfactory  basis  after  it  had  been  found 
necessary  to  depose  Ismail  in  1879.  The  system,  however,  lasted 
barely  three  years. 

The  Beginning  of  the  British  Occupation  (1881-1882).  —  A  crisis 
came  in  1881  when  the  new  Khedive  was  obliged  to  dismiss  his  Cabinet 
at  the  demand  of  a  faction  of  the  army  who,  besides  having  certain 
particular  grievances,  represented,  or  professed  to  represent,  the  anti- 
Turkish  or  patriotic  Egyptian  interest.  What  had  begun  as  a  "  na- 
tional "  movement  degenerated,  under  their  guidance,  into  an  anarchis- 
tic outburst  against  progressive  administration,  and  an  anti-Christian 
crusade.  They  were  led  by  Arabi,  "  a  colonel  of  peasant  origin,"  who 
became  War  Minister,  5  February,  1882.  In  spite  of  a  joint  note  from 

1  Nevertheless,  Great  Britain  refused  in  1844,  and  again  in  1853,  proposals  of 
the  Tsar  to  annex  Egypt  by  way  of  compensation  for  allowingxhim  to  appropriate 
other  parts  of  the  Turkish  dominions. 


782     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

Great  Britain  and  France,  the  Khedive  was  obliged  to  admit  him  to 
office  and  was  threatened  with  death  if  he  removed  him.  A  grievous 
evidence  of  what  might  be  expected  under  the  new  regime  was  a  Mo- 
hammedan massacre  of  Christians  at  Alexandria,  n  June.  France 
at  first  had  been  for  joint  Anglo-British  intervention  to  suppress  Arabi, 
while  Great  Britain  favored  action  through  the  Porte ;  however,  the 
overthrow  of  the  French  Cabinet  which  advocated  a  vigorous  policy 
left  the  British  to  deal  with  the  situation  alone.  When  they  found 
that  Arabi  was  erecting  batteries,  they  determined,  n  July,  to  bom- 
bard Alexandria,  while  the  French  fleet,  already  there,  refused  to  par- 
ticipate and  sailed  away.  Arabi  was  forced  to  abandon  the  city,  and 
13  September  was  defeated  at  Tel-el- Kebir  and  put  to  flight  by  a  Brit- 
ish army.  Shortly  after,  a  representative  sent  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment framed  and  submitted  to  the  British  Cabinet  a  scheme  for 
the  reorganization  of  the  Egyptian  administration.  At  the  request 
of  the  Egyptian  Government  the  Dual  Control  came  to  an  end  in 
spite  of  French  protests,  though  Gladstone  and  his  Cabinet  dis- 
claimed all  thought  of  a  British  protectorate  and  proposed  to  with- 
draw as  soon  as  conditions  warranted  the  step.  But  Great  Britain, 
assuming  the  position  of  adviser,  with  Sir  Evelyn  Baring  (later  Lord 
Cromer)  as  Agent  and  Consul- General,  acted  as  protector  in  fact  if 
not  in  name,  and  remains  in  occupation  to  this  day.1 

The  Sudan  and  Gordon  at  Khartum  (1884).  —The  next  crisis  jn 
Egyptian  affairs  was  due  to  the  situation  in  tVip  Snrlan,  lyir|g  in  tVip 
upper  Nile  valley  to  the  soufo  of  Egypt.  Tn  1881  a  man  rose  up  who 
proclaimed  himself  the  MflhrH  —  tV>p  spiritual  and  temporal  ruler 
whose  coming  the  Mr>^gTnmpr>q"c  1r>r>1-;H  forward  fr>  in  fhp  ]^\  day* 
Declaring  it  his  mission  to  drive  the  hated  Egyptian  power  from  the 

1  In  December,  1914,  as  a  consequence  of  Turkey's  entrance  in  the  World  War 
on  the  German  side,  she  finally  went  to  the  length  of  declaring  a  formal  protecto- 
rate. 

The  rather  complicated  system  of  government  previous  to  December,  1914,  was 
as  follows.  The  Khedive  was  a  vassal  of  the  Sultan  to  whom  he  paid  tribute,  but 
all  his  acts  were  supervised  by  the  British  Consul-General.  There  was  a  Legis- 
lative Council  and  Assembly  —  absorbed  in  one  House  by  an  Act  of  1913  —  con- 
sisting of  the  6  Cabinet  Ministers,  1 7  Government  appointees,  and  66  elective  mem- 
bers. The  revenues  were  divided  into  two  parts ;  half  went  for  the  expenses  of  the 
Government  and  half  for  the  foreign  creditors,  represented  by  the  Caisse  de  la  Dette. 
There  were  four  groups  of  courts :  the  Courts  of  the  Cadis  to  administer  Moham- 
medan law  relating  to  marriage  and  inheritance;  the  Native  Tribunals  dealing 
with  criminal  and  civil  cases ;  the  Consular  Courts  —  guaranteed  by  the  Capitula- 
tions of  the  XVth  and  XVIth  centuries  —  to  try  criminal  suits  of  foreigners ;  and 
the  Mixed  Tribunals  —  dating  from  1876  —  representing  fifteen  Powers,  in  which 
civil  suits  involving  natives  and  foreigners  were  adjudicated. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     783 


Sudan,  to  conquer  their  country,  to  overthrow  thmr  TWHgh 
and  to  convert  the  whole  world  to  his  faithf  which  not  only  wa 
to  Christianity  but  to  orthndmr  Mr>hatT|rnfdanism  as  well,  he  gathered 
about  him  a  body  of  fanatical  enthusiasts^  Against  them  the  ^English 
commander  of  the  Egyptian  army  was  unable  to  make  headway,  partly 
because  of  the  disorganized  state  of  the  Egyptian  Government  and 
partly  because  Gladstone's  Foreign  Minister,  Lord  (jranville,  refused" 
to  assume  any  responsibility  in  the  Sudan.  t  When  Baring  protested 
that  (since  the  Sudan  was  a  dependency  of  the  Khedive)  it  was  im- 
possible to  separate  Egyptian  and  Sudanese  affairs,  the  Cabinet  de- 
cided to  abandon  the  country.  After  vain  attempts  had  been  made 
to  relieve  and  withdraw  the  loyal  garrison  posted  there,  General  Gor- 
don, whose  offer  to  undertake  the  task  had  been  twice  refused  by  Baring 
and  the  Egyptian  Ministers,  was  sent  out  by  the  British  Government. 
Considering  that  the  mission  was  intended  to  be  a  peaceful  one,  the 
choice  was  most  unhappy  ;  Gordon  was  an  erratic  military  genius  anc| 
a  religious  enthusiast  as  well,  who  previously,  as  Governor-General 
for  the  Khedive  in  these  regions,  had  made  dire  war  on  the  slave- 
dealers,  thus  bitterly  antagonizing  the  class  now  among  the  Mahdi's 
stanchest  supporters^  Moreover,  arriving  at  Khartum  in  February, 
1884,  he  finally  decided  to  hold  the  city  and  "  smash  the  Mahdi." 
But  he  was  gradually  hemmed  in  and  his  communications  cut  off. 

The  Failure  to  Relieve  Him  (1885).  The  Final  Conquest  of  the 
Sudan  (1898).  —  After  months  of  delay  the  British  Government;  fin  ally 
gent  a  force  to  relieve  him.  Against  the  advice  of  men  on  the  ground, 
General  Wolseley,  the  commander,  chose  the  long  river  route  instead 
of  the  shorter  road  across  the  desert.  He  did  at  length  consent  to 
(pspatcri  a  column  by  way  of  the  desprt  •  hnt  it.  wa.s  too  late  to  pro- 
cure camels,  or  adequate  equipment  anri  supplies-  When  the  relieving 
force  arrived  within  striking  distance  of  Khartum.  27  January.  188^. 
the^Mahdi  was  in  possession  and  Gordon  was  dead^.  In  the  face  of 
starvation  and  treachery  within,  as  well  as  attacks  from  without,  he 
held  on  magnificently  for  three  hundred  and  seventeen  days.  The 
tardy  arrival  of  the  relieving  force  roused  a  storm  of  fury  in  England 
and  proved  the  "  death-blow  of  the  Ministry,"  and  the  name  of  Gordon 
was  cherished  as  that  of  a  martyred  hero.  Nevertheless,  the  Sudan 
was  abandoned.^  While  the  Mahdi  only  survived  the  taking  of  Khar- 
tum five  months,  the  country  was  ruled  for  some  years  by  his  successor, 
an  ex-slave-dealer,  who  committed  sad  havoc  and  almost  depopulated 
it.  Meantime,  under  the  remarkable  administration  of  Baring,  who 
became  Lord  Cromer  in  1901,  Egypt  was  absolutely  transformed. 
Finances  were  put  on  a  sound  footing,  roads  were  built,  and  irrigation 


784     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

was  revolutionized  by  the  Assuan  dam  begun  in  1898.  The  army, 
too,  was  reformed.  Its  most  notable  achievement  was  the  recovery 
of  the  Sudan  in  a  campaign  which  lasted  from  1896  to  1898  under 
Sir  Herbert  Kitchener,  who  was  also  assisted  by  British  forces.  The 
critical  engagement  leading  to  the  recovery  of  Khartum  was  fought 
at  Omdurman,  2  September,  iSgS.1  By  an  agreement,  concluded  in 
January,  1899,  the  Government  of  the  Sudan  was  placed  under  the 
sovereignty  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Khedive  of  Egypt.  Military  and 
civil  control  was  vested  in  a  Governor- General  recommended  by  the 
British  and  appointed  by  the  Khedive.  Under  the  new  regime  the 
Sudan  appears  to  be  recovering  from  Mahdism  and  to  be  on  the  road 
to  civilization  and  prosperity. 

Cromer  and  Modern  Egypt.  —  In  addition  to  the  financial  and  army 
reforms  already  enumerated,  much  has  been  done  in  Egypt  toward 
improving  the  administration  of  justice,  the  condition  of  pn'snnsT  the 
state  of  public  health,  and  the  advancement  of  education.  At  first, 
progress  in  the  latter  field  was  painfully  slow ; 2  of  late,  however,  the 
gain  has  been  rapid.  With  the  improvement  of  material  conditions 
and  the  spread  of  education  there  has  been  an  increasing  demand  for 
self-government.  This  new  nationalism  first  became  manifest  about 
1892  upon  the  death  of  Ismail's  successor ;  stimulated  by  the  strained 
relations  between  the  British  agency  and  the  new  Khedive  and  greatly 
fostered  by  the  press,  it  was  taken  up  by  many  young  men  of  the  better 
class,  though  chiefly  among  the  Mohammedans.  While  much  can  be 
said  for  the  movement  from  the  standpoint  of  sentiment,  unquestion- 
ably the  country  is  better  off  under  British  than  it  could  hope  to  be 
under  native  rule.  Yet,  as  they  grow  ready  for  it,  more  and  more  of 
the  government  should  be  placed  in  native  hands.  The  French,  as 
they  saw  their  Egyptian  investments  steadily  increasing  in  value, 
gradually  became  reconciled  to  an  indefinite  British  occupation,  and, 
in  1904,  formally  agreed  to  demand  no  limit  to  its  continuance.  In 
1907,  Lord  Cromer  resigned  after  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  of 
labors,  crowned  by  unique  achievement. 

The  British  Advance  in  India.  —  Since  the  passage  of  Pitt's  India 
Bill  in  1784  3  the  British  direct  rule  has  been  extended  until  it  includes 
three^ fifths  of  the  total  area  of  i  ,900,000  square  miles  and  rather  more 
than  three  quarters  of  a  population  ^which  numbered  315,000,000  in 

1  About  the  same  time,  Major  Marchand,  entering  from  the  west,  occupied 
Fashoda  for  the  French;  but  after  delicate  diplomatic  negotiations  he  was  induced 
to  withdraw. 

2  According  to  the  census  of  1897  no  less  than  88  per  cent  of  the  males  and 
995  per  cent  of  the  females  were  unable  to  read  or  write. 

3  See  above,  p.  575. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     785 

1911.  There  remain  some  ;oo  native  States  —  less  than  a  score  of 
which  are  of  any  considerable  size  —  all  of  which  are  under  the  super- 
vision of  British  residents  and  enjoy  British  pmtprtion  Many  re- 
forms have  been  effected,  though  consequent  en  cro^  rhmpr.fg  yp<-^ 
native  independence  and  native  prejudice  have  been  bitterly  rpxpntp^ 
111  feeling  was  accentuated  by  various  causes.  Having  once  inter- 
vened, Great  Britain  and  the  East  India  Company 


. 

obliged,  often  against  their  will,  to  conquer  new  territories  in  order 
to  secure  those  which  they  already  held,  and  sometimes  to  annex  tribes^ 
who  sought  their  protection!  Moreover,  the  British  administrators, 
while  in  general  men  of  the  best  intentions,  were  often  overbearing 
and  maladroit.  Lord  Morm'ngton,  later  Marquis  of  Wellesley,  who 
wf-nj_nnt  as  Govern  or-  General  in  1708,  has  been  called  the  "second 
father  of  the  Indian  Empire,"  *  owing  to  his  activity  in  extending  the 
British  power  and  acquiring  territory.  Most  of  these  acquisitions 
were  due  to  the  risings  under  Napoleonic  influence  in  the  south,  to 
the  disorders  of  various  MaratFa  chieftains  who  terrorized  centra,! 
India,  and  to  the  need  of  protecting  the  northern  border  against  the 
aggressions  of  the  Afghans.,  Wellesley  resigned  in  1  805.  when  the, 
Home  Government  ceased  to  support  him  against  the  Company 

The  Reforms  of  Bentinck  (1828-1835).  —  Neither  the  Government 
nor  the  Company  was  in  favor  of  further  territorial  expansions.;  but 
the  logic  of  events  and  the  ambition  of  Governors  resulted  in  annexa- 
tions, protectorates  and  subsidiary  treaties  2  at  more  or  less  regular 
intervals.  Though  the  rights  of  native  rulers  were  occasionally  dis- 
regarded, intervention  was,  in  most  cases,  prompted  by  disorder  or 
oppression.  One  great  step  in  the  interest  of  peace  was  the  breakup 
of  the  Maratha  Confederacy  in  1818.  The  rule  of  Lord  William 
Bentinck  (1828-1835)  was  marked  by  great  reforms.  He  abolished 
the  sati  (suttee)  or  the  practice  of  burning  Hindu  widows  on  the  funeral 
piles  of  their  husbands,  likewise  he  suppressed  the  Thagf.  (or  thugs)  a 
jsecret  society  of  robbers  and  murderers.^  In  addition,  he  greatly  in- 
creased the  Indian  revenue,  while  at  the  sam.fi  time  rednring  tfref  PY- 
penses  of  the  administration;  he  made  English  the  offiria.1  language 
of  the  country  and  sought  to  foster  the  education  of  the  natives  in_ 
English  ways._  While  the  Anglo-Indians  resented  his  revision  of  the 
"  batta,"  or  official  allowances,  as  well  as  his  extension  of  the  recently 
established  custom  of  employing  natives  in  the  public  service,  hjg 
rule  was,  on  the  whole,  peaceful  and  prosperous.  ^Meantime,  the 
functions  of  the  Company  had  been  greatly  curtailed.  In  1813  its 

1  Clive  is  known  as  "  the  father  of  the  Indian  Empire." 

2  By  which  a  State  paid  subsidies  in  return  for  military  protection. 

3E 


786     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

trading  monopoly  was  confined  to  China,  in  1833  even  that  was  taken 
away,  and  all  that  remained  were  such  political  administrative  powers 
as  had  been  provided  for  in  the  Act  of  1784. 

The  Fatal  Expedition  to  Afghanistan,  the  Sikh  Wars,  and  the  Ag- 
gressive Policy  of  Dalhousie.  —  Under  Bentinck's  successor  the  Brit- 
ish met  with  a  great  humiliation.  Russia  was  thus  early  seeking  to  ex- 
tend her  influence  in  Afghanistan,  and  Persia  was  assisting  her  advance. 
The  British  Governor- General  suspected  the  Afghan  Amir  at  Kabul 
of  complicity,  so,  in  October,  1838,  he  proclaimed  the  latter's  de- 
position and  set  up  in  his  place  the  representative  of  a  rival  line  whom 
he  supported  by  a  British  army.  The  natives  submitted  for  a  time ; 
but,  late  in  1841,  they  rose  in  revolt,  in  consequence  of  which  the 
British  general  signed,  January,  1842,  a  humiliating  treaty  by  which 
he  agreed  to  evacuate  Kabul.  The  retreat  proved  to  be  one  of  the 
most  disastrous  in  British  annals.  Subjected  to  increasing  attacks, 
only  one  man  survived  out  of  a  force  of  4500  men  and  10,000  followers. 
A  new  British  army  relieved  two  garrisons  which  still  held  out,  marched 
on  Kabul,  took  the  city,  16  September,  1842,  recovered  the  surviving 
women  and  children  —  together  with  the  married  officers  who  by 
special  exemption  had  not  joined  the  retreat  —  and  returned  to  India. 
In  spite  of  this  belated  assertion  of  power  the  result  was  a  sore  blow 
to  British  prestige.  The  year  1843  was  notable  for  the  annexation  of 
Sind  —  the  country  in  the  valley  of  the  Lower  Indus.  This  was  an 
act  of  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  commanding  general,  who  de- 
scribed it  as  a  "  very  advantageous,  useful  and  humane  piece  of  ras- 
cality "  and  announced  his  victory  with  the  words  "  peccavi,  I  have 
Sind."  Two  wars  (1845-1846  and  1848-1849) — with  the  Sikhs, 
a  powerful  military  and  religious  sect,  organized  into  a  great  confed- 
eracy —  resultedan  the  annexation  of  the  Punjab,  the  region  of  the 
Upper  Indus  northeast  of  Sind.  The  second  Sikh  War  was  concluded 
during  the  governorship  of  the  Earl  of  Dalhousie  (1848-1856)  who 
vastly  extended  the  area  of  British  rule  by  a  series  of  notable  annexa- 
tions. An  able,  energetic  ruler,  his  only  defect  was  lack  of  imagina- 
tion. Convinced  that  the  British  system  was  infinitely  more  enlight- 
ened and  efficient  than  that  of  the  natives,  he  failed  to  realize  how  it 
might  run  counter  to  their  sentiments  and  prejudices.  Perhaps  his 
most  momentous  step  was  the  annexation  of  Oudh,  in  February,  1856, 
where,  it  should  be  said,  he  followed  the  Company's  wishes  rather  than 
his  own.  The  native  government  was  ineffective,  oppressive  and  cor- 
rupt ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  transaction  was  not  only  badly  managed, 
but  involved  the  revocation  of  Wellesley's  treaty  of  1801  with  a  Wazir 
whose  successors  had  always  been  loyal  to  Great  Britain.  The  appre- 


0         U          E 

INDIA  IN  1857 

British  Dominions    I         >         Protected  States    I  -'-* 
Independent  States    1         I        French    I         I     Portuguese    I         I 

ENGLISH  MI).Eg  , 

0           100         200         300         400         500 
*° «P° 


V 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     787 

hension  it  aroused  among  the  other  native  princes  was  increased  by  the 
Governor-  General's  announcement  that  the  British  would  take  posses- 
sion of  all  States  where  the  ruler  was  without  natural  heirs,  —  a  new 
policy  quite  at  odds  with  a  well-established  Indian  law  and  practice 
of  adopting  successors.  Following  the  proclamation,  several  of  the 
States  of  the  former  Maratha  Confederacy  were  taken  over,  and  Nana 
Sahib,  the  adopted  son  of  the  ex-Peshwa,  or  former  ruler  of  the  Con- 
federacy, was  deprived  of  his  pension.  Also  the  Mogul  at  Delhi  was 
informed  that  he  could  not  hand  on  the  titles  and  revenues  which  his 
degenerate  line  had  so  long  enjoyed.  All  this  contributed  to  prepare 
the  way  for  the  Indian  Mutiny,  which  came  as  a  sudden  shock  to  the 
British  people  just  after  they  had  finished  celebrating  the  centenary 
of  Plassey,  23  June,  1857. 

The  Causes  of  the  Indian  Mutiny  (1857).  —  The  causes  of  the  Mu- 
tiny were  many  and  complex  —  "a  r.orribi'na.Hnn  r^f  military  grievances,. 
national  hatred  and  religious  f  ana  Hri^  " 


clenly  against  the  English  occupation  of  India^.    There  were  all  sorts 
of  elements  of  discontent  fomented  by  busy  agents  of  sedition.     The 
innovations,  reforms  and  inventions  of  more  than  two  rlp.ra.Hps  har| 
aroused  the  superstitious  fears  of  the  people,  especially  of  the  Brabmans  ^ 
who  cherished  their  caste  system  and  their  other  traditions  with  pecul-. 
far  jealousy.     Owing  to  the  activity  of  the  missionaries,  and  the  sym- 
pathy accorded  them,  perhaps  too  zealously,  by  many  of  thp  "fflriala 
and  soldiers,  the  belief  got  abroad  that  Christianity  was  to  be  imposed 
by  force  or  trickery  on  the  reluctant  country^     Then  the  time  seemed 
peculiarly  ripe.     The  miscarriages  in  Afghanistan  had  encouraged. 
the  disaffected  to  believe  that  their  masters  were  not  invulnerable^ 
moreover,  the  Crimean  War  had  been  a  heavy  drain  on  British  re- 
sources, and  a  conflict  with  China  had  begun  to  draw  to  a  head  before 
terms  of  peace  had  been  concluded  with  Persia,  whose  Shah  was  united 
in  a  close  religious  bond  with  the  Mohammedan  Mogul  at  Delhi.     Ow^ 
ing  to  these  various  wars,  successive  contingents  had  been  withdrawn 
till  only  45,000  Europeans  remained  in  the  Indian  army,  while  the  na-_ 
tive  troops  aggregated  nearly  ^oo.ooo  —  a  disproportion  of  numbers  _ 
well  calculated  to  encourage  disaffection.. 

~ln  '.February,  1856,  the  masterful  Dalhousie  was  succeeded  by  a  man 
of  a  most  conciliatory  attitude,  Viscount  Canning,  whose  arrival,  how- 
ever, instead  of  averting  the  trouble,  was  followed  by  a  series  of  meas- 
ures which  brought  it  to  a  headA  The  land  system  in  Oudh  was  ap- 
proxirhated  to  the  English  model,  and  many  of  the  native  Zamindars, 
who  farmed  the  taxes  of  whole  villages,  were  removed.  The  army 
was  a  hot-bed  of  discontent,  most  extreme  in  the  Bengal  army,  where. 


788     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  privates,  who  were  Brahmins,  or  other  high-caste  Hindus,  hated 
to  render  obedience  to  officers  whom  they  regarded  a.s  inferiors.  Fnr^ 
merly, Jhey^had  been  privileged  over  the  Bombay  and  Madras  armies 
—  made  up  of  more  miscellaneous  elements  —  by  exemption  from 
service  beyond  the  seas.  Canning,  however,  i  September,  1856^ 
issued  a  general  service  order  which  deprived  them  of  the  exemption : 
this  was  not  only  a  blow  at  the  caste  system,  but  meant,  since  the 
Brahmins  might  not  cook  upon  the  "  black  water. 'r  if  they  were  sent 
across  to  Burma,  that  they  would  have  to  subsist  on  parched  grain. 
But,  the,  spark  which  finally  caused  the  explosion  resulted  from  tfrp 
introduction,  in  place  of  the  old  musket,  of  a  new  rjfp  loaHpH  wittL 
greased  cartridges  which  had  to  be  torn  with  the  teeth  before  they  were 
inserted  to  the  gnn  harre]._  Rumor  declared  that  the  grease  was  com- 
posed of  row's  fa.t  and  pig's  lard,  which  infuriated  both  the  Moham- 
medans, to  whom  the  pig  was  an  unclean  beast,  and  the  Hindus,  who 
worshiped  the  cow  as  sacredT  In  vain,  the  Government  offered 
assurances  that  the  rumor  was  untrue. 

The  Outbreak  of  the  Mutiny  (loMay,  1857). — -In  spite  of  mutinous 
outbreaks  in  more  than  one  station  during  the  spring  of  1857,  the  au- 
.  thorities  were  slow  to  take  alarm  or  to  prepare  for  a  crisis,  when  a 
little  more  activity  at  the  start  might  have  prevented  the  Mutiny 
from  gaining  dangerous  headway.  The  first  serious  rising  occurred 
at  Meerut,  about  forty  miles  northeast  of  Delhi,  where  or\  Sunday. 
10  May,  1857  a  body  of  Sepoys  forcibly  rescued  a.  grnnp  "f  tVipir  mrq- 
rades  who  had  been  locked  urjfor  refusing  to  use  the  greased  rajv 
tridges.  After  a  night  of  slaughter  they  marched  off  to  Delhi,  which 
became  the  center  to  which  body  after  body  of  Sepoys  flocked  after 
they  had  risen  in  arms.  The  rebels  proclaimed  the  Mogul,  a  man 
over  eighty  years  old,  as  Emperor,  and  proceeded  to  massacre  all  the 
English,  men,  women,  and  children,  within  their  reach,.  The  Mutiny 
had  become  a  revolution.  The  disaffected  regions  were  Oudh,  Bengal, 
the  Northwest  Provinces,  and  parts  of  central  India,  though  in  this 
latter  district  most  of  the  great  potentates  remained  loyal.  S-Outhern 
India  was  not  disturbed,  while  the  Punjab,  which  occupied  a  very 
important  strategic  position  in  relation  to  the  Northwest  Provinces, 
was  saved  by  the  energy  of  two  remarkable  men,  Robert  Montgomery 
and  John  Lawrence.  The  brea|,fVi1p^  injprQint  "f  thf*  Mutiny  hm  nb 
ways  centered  abputDelhi,  Cawnpore.  and  Lucknow :  but  the  fighting 
ranged  over  a  vast  area  trom  the  lower  Ganges  to  the  Punjabr  noj  to_ 
speaKoT  central  India,  panning,  once  the  danger  was  fully  manifest, 
acted  with  the  greatest  promptness  and  energy;  he  caused  troops 
.to  be  hurried  to  the  scene  of  action  from  every  available  point,  from 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     789 

England,  from  the  Persian  frontier,  and  TIP  pven  intercepted  a  forre 
on  its  wav  to  China.  However,  he  declared  that  he  would  not  "govern 
in  anger,"  and  sought  to  show  such  mercy  to  the  mutineers  as  to  earn 
him  from  those  who  adopted  more  resentful  methods  the  name  of 
"  Clemency  "  Canning. 

The  Massacre  at  Cawnpore.  and  the  Siege  of  Lupkngw  —  The  first 
efforts  were  directed  toward  the  relief  of  Delhi.  The  approach  from 
Calcutta  was  slow,  because  there  was  only  one  short  pjprp  af 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  in  length,  running  from 


the  roads  were  bad  besides.     Moreover,  Delhi  was  defended  hy 
trained  in  English  fighting  methods,  who  had  a 


and  were  protected  by  strong  thick  walls,  and  one  brave  little  armyr 
after  cutting  their  way  through  r  proved  too  weak  to  attempt  an  attack  L 
so.  encamped  outside  to  wait  for  reinforcements,  they  were  besieged, 
in  their  turn  by  another  native  forre.     Meanwhile,   the  danger  was 
spreading  rapidly.     At  Cawnpore^  General  Wheeler,  an  old  man  of_ 
seventy-four  years,  had  been  forced  to  take_refuge  in  the  English, 
residency,    jt  was  in  an  untenable  position^  and  after  holding  out  as 
long  as  he  could  in  the  withering  heat  against  the  shot  of  the  assailant  ^ 
he  made  a  treaty,  27  June,  1857,  with  Nana  Sahib,  who  had  arrived 
on  the  scene  of  action.     Though  he  posed  as  the  friend  of  the  English. 
he  had  been  nursing  his  grievances  secretly  and  betrayed  their  confi- 
dence by  ferocious  treachery..    Having  granted  the  garrison  a  safe 
conducLto-fffoceed  down  the  Ganges  to  a  place  of  security,  he  ordered 
them  to  be  fired  on  just  as  they  were  setting  off  in  boats..  The  men 
who  survived  this  cold-blooded  slaughter,  except  four  who  escaped^ 
were  taken  back  to  Cawnpore  and  shot.     The  women  were  thrust  into" 
a  small  building  where  they  endured  frightful  suffering  for  two  weeks  ; 
when,  on  the  night  of  15  July,  a  relief  force  appeared,  the  infuriated 
Nana  sent  in  a  body  of  men  who  butchered  all  they  could  and  threy 
all  the  rest,  some  of  whom  were  still  alive,  into  an  adjoining  well.     An- 
other  storm  center  was  Lucknow,  the  capital  of  the  recently  annexed 
province  of  Oudh._  The^commandant,  Sir  Henry  LawrenceP  brother, 
of  John,  having  foreseen  the  danger  and  prepared  for  it.  conducted^ 
an  heroic  defense  ;  but,  about  a  month  after  the  beginning  of  the  at-_ 
tack,  he  was  hit  by  a  shell  and  survived  only  a  fpw  Hays.     HP  harT 
"  tried  to  do  his  duty  "  was  the  only  record  of  his  achievement  that 
he  asked.     For  nearly  three  months  not  more  than  a  thousand  Euro- 
peans and  seven  hundred  faithful  natives  held  out  against  a  body  of 
assailants  estimated  at  60,000. 

The  First  Relief  of  Lucknow  (September,  1857).  —  The  force  which 
had  arrived  at  Cawnpore  in  July  consisted  of  some  1500  men,  of  whom 


790     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

not  more  than  1200  were  Europeans,  and  was  led  by  Henry  Havelock. 
who  after  forty-two  years  of  faithful  service  had  been  intrusted  with 
his  first  independent  command.^  Leaving  Calcutta  in  June  he  pressed 
on  in  spite  of  the  burning  heat.  While  unable  to  forestall  the  massacre^ 
he  defeated  the  rebels  and  put  some  of  their  number  to  death,  though 
Nana  Sahib  escaped.  On  20  July,  Havelock  started  for  Lucknow, 
less  than  a  hundred  miles  away.  His  little  band,  however,  was  so 
weakened  by  sunstroke,  cholera  and  dysentervT  that  he  made  slow' 
progress,  and  about  tne  beginning  oi  September  he  was  obliged  _  to 
send  a  message  to  the  besieged  that  he  could  not  bring  them  the 
assistance  he  had  promised.  Two  weeks  later.  Sir  lames  Uutram  ar-~" 
rived  with  reinforcements ;  notwithstanding  his  commission  to  super- 
sede Havelock,  whose  heroism  had  been  quite  ignored  by  the  author- 
ities, Outram  generously  insisted  that  his  predecessor  should  remain 
in  command  until  the  relief  of  Lucknow  was  accomplished,  and  served 
under  him  as  a  volunteer.  The  combined  forces  reached  the  outskirts 
of  Lucknow,  23  September,  and  after  two  days  of  hard  fightingr  forced 
their  way  in.  They  were  not  strong  enough  to  raise  the  siege ;  but, 
thanks  to  their  welcome  ^enforcements,  the  garrison  wag  rthlp  tq> 
Jiold  out  until  Sir  Colin  Campbell  finally  drove  off  the  enemy  iri_ 
November. 

The  Recovery  of  Delhi  (September,  1857).  —  Meantime,  Delhi,  which 
the  original  relief  contingent  had  not  been  strong  enough  to  assault, 
was  recovered,  largely  through  the  efforts  of  two  successive  expeditions 
sent,  regardless  of  the  possible  dangers  of  a  Sikh  rising  or  an  Afghan 
invasion,  by  John  Lawrence,  from  the  Punjab.  A  general  assault 
began  14  September ;  but  it  required  days  of  hard  fighting  before  the 
last  gate  of  Delhi  was  taken.  While  the  Emperor  was  spared  to  drag 
on  his  few  remaining  years  in  exile,  his  sons  were  put  to  death,  to  save 
them,  so  it  was  alleged,  from  being  recovered  by  a  Mohammedan  mob. 
Tfre  month  of  September,  notable  for  the  relief  of  Lucknow  and  the, 
taking  of  Delhi  T  marked  the  flood  tide  of  the  Indian  Mutiny ;  never- 
theless, it  took  months  before  the  rebels  were  Hrivpn  frnm  T.ucknnw 
and  before  the  various  disaffected  districts  wprp  finally  rpHnrprL  Sir 
Colin  Campbell,  who  had  arrived,  17  August,  as  Commander-in- Chief, 
directed,  henceforth,  the  military  operations  of  the  reinforcements 
which  by  autumn  had  begun  to  pour  rapidly  into  the  country. 
Havelock  survived  just  long  enough  to  witness  Sir  Colin's  comple- 
tion of  the  relief  of  Lucknow. 

Final  Suppression  of  the  Mutiny  (1858).  —  Partly  owing  to  the  ex- 
tremely cautious  methods  of  Sir  Colin,  the  conquest  of  Oudh  occupied 
nearly  all  the  year  1858,  and  it  was  not  until  the  beginning  of 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN  79! 

tha^the  last  vestiges  of  the  Mutiny  had  been  stamped  out.  In  spite 
of  the  merciful  intentions  of  "  Clemency  "  Canning,  a  grave  sense  of 
peril ?  resentment,  and  a  desire  to  make  examples  to  serve  as  a  warning 
for  the  future,  resulted  in  furious  reprisals.  Many  were  summarily 
shot — some  blown  to  pieces  at  the  mouths  of  cannon — while  others 
were  executed  after  trials  in  which  very  scant  justice  was  shown.  ~. 
The  Powers  of  the  East  India  Company  Transferred  to  the  Crown 
(1858).  — Meantime,  the  remaining  powers  of  the  East  India,  or 
"John  "  Company,  as  it  was  popularly  called,  had  been  transferred  to 
the  Crown.  Early  in  1858  the  question  of  the  government  of  India  had 
come  up  for  discussion  in  Parliament.  The  existing  system  was  loudly 
criticized  on  two  grounds.:  (i)  divided  authority,. and  (2)  the  anomaly 
of  allowing  a  mercantile  company  to  share  in  the  control  of  the  Empire. 
The  Directors  presented  a  remarkable  petition  declaring  that  the  acts 
of  aggression  which  contributed  to  the  Mutiny  were  in  contradiction 
to  the  Company's  traditional  policy,  and  arguing  that  if  the  Govern- 
ment took  over  the  patronage  as  well  as  the  remaining  political  powers 
of  the  Company,  the  whole  administration  of  India  would  become  the 
football  of  politics.  Nevertheless,  the  system  of  dual  control  was 
needlessly  complicated,  and,  after  some  delay,  a  hill  was  finally  pnssqd 
;y  August,  1858,  vesting  the  sole  sovereignty  in  the  Crown,  represented 
in  England  by  a  Secretary  of  State  for  India  responsible  to  PprHampnt- 
Since  then,  various  measures  have  modified  somewhat  the  system  then_ 
adopted,  usually  with  the  view  of  giving  the  natives  an  increased  par- 
ticipation in  affairs.  According  to  the  arrangement  existing  previous 
to  December,  1919,  the  Secretary  of  State  was  assisted  in  England  by 
a  Council  which  might  be  as  large  as  fourteen,  the  members  of  which 
were  appointed  nominally  by  the  Crown,  really  by  the  administration 
in  power,  and,  since  1907,  including  two  native  Indians.  In  India, 
the  Governor-General,  or  Viceroy  as  he  is  now  commonly  called,  had 
an  appointed  Executive  Council  of  six  in  which,  since  1909,  one  native 
member  was  included.  To  these  six  might  be  added  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  Indian  army,  who  ranks  as  an  extraordinary  member. 
Moreover,  there  was  a  Legislative  Council  comprised  of  the  Executive 
Council,  plus  certain  additional  members  not  to  exceed  sixty.  About 
half  of  these  were  elected  directly  or  indirectly  to  represent  various 
classes  and  interests,  landholders,  professional  classes,  merchants, 
Mohammedans  and  Hindus.  The  remainder  were  appointed.  While 
there  was  a  large  native  element  which  had  a  chance  to  make  itself 
heard,  there  was  always  a  slight  official  majority  for  the  Government 
which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  had  the  initiative,  and  controlled  the  mak- 
ing and  administering  of  the  laws.  On  the  other  hand,  while  the  gen- 


7Q2     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

eral  principles  of  English  law  prevailed,  native  law  and  custom,  notably 
Hindu  and  Mohammedan,  were  still  in  vogue  in  many  fields,  particu- 
larly in  the  family  law,  such  as  rules  of  succession  and  inheritance. 
Natives  were  eligible  for  judicial  office,  and,  except  for  the  higher 
positions,  about  one  thousand  in  number,  occupied  practically  all 
branches  of  the  civil  service.  While  the  government  was  one  for  the 
people  rather  than  by  the  people,  those  in  control  were  chosen  by  the 
rigid  test  of  merit,  and  are  responsible,  either  personally  or  through 
their  superiors,  to  the  British  Parliament,  famous  among  the  world's 
representative  bodies  for  its  alertness  and  democracy. 

Recent  Indian  History.  —  An  evidence  of  Disraeli's  Imperial  im- 
agination was  the  Royal  Titles  Bill  of  1876  by  which  the  Queen  was 
declared  Empress  of  India,  a  measure  greeted  by  the  natives  with  in- 
tense enthusiasm.  In  1878  the  British  became  involved  in  a  war  in 
Afghanistan  in  another  attempt  to  check  the  forward  policy  of  Russia, 
who  had  induced  the  Amir  to  admit  a  Russian  resident.  Instead  of 
trying  to  induce  the  Russians  to  withdraw,  Disraeli  insisted  on  forcing^ 
the  Amir  to  accept  a  new  scientific  frontier  anrl  tr>  admit  a  British^ 
resident;  in  other  words,  he  entered  on  a  policy  of  aggression  for  the 
greater  security  of  India.  Less  than  six  weeks  after  his  arrival  at 
Kabul,  the  Resident  was  attacked  and  killed  by  disaffected  Afghans, 
whereupon  General  Roberts  was  dispatched  to  Kabul  and  occupied 
the  city  10  October^  1879.  Several  were  executed  by  way  of  reprisal 
and  Afghanistan  was  divided  between  two  rulers,  but  complete  subju- 
gation of  the  northern  part  which  was  contemplated  by  the  Viceroy  of 
India  was  defeated  by  the  advent  of  a  Liberal  Administration  in  1880. 
Later,  the  storm  center  of  Russian  and  British  rivalry  shifted  to  Persia. 
Several  factors,  however,  contributed  in  the  course  of  time  to  trans- 
form Anglo-Russian  hostility  into  an  Anglo-Russian  agreement.  For 
one  thing,  the  defeat  of  Russia  by  Japan  in  the  war  of  1904-1905  broke 
the  tradition  of  Russian  invincibility ;  moreover,  the  rise  of  Japanese 
power  brought  the  British  to  realize  that  they  could  utilize  Japan's 
increasing  strength  to  counterbalance  the  weight  of  their  old  enemy  in 
the  East.1  The  third  factor  was  the  activity  of  Germany,  who  began, 

1  Consequently,  in  1902,  Great  Britain  concluded  a  treaty  with  Japan  for  the 
maintenance  of  peace  and  order  in  the  far  East,  providing  that  if  either  Power  went 
to  war  in  the  defense  of  its  interests,  the  other  would  remain  neutral,  and  that  if 
either  were  attacked  by  more  than  one  foreign  enemy,  the  other  would  come  to 
its  assistance.  This  treaty  was  expanded  into  a  formal  alliance,  27  September, 
X90S,  by  which  the  maintenance  of  the  territorial  rights  of  Japan  in  Korea  and  of 
Great  Britain  in  India  were  mutually  guaranteed,  as  well  as  the  integrity  of  China 
and  the  policy  of  the  open  door.  On  14  July,  1911,  this  alliance  was  revised  and 
renewed,  this  time  with  the  concurrence  of  the  British  Dominions. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     793 

not  long  after  the  accession  of  William  II,  to  secure  a  predominat- 
ing influence  in  Turkey  and  to  develop  a  design  controlling  a  route 
through  Asia  Minor  to  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  Accordingly, 
in  1907,  Russia  and  Great  Britain  came  to  an  agreement  by  which 
Persia  was  divided  into  three  zones :  a  Russian  sphere  of  influence 
was  recognized  in  the  north,  a  British  in  the  south,  and  the  third] 
was  left  neutral.  Differences  were  also  adjusted  in  Afghanistan  and 
Tibet. 

The  Indian  Problem.  —  Although,  naturally,  she  has  had  her  own 
interests  to  serve,  Grpat  Britain  ha^i  protected  India  in  peace  from 
foreign  aggression  and,  except  for  occasional  outbreaks,  from  the  onr 
slaught^of  border  tribes^  Moreover,  she  has  made  considerable  and 
persistent  efforts  to  develop  the  resources  of  the  land.  For  example, 
out  of  a  debt  which  stood  at  £240,000,000  in  1911,  £195,000,000  had 
been  spent  for  railroads  and  irrigation.  At  the  eve  of  the  World  War 
India  was  more  prosperous  than  at  any  time  jp  her  history,  wjfh  in-^ 
dustries  developing,  wages  rising,  wealth  increasing  and  laborers  in 
great  demand.  Unhappily,  this  prosperity,  which  owes  so  much  to  the 
enlightened  efforts  of  the  British,  is  only  relative.  There  is  still  a  pa- 
thetic amount  of  poverty,  ignorance,  hunger,  and  disease.  While 
there  are  five  universities  and  not  a  little  has  been  done  for  the  ^dura- 
tion of  the  masses,,  less  than  i  per  cent  of  the  females,  10  per  cent  of  the 
males,  and  25  per  cent  of  the  children  of  school  age  can  read  and  write. 
But  the  British  have  worked  against  tremendous  obstacles,  they  found 
hordes  of  inert  people  generally  opposed  to  education,  exploited  by 
native  princes  and  tax  farmers,  exposed  to  devastating  attacks  of  war- 
like tribes  and  to  periodic  famine  due  to  lack  of  transportation,  to 
defective  rainfall  and  to  the  great  congestion  of  population  in  certain 
areas.  _  It  is  a  sad  fact  that  famines  have  been  lamentably  frequentT 
even  in  recent  years,  but  valuable  lessons  have  been  learned  from  ex- 
perience, and  the  Government  has  made  heroic  efforts  to  cope  with 
the  evil  on  humane  and  scientific  principles  formulated  by  commissions 
of  inquiry.  Aside  from  remission  of  revenue  and  charitable  donations 
at  emergencies,  a  special  famine  insurance  fund  has  been  established 
as  well  as  other  intelligent  measures  of  relief.  "  Now,"  it  was  stated, 
in  1913,  by  a  competent  authority,  "  the  administration  of  the  famine 
relief  has  been  reduced  to  a  highly  organized  system  which  is  being 
constantly  improved,  and  the  fine  railway  system,  which  we  have 
created,  enables  food  to  be  transported  to  the  stricken  areas  to  an 
extent  that  was  formerly  impossible.  Famines  will  inevitably  afflict 
the  people  of  India,  but  the  loss  and  suffering  have  been  infinitely 
mitigated,  and  what  remains  is  mainly  due  to  inherited  habits  and 


794     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

customs,  which,  for  a  time  at  least,  will  continue  to  militate  against 
the  promptitude  and  completion  of  the  relief  measures."  Attempts 
to  deal  with  the  plague,  another  deadly  scourge,  have  been  less  success- 
ful, because  "  it  was  often  found  impossible  to  employ  preventative 
measures  recommended  by  science,  owing  to  the  panic  of  the  native 
population,  and  their  unconquerable  opposition  to  isolation,  hospitals, 
house-to-house  visitations,  segregation  camps,  and  inoculation."  Some 
of  these  difficulties  have  been  fomented  by  the  "  incendiary  writing 
of  the  vernacular  press,"  —  a  fruitful  and  perplexing  source  of  dis- 
content and  agitation. 

There  exist,  amidst  the  teeming  hordes  of  India,  a  million  or  so  more 
or  less  highly  educated  natives,  among  them  forward  aspiring  sp|ritg_ 
who  resent  the  dependent  state  of  their  people  and  demand  complete 
self-government  for  their  country^  While  theirs  is  a  legitimate  as- 
piration, as  a  future  possibility,  the  impartial  observer  must  consider 
that  these  extreme  nationalists  err  in  idealizing  the  happy  prosperous 
state  of  India  before  the  British  occupation,  that  they  fail  to  conceive 
the  insuperable  obstacles  to  an  immediate  realization  of  their  ambi- 
tion, and  that  some  at  least  have  been  worked  on  by  German  propa- 
ganda to  overthrow  the  existing  system  by  assassination,  as  well  as 
organized  revolt.  Granted  that  a  few  are  competent  to  rule,  —  and 
many  are  dreamy  idealists  with  little  capacity  for  practical  administra- 
tion —  who  could  choose  them  and  what  common  harmonious  basis 
of  representation  could  be  devised?  "  India  is  not  a  nation  but  a  con- 
geries of  races  and  tribes  exhibiting  the  most  varied  characteristics  of 
language,  religion,  material  civilization  and  social  type."  There  are 
no  less  than  230  languages,  more  than  20  of  which  are  spoken  by  over 
1,000,000  each,  while  Hindi,  the  most  numerous  of  all,  is  spoken  by 
not  more  than  one  quarter  the  total  population^JThen  there  are  strong 
racial,  religious  and  social  antagonisms  —  the  warlike  men  of  the  Pun^ 
jab  have  the  utmost  contempt  for  the  peaceful  intelligent  Bengali, 
while  a  Mohammedan  landowner  regards  a  Coolie  much  as  a  Southern 
planter  regards  a  negro.  As^to  religion,  there  are  more  than  200,000,000 
Hindus,  and,  among  its  derivatives,  3 ,000,000  Sikhs  and  about  10,000,000 
Buddhists,  the  latter  practically  confined  to  Burma ;  there  are  nearly 
70,000,000  Mohammedans,  and  less  than  4,000,000  Christians.  The 
Hindus,  the  most  numerous,  are  not  only  made  up  of  various  sects  but 
include  some  sixty-nine  castes,  ranging  from  the  Brahmans  and  the 
Rajputs  to  the  lowest  orders ;  they  not  only  cannot  intermarry  or 
associate  on  terms  of  intimacy,  but  the  higher  sort  are  polluted  by 
contact  or  even  close  proximity  with  the  lower,  though  travel  has  done 
something  to  modify  such  extreme  aloofness.  While  the  Hindus  are 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     795 


in  general  the  heat  e^irat^  rhp  MriharnTrfedans  have  qualities  making 
them  most  capable  for  rulings  A  native  once  told  the  late  Lord  Roberts 
that  to  withdraw  the  British  rule  would  be  like  opening  the  doors  of^ 
the  cages  in  a  menagerie  and  that  the  tiger  who  overcame  the  rest 
would  be  the  Mohammedan  from  the  north^  Nevertheless,  of  late 
years,  there  has  been  a  strong  nationalistic  movement  on  the  part  of  a 
group  of  progressive  Hindus  who  believe  that  even  "  good  government 
is  no  substitute  for  self-government."  Their  mouthpiece  is  the  Indian 
National  Congress  which,  since  1885,  has  held  annual  meetings.  Even 
within  this  body  there  have  arisen  sharp  conflicts  between  the  extrem- 
ists who  are  impatient  for  immediate  results  and  those  who  realize  that 
preparation  for  self-government  must,  perforce,  be  a  plant  of  slow 
growth.  Great  Britain  has  committed  blunders  and  even  worse  in 
her  administration,  many  of  which  have  been  most  vigorously  de- 
nounced by  critics  among  their  own  people  ;  many  of  her  merchants 
and  officials  have  shown  a  stolid  indifference  and  lack  of  appreciation. 
of  native  customs  and  prejudices^others.  with  the  best  of  intention^ 
have  failed  in  this  respect,  but,  on  the  whole,  the  British  administra- 
tion has  been  a  marvel  of  wise  achievement.  Since  immediate  self- 
government  would  result  in  incalculable  turmoil  and  confusion,  the 
best  hope  for  the  immediate  future  would  seem  to  lie  in  the  develop- 
ment of  policies  already  in  process  —  further  instruction  of  officials 
in  the  language  and  customs  of  leading  Indian  peoples,  a  more  exten- 
sive promotion  of  their  industry,  commerce  and  agriculture.1  increased 
education  of  natives  in  the  English  language,  and  enlarged  representa- 
tion in  the  legisla 

le  Imperial  Problem.  —  buch  is  the  British  Empire  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  twentieth  century.  The  problem  of  administering  this 
vast  extent  of  territory,  scattered  over  the  globe  and  inhabited  by 
less  than  70,000,000  whites  and  more  than  360,000,000  non-European 
people  of  distinct  traditions  and  sentiments,  is  a  complex  and  formi- 
dable one.  It  has  been  rendered  easier  from  the  fact  that,  in  a  consider- 
able part  of  the  expansion,  extension  of  commerce  and  colonization 
has  been  a  factor  as  potent  as  military  force.  So  far  as  possible,  too, 
Englishmen  have  been  given  an  opportunity  to  practice  self-govern- 
ment in  their  new  homes,  and  "  to  train  subject  peoples  for  the  dis- 
charges of  similar  responsibilities."  Where  responsible  government 
has  been  impossible,  efforts  have  been  made,  in  the  last  half  century, 

1  At  last,  Great  Britain,  stimulated  no  doubt  by  a  concerted  international 
movement,  put  a  stop  to  an  old  scandal,  by  announcing,  May,  1913,  that  the  Indo- 
China  opium  traffic  was  ended.  This  imposed  upon  the  Indian  Government  the 
heavy  burden  of  meeting  a  loss  in  revenue  estimated  at  £4,000,000  a  year,  j 


796     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

to  provide  for  effective  administration  by  civil  servants  whose  merits 
have  been  tested  by  examination.  While  British  statesmen,  from  the 
generation  following  the  American  Revolution  up  to  fifty  or  sixty  years 
ago,  expected  and  even  wished  for  a  sundering  of  the  Imperial  domin- 
ions —  much  to  the  distress  of  loyal  Canadians  and  Australians  — 
a  great  change  has  taken  place,  especially  in  the  last  generation.  The 
British  people,  formerly  ignorant  and  indifferent  in  all  that  concerned 
Imperial  questions,  are  now  —  owing  in  no  small  degree  to  the  vision 
and  eloquence  of  Disraeli  —  enthusiastic  and  active.  Conferences 
of  Colonial  Ministers,  beginning  at  London  during  the  Jubilee  of  1887, 
have  done  much  to  draw  the  Colonies  to  the  Mother  Country.  The 
aid  furnished  by  Canada  and  Australia  in  the  Sudan  campaign  of  1885 
and  in  the  Boer  War,  the  penny  post,  the  improved  steam  communica- 
tions, and  the  cable  to  Australia  have  been  additional  links.  The 
Colonial  Conferences — known  since  1907  as  Imperial  Conferences — 
have  now  become  regular  institutions  meeting  every  four  years  and 
have  discussed  such  vital  questions  as  Imperial  defense.  And  in  the 
intervals  of  their  meeting  a  permanent  Imperial  secretarial  staff  is 
in  constant  session  at  London  under  the  supervision  of  the  Colonial 
Secretary  to  keep  the  Dominions  informed  of  all  matters  of  common 
concern  that  may  come  up  at  future  conferences.  The  League  of  Em- 
pire 1  has  been  active  throughout  the  British  Dominions  for  the  further- 
ance of  education  in  Imperial  concerns.  Although  the  prospect  of  a  fed- 
eration, with  a  common  Imperial  Cabinet  and  Parliament,  was  widely 
discussed  during  the  last  years  of  the  nineteenth  and  the  first  years  of 
the  present  century,  the  trouble  of  adjusting  a  fair  system  of  represen- 
tation between  the  Mother  Country  and  the  Colonies  with  their  scanty 
white  population,  the  enormous  distances,  the  difficulty  of  keeping 
overseas  representatives  in  touch  with  their  constituents,  the  fact  that 
Great  Britain  clings  to  free  trade  while  Canada  and  Australia  continue 
to  favor  protection,  as  well  as  their  desire  and  that  of  South  Africa  to 
restrict  the  immigration  of  dark-skinned  folk,  and  the  question  as  to 
whether  the  Self-governing  Colonies  should  be  drawn  into  European 
complications  except  of  their  own  free  will,  have  combined  to  render 
the  likelihood  of  a  federal  Parliament  well-nigh  out  of  the  question. 
But  the  bonds  of  unity,  based  on  community  of  interest  and  policy, 
have  become  steadily  stronger,  particularly  in  view  of  the  supreme 
efforts  and  sacrifices  arising  from  the  World  War.  All  indications  seem 

1  Another  active  organization  is  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute,  founded  in  1868, 
to  promote  the  cause  of  "United  Empire."  The  Imperial  Federation  League, 
started  in  1884,  was  dissolved  ten  years  later,  without  effecting  its  particular  pur- 
pose, though  it  achieved  much  in  educating  people  to  think  imperially. 


A  CENTURY  OF  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  GREATER  BRITAIN     797 

to  point  to  a  British  Commonwealth  of  Nations  with  a  stronger,  more 
representative  and  more  permanent  central  Cabinet. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

The  Empire.  H.  E.  Egerton,  A  Short  History  of  British  Colonial  Policy, 
1783-1915  (sth  ed.,  1918).  E.  G.  Hawke,  The  British  Empire  and  its 
History  (1911).  A.  W.  Jose,  The  Growth  of  Empire  (1913).  C.  F.  Lavell 
and  C.  E.  Payne,  Imperial  England  (1918).  Sir  C.  V.  Lucas,  The  British 
Empire  (1915).  A.  F.  Pollard,  ed.,  The  British  Empire,  its  Past,  its  Present, 
and  its  Future  (1909).  A.  P.  Newton,  The  Old  Empire  and  the  New  (1917). 
Lord  Cromer,  Ancient  and  Modern  Imperialism  (1910).  A.  J.  Herbertson 
and  0.  J.  R.  Howarth,  The  Oxford  Survey  of  the  British  Empire  (6  vols., 
1914).  Sir  C.  V.  Lucas,  ed.,  Historical  Geography  of  the  British  Colonies 
(6  vols.,  new  ed.  1915).  Sir  W.  J.  Ashley,  The  British  Dominions,  their 
Present  Commercial  and  Industrial  Condition  (1911).  A.  B.  Keith,  Selected 
Speeches  and  Documents  on  British  Colonial  Policy  (2  vols.,  1918).  R. 
Jebb,  The  Imperial  Conference  (2  vols.,  1911).  Sir  Charles  Dilke,  Problems 
of  Greater  Britain  (1890).  G.  R.  Parkin,  Imperial  Federation  (1913).  An 
Analysis  of  the  System  of  Government  throughout  the  British  Empire  (1912). 
H.  E.  Egerton,  Federations  and  Unions  within  the  British  Empire  (1911). 
Edward  Jenks,  The  Government  of  the  British  Empire  (1918).  A.  B.  Keith, 
Responsible  Government  in  the  Dominions  (3  vols.,  1912),  and  Imperial 
Unity  and  the  Dominions  (1916).  J.  E.  Barker,  The  Great  Problems  of 
British  Statesmanship  (1918).  Lionel  Curtis,  Problems  of  I  he  Commonwealth 
(1917).  A.  W.  Tilby,  The  British  in  the  Tropics,  1527-1910  (1912). 

Canada.  Durham,  The  Earl  of,  Report  on  the  Affairs  of  British  North 
America,  1839,  Sir  C.  V.  Lucas  ed.  (3  vols.,  1912).  A.  G.  Bradley,  The 
Making  of  Canada  (1908).  Sir  J.  G.  Bourinot,  Canada  (1897)  and  Canada 
under  British  Rule,  1760-1900  (1900).  George  Bryce,  A  Short  History  of 
the  Canadian  People  (2d  ed.,  1914).  G.  M.  Wrong,  "The  Constitutional 
Development  of  Canada,"  Roy.  Hist.  Soc.  Trans.,  4th  series,  vol.  I,  236-253. 
G.  M.  Wrong  et  a/.,  The  Federation  of  Canada,  1867-1917  (four  lectures, 
1917).  T.  Hodgkin,  British  and  American  Diplomacy  Affecting  Canada 
(1900).  Cambridge  Modern  History,  X,  XI,  XII  and  bibliographies. 

Anglo-American  relations.  John  Bigelow,  Breaches  of  Anglo-American 
Treaties  (1917).  W.  A.  Dunning,  The  British  Empire  and  the  United  States 
(1914).  A.  C.  McLaughlin,  America  and  Britain  (1919).  Mary  W. 
Williams,  Anglo-American  Isthmian  Diplomacy,  1815-1014  (1914).  S.  C. 
Johnson,  History  of  Emigration  from  the  United  Kingdom  to  North  America, 
1763-1912  (1913).  Sinclair  Kennedy,  The  Pan-Angles  (1915).  E.  D. 
Adams,  Great  Britain,  America,  and  Democracy  (1919).  O.  Wister,  A 
Straight  Deal  or  the  Ancient  Grudge  (1920). 

Australia  and  New  Zealand.  E.  G.  Wakefield,  A  View  of  the  Art  of 
Colonization  (1849,  new  ed.,  1914).  A.  W.  Jose,  A  History  of  Australasia 
(1918).  Ernest  Scott,  A  Short  History  of  Australia  (1917).  W.  T.  Reeves, 


798     .SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

State  Experiments  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand  (1902).    A.   Siegfried, 
Democracy  in  New  Zealand  (1914). 

South  Africa.  H.  A.  Gibbons,  The  New  Map  of  Africa,  1900-1916 
(1916).  Dorothea  Fairbridge,  History  of  South  Africa  (1918).  G.  M. 
Theal,  South  Africa  (1917).  L.  S.  Amery,  "The  Constitutional  Develop- 
ment of  South  Africa,"  Roy.  Hist.  Soc.  Trans.,  4th  series,  vol.  I,  218-236. 
W.  B.  Worsfold,  The  Union  of  South  Africa  (1912).  James,  Viscount 
Bryce,  Impressions  of  South  Africa  (1897),  and  Britain  and  Boer  (1900). 
Sir  A.  C.  Doyle,  The  War  in  South  Africa  (1902)  and  The  Great  Boer  War 
(1902).  J.  A.  Hobson,  The  War  in  South  Africa  (1900).  R.  G.  Campbell, 
Neutral  Rights  and  Obligations  in  the  Anglo-Boer  War  (1908).  G.  L.  LeSueur, 
Cecil  Rhodes,  the  Man  and  His  Work  (1914).  H.  Spender,  General  Botha 
(1917).  W.  Levi,  Jan  Smuts  (1917). 

Egypt.  W.  B.  Worsfold,  The  Story  of  Egypt  (n.  d.).  A.  E.  P.  B.  Weigall, 
Egypt  from  1798  to  1914  (1915).  Lord  Cromer ,  Modern  Egypt  ( 2  vols . ,  1 908) , 
and  Abbas  II  (1915).  W.  L.  Balls,  Egypt  of  the  Egyptians  (1916).  Sidney 
Low,  Egypt  in  Transition  (1914).  Cambridge  Modern  History,  XII,  ch.  XV. 

India.  Sir  Alfred  Lyall,  The  Rise  and  Expansion  of  the  British  Dominion 
'in  India  (4th  ed.,  1907).  Sir  W.  W.  Hunter,  Brief  History  of  the  Indian 
Peoples  (23d  ed.  1903).  L.  J.  Trotter,  History  of  India  (rev.  W.  H.  Hutton, 
1917).  V.  A.  Smith,  The  Oxford  History  of  India  (1919).  Sir  T.  W.  Holder- 
ness,  People  and  Problems  of  India  (1911).  Sir  Courtney  Ilbert,  The  Govern- 
ment of  India  (1915).  M.  J.  Chailley,  Administrative  Problems  of  British 
India  (1910).  Sir  G.  Strachey,  India,  its  Administration  and  Progress 
(4th  ed.,  1911).  V.  Chirol,  Indian  Unrest  (1910).  The  Mutiny  is  treated 
in  most  of  the  general  histories;  for  bibliography  see  Low  and -Sanders, 
pp.  497-499,  and  Cambridge  Modern  History,  XI,  pp.  965-967  ;  the  standard 
work  is  Sir  John  Kaye's  Sepoy  War  (3  vols.,  1864-76)  completed  by  G.  'B. 
Malleson  (1878-80)  ;  for  a  briefer  work  see  T.  Rice  Holmes  (5th  ed.,  1898). 
The  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India  is  a  mine  of  information  relating  to  the 
country.  For  special  topics,  see  Sir  T.  Morison,  The  Economic  Transition 
in  India  (1911) ;  Sir  Wm.  Lee- Warner,  The  Native  States  of  India  (1911) ; 
A.  H.  Benton,  Indian  Moral  Instruction  and  Caste  Problems  (1917);  E.  W. 
Hopkins,  The  Religions  of  India  (1896) ;  J.  B.  Pratt,  India  and  its  FaitJ:s 
(1916) ;  and  Studies  in  Indian  Life  and  Sentiment.  Among  the  works  deal- 
ing with  conditions  and  events  since  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War  are : 
The  Aga  Khan,  India  in  Transition  (1919) ;  Wm.  Archer,  India  and  the  • 
Future  (1918) ;  Lovat-Fraser,  India  under  Lord  Curzon  and  After  (1918) ; 
DeWitt  Mackenzie,  The  Awakening  of  India  (1917) ;  K.  V.  Rao,  The  Future 
Government  of  India  (1918) ;  V.  A.  Smith,  Indian  Constitutional  Reform 
(1919) ;  F.  B.  Fisher  and  G.  M.  Williams,  India's  Silent  Resolution  (1919). 
H.  A.  Gibbons,  The  New  Map  of  Asia  (1919),  and  H.  M.  Hyndman,  The 
Awakening  of  Asia  (1919),  are  both  hostile  in  their  attitude  toward  the 
British  administration.  Lajpat  Rai,  Young  India  (1916),  England's  Debt 
to  India  (1918)  and  India  and  the  Future  (1919) ,  the  works  of  a  fiery  extremist. 

The  Round  Table,  a  quarterly  devoted  primarily  to  the  British  Empire,  is 
invaluable  for  current  problems. 


CHAPTER  LVIII 

BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  PARTICULAR  REFERENCE  TC 
GERMANY  AND  THE  CAUSES  OF  THE  WORLD  WAR   (1870-1914) 

Great  Britain's  "  Splendid  Isolation."  -The  death  of  Palmerston, 
in  1865,  was  followed  by  a  long  period  during  which  the  British  foreign 
policy  was  generally  one  of  aloofness  from  Continental  affairs. 
The  Liberals,  dominated  until  his  retirement  in  1894  by  the  master- 
ful personality  of  Gladstone,  were  interested  primarily  in  domestic 
progress,  and,  though,  with  their  leader,  they  raised  their  voices  from 
time  to  time  in  behalf  of  oppressed  nationalities,  they  aimed,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  pursue  their  course  unhampered  by  European  complica- 
tions. Disraeli,  so  long  as  he  led  the  Conservative  party,  applied 
his  spacious  imagination  mainly  to  popularizing  the  idea  of  Imperial- 
ism and  fostering  the  British  overseas  dominion.  "  England,"  he 
declared  so  early  as  1866,  "  has  outgrown  the  European  Continent. 
.  ..  .  Her  position  is  no  longer  that  of  a  mere  European  Power. 
England  is  the  metropolis  of  a  great  maritime  Empire,  extending  to 
the  boundaries  of  the  furthest  ocean,  though  she  is  as  ready  and  as 
willing,  even,  to  interfere  as  in  the  old  days  when  the  necessity  of  her 
position  requires  it."  Salisbury,  his  successor,  though  quick  enough 
to  take  a  firm  stand  whenever  British  interests  or  honor  seemed  to 
l)e  threatened,  assumed  as  his  guiding  aim  the  maintenance  of  the  peace 
of  Europe.  With  rare  foresight  he  came  to  realize  that  antagonism 
to  Russia  which  led  to  more  than  one  crisis,  even  during  his  own  time, 
was  "  the  superstition  of  an  antiquated  diplomacy."  It  was  the  men- 
ace of  Germany  that  finally  brought  Great  Britain  again  into  the 
European  arena.  For  two  centuries  British  policy  has  been  a  reason- 
ably consistent  one  —  to  oppose  any  attempt  to  overthrow  the  balance 
•of  power,  and,  furthermore,  to  protect  her  Empire.  Hence,  she  has 
fought  the  France  of  Louis  XIV  and  Napoleon,  as  well  as  Russia  and 
Germany.  Naturally  pursuing  her  own  interests,  in  the  main, 
nevertheless,  high  moral  issues,  among  them  the  cause  of  oppressed 
nationalities,  have  made  a  powerful  appeal  to  her  people.  No  doubt 

799 


800     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

she  has  been  a  party  to  treaties  and  measures  not  always  defensible  ; 
but  her  policy  has  of  late  been  far  from  aggressive,  while  she  has 
shown  a  rare  constancy  in  the  maintenance  of  treaty  obligations. 

Bismarck's  Predominance  in  Europe.  —  For  twenty  years  follow- 
ing the  Franco-Prussian  War,  Bismarck  remained  Chancellor  of  the 
German  Empire,  which  —  with  Prussia  as  the  dominating  element  — 
his  calculating  and  ruthless  policy  of  blood  and  iron  had  created. 
Though  he  assumed  the  position  of  leader  in  the  councils  of  Europe, 
he  had  no  mind  for  further  conquests,  either  in  Europe,  or,  at  least 
for  the  time  being,  beyond  its  confines.  Germany  he  regarded  as  a 
"  satiated  State,"  and,  besides,  he  had  plenty  of  pressing  problems 
to  occupy  him  nearer  at  hand. 

European  Relations.  The  League  of  the  Three  Emperors.  — 
While  he  was  always  ready  to  play  one  Power  against  another  when 
need  arose,  Bismarck's  primary  aim  was  to  cultivate  such  friendly 
relations  and  to  make  such  diplomatic  combinations  as  would  keep 
France  isolated.  Thus,  in  1872,  he  concluded  an  informal  agreement 
with  Austria  and  Russia,  known  as  the  League  of  the  Three  Emperors 
or  Drei  Kaiserbund.  Both  his  allies  were  opposed  to  Great  Britain's 
support  of  Turkey ;  furthermore,  the  Tsar  was  particularly  affrighted 
at  the  "  pernicious  example  given  by  the  growing  republicanism  and 
socialism  in  England."  Such  was  the  anti-British  attitude  of  Austria 
and  Russia  in  the  early  seventies.  Anglo-French  and  Anglo-German 
relations  were  also  not  without  disquieting  features.  Bismarck's 
exposure  of  the  designs  on  Belgium  which  he  had  tempted  Napoleon 
III  to  urge,  had  contributed  not  a  little  to  harden  the  British  against 
the  French  at  the  beginning  of  the  Franco-Prussian  War,  while  Queen 
Victoria's  ineffectual  protest  against  the  pitiless  siege  of  Paris  had 
aroused  German  resentment  without  to  any  considerable  degree 
reconciling  the  French.  Bismarck,  himself,  cherishing  no  Imperial 
ambitions  and  recognizing  that  the  British  had  no  aggressive  inten- 
tions in  Europe,  was  generally  inclined  to  cultivate  friendly  relations 
with  Great  Britain.  However,  aside  from  the  feeling  of  his  Russian 
and  Austrian  allies  and  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  German  press,  his 
path  was  strewn  with  further  difficulties.  British  Ministers,  while 
peacefully  inclined,  distrusted  him  and  viewed  him  coldly ;  moreover 
—  and  here  he  revealed  the  typical  German  autocrat  —  he  complained 
of  the  "  absolute  impossibility  of  confidential  intercourse,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  indiscretions  of  English  statesmen  in  their  communi- 
cations to  Parliament,  and  the  absence  of  security  in  alliances,  for 
which  the  Crown  is  not  answerable  in  England,  but  only  the  fleeting 
Cabinets  of  the  day."  Circumstances  soon  arose  that  seriously  weak- 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  801 

ened  the  Russo-German  tie,  though  the  alliance  was  never  completely 
broken  during  Bismarck's  Chancellorship. 

A  New  Crisis  in  the  Near  East.  —  One  such  crisis,  which  dragged 
Great  Britain  again  into  the  whirlpool  of  European  politics,  was 
pregnant  in  results;  for  it  contributed  not  only  to  alienate  Russia 
from  Germany,  but  to  tighten  the  Austro-German  alliance  and  to  open 
the  way  for  a  rivalry  of  pan-Germanism  and  pan-Slavism  in  the  Bal- 
kans which  has  been  such  a  factor  in  bringing  about  the  recent  World 
War.  The  trouble  began,  in  1875,  with  a  revolt  in  the  provinces  of 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.  Though  egged  on  by  Russia  and  Austria, 
they  had  suffered  real  grievances  at  the  hands  of  Turkish  officials, 
religious  oppression  and  financial  extortion  as  .well.  The  provisions 
of  the  Treaty  of  1856  had  been  violated  in  almost  every  conceivable 
way :  the  Porte  had  not  kept  its  promise  of  ameliorating  the  lot  of 
the  Christians  under  its  rule,  Russia  had  not  been  excluded  from  the 
Black  Sea,  and  endless  other  causes  of  friction  existed  to  invite  trouble. 
The  three  Powers  of  Austria,  Russia,  and  Prussia  were  insistent  that 
Turkey  should  be  made  to  reform  her  administration  by  force  of  arms 
if  necessary.  The  British  Ministers,  however,  would  go  no  further 
than  to  urge  reform  upon  the  Sultan,  still  believing  in  the  possibility 
of  the  regeneration  of  Turkey,  a  delusion  which  their  jealousy  of  Russia 
contributed  to  nourish.  Depending  upon  support  of  Disraeli  (now 
Lord  Beaconsfield) ,  the  Turks  pursued  a  policy  of  suave  evasion.  On 
5  May,  1876,  a  body- '-of;  Mohammedan  fanatics  rose  at  Salonika; 
among  their  victims  were  the  French  and  German  consuls,  and  although 
British,  French,  and  German  fleets  were  hurried  to  the  scene  of  action 
the  disorders  continued.  During. the  summer  of  1876,  Serbia  and 
Montenegro  joined  in  the  war.  About  the  same  time  an  insurrec- 
tion broke  out  in  Bulgaria,  and  was  suppressecTby  the  Turks  with  such 
atrocities  as  to  arouse  a  fury  of  indignation  in  England,  especially 
among  the  Liberals.  Gladstone,  emerging  from  his  retirement,  pub- 
lished a  pamphlet  on  the  Bulgarian  Horrors  and  the  Question  of  the 
East,  and  made  speeches  of  fiery  eloquence  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed. 
Beaconsfield,  who  had  little  sympathy  for  the  Christians  in  the  Turkish 
provinces  and  a  consuming  dread  of  Russia,  accused  his  rival  of  making 
political  capital  out  of  the  situation,  referring  to  him  as  a  "  designing 
politician,"  seeking  "  to  further  his  own  sinister  ends." 

The  Russo-Turkish  War  (1877-1878).  —  Beaconsfield  of  course 
dominated  the  Cabinet,  and  it  was  only  the  opposition  of  the  British 
Government  to  the  use  of  force  that  held  Russia  back.  At  length  a 
conference  of  the  Powers  was  arranged  at  Constantinople.  Lord 
Salisbury,  the  British  representative,  solemnly  informed  the  Sultan 


802     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

that  if  he  failed  to  observe  the  warning  of  the  Powers  and  allowed 
maladministration  to  continue,  the  responsibility  would  rest  with  the 
Porte ;  but  the  effect  of  these  weighty  words  was  counterbalanced  by 
the  attitude  of  Beaconsfield,  and  the  Turks,  thereby  encouraged  to 
count  on  British  support,  rejected  a  protocol  framed  by  the  Confer- 
ence voicing  the  demands  of  the  Powers.  As  a  consequence,  Russia 
declared  war  on  Turkey,  24  April,  1877.  For  months  the  conflict  was 
waged  with  varying  fortune  until,  in  December,  the  power  of  the  Turk- 
ish resistance  was  broken.  In  January,  1878,  the  Russian  troops 
occupied  Adrianople ;  but,  though  they  were  within  striking  distance 
of  Constantinople,  their  energies  were,  for  the  moment,  well-nigh 
exhausted.  There  were  three  parties  in  England.  At  one  extreme 
were  those  who  regarded  the  welfare  of  the  Christian  subjects  of  the 
Porte  as  a  matter  of  secondary  importance  and  insisted  upon  the  main- 
tenance of  the  integrity  of  Turkey  as  a  necessary  barrier  against 
Russian  aggrandizement.  Opposed  to  them  was  the  party  who 
felt  that  the  maintenance  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  in  Europe  was  a 
disgrace  to  Christendom,  and  that  it  must  be  destroyed  at  all  hazards. 
Between  these  extremes  was  the  great  mass  of  men  who  were  ashamed 
of  the  Turkish  atrocities,  but  who,  nevertheless,  could  not  bring 
themselves  to  support  the  armed  intervention  of  Russia.  There  were 
sharp  differences  of  opinion  in  the  Cabinet  as  well.  The  policy  of 
the  Foreign  Minister  was  to  hold  aloof  without  coercing  or  assisting 
Turkey,  so  long  as  the  British  interests  in  the  Suez,  in  Egypt,  in  the 
Persian  Gulf,  or  anywhere  along  the  route  to  India,  were  not  affected. 
With  some  difficulty  he  maintained  this  policy  until  the  Russians 
advanced  on  Constantinople,  when,  as  a  counterpoise,  a  British  fleet 
was  sent  to  the  yEgean.  It  sailed  through  the  Dardanelles,  and  took 
up  a  position  near  the  Turkish  capital.  On  3  March,  the  Russians 
extorted  from  their  vanquished  enemy  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano. 

The  Treaty  of  San  Stefano  (1878).  — The  treaty  provided  among 
other  things  for :  ( i )  the  creation  of  an  autonomous  vassal  principality 
of  Bulgaria,  extending  from  the  Danube  on  the  north  and  the  Black 
Sea  on  the  east  to  the  ^gean  on  the  south,  and  so  big  as  not  only  to 
menace  the  integrity  of  Turkey,  but  practically  to  swallow  up  Mace- 
donia, which  the  Greeks  burned  to  recover ;  (2)  the  independence  of 
Serbia,  Montenegro,  and  Rumania ; *  and  (3)  the  autonomy  of 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  under  Christian  governors.  The  plan  of  a 
"  big  Bulgaria  "  was  opposed  strenuously  both  by  the  Mussulmans 
and  by  the  Greeks.  Great  Britain,  who  favored  their  protests,  on  the 

1  Formed  by  the  union,  between  1859  and  1866,  of  the  ancient  provinces  of 
Moldavia  and  Wallachia. 


BRITISH  FOREIGN   RELATIONS  803 

ground  that  it  would  practically  amount  to  the  creation  of  a  Russian 
province  dominating  the  Balkan  peninsula,1  only  later  came  to  recog- 
nize that  the  formation  of  strong  and  independent  buffer  States  in  the 
Balkans  might  prove  just  as  effective  a  check  on  the  expansion  of 
Russia  as  would  the  preservation  of  the  integrity  of  Turkey.  Austria, 
who  had  apparently  received  a  promise  from  Russia,  that  she  might 
occupy  the  provinces  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  was  also  dissatisfied. 
As  a  result,  the  Congress  of  Berlin  was  arranged,  where,  owing  mainly 
to  the  insistence  of  Great  Britain,  the  whole  treaty  was  reviewed. 
Although  it  was  unprecedented  for  a  Prime  Minister  to  take  such  a 
step,  Beaconsfield  went  in  person  to  Berlin.2 

The  Congress  of  Berlin  (1878).  —  The  chief  work  of  the  Congress, 
which  sat  from  13  June  to  13  July,  under  the  presidency  of  Bismarck, 
was  to  alter  two  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano.  Austria 
was  allowed  to  occupy  and  administer  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.  Also, 
the  "  big  Bulgaria  "  was  cut  down  to  a  district  north  of  the  Balkans. 
South  of  the  mountains  was  formed  the  province  of  Eastern  Rumelia, 
under  the  control  of  the  Sultan  but  administered  by  a  Christian  Gov- 
ernor-General named  by  the  Porte  with  the  assent  of  the  Powers. 
Macedonia,  too,  was  excluded  from  the  Bulgaria  contemplated  by 
the  Russian  arrangement,  handed  back  to  the  Sultan,  and,  in  spite  of 
promised  reforms,  remained  groaning  under  Turkish  oppression  and 
constantly  in  revolt  until  1913.  Beaconsfield  on  his  return  to  England 
was  received  with  tremendous  enthusiasm,  and  declared  complacently 
that  he  had  obtained  "  peace  with  honor."  But  the  achievement 
which  he  contemplated  with  the  greatest  pride  was  not  destined  to  sur- 
vive a  decade ;  for,  in  1885,  Eastern  Rumelia,  his  pet  creation,  quietly 
proclaimed  its  union  with  Bulgaria.  Serbia,  backed  by  Austria, 
waged  a  war  in  vain  to  prevent  it,  and  the  arrangement  was  sanctioned 
by  Salisbury,  the  successor  of  Beaconsfield  as  head  of  the  Conservative 
party.  Bulgaria,  resenting  Russian  domination  in  her  affairs,  soon 
broke  with  her  protector,  a  result  which  might  have  been  precipitated 
sooner  if  she  had  got  the  strength  which  she  desired  in  1878.  Great 
Britain,  however,  had  accomplished  something  by  showing  the  Rus- 
sians that  they  could  not  presume  to  adjust  the  affairs  of  the  Near 

1  Beaconsfield  may  also  have  been  influenced  by  the  fear  that  the  resentment  of 
the  Mohammedan  subjects  of  the  British  would  be  roused  by  so  great  a  reduction 
of  the  boundaries  of  the  leading  Moslem  State. 

2  Meantime,  4  June,  Great  Britain,  nine  days  before  the  opening  of  the  Berlin 
Congress,  had  concluded  a  convention  with  Turkey  by  which  she  received  the 
island  of  Cyprus  in  return  for  an  agreement  to  protect  the  Asiatic  provinces  of  the 
Porte  from  Russian  attack,  on  condition  that  the  Sultan  "introduce  necessary 
reforms  therein." 


804      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

East  unopposed ;  but  even  the  heirs  of  Beaconsfield's  policy  came 
to  recognize  that  there  was  a  more  effectual  way  of  holding  the  Mus- 
covite power  in  check,  than  by  a  futile  attempt  to  sustain  the  in- 
tegrity of  Turkey  in  Europe. 

The  Triple  Alliance  (1879-1882).  —  Although  Bismarck  protested 
that  he  merely  acted  the  part  of  an  "  honest  broker  "  at  the  Congress 
of  Berlin,  his  support  of  Austria  and  Great  Britain  against  the  efforts 
of  Russia  to  champion  the  Slavs,  and  to  extend  Muscovite  influence 
in  the  Balkans,  put  a  serious  strain  on  Russo-German  relations.  To 
secure  Germany  against  a  possible  Russian  attack  —  and  also  against 
France,  which  he  regarded  as  far  less  dangerous  —  the  German 
Chancellor  arranged  with  Austria,  in  October,  1879,  a  Dual  Alliance, 
that  in  1882  he  extended  into  a  Triple  Alliance  by  the  inclusion  of 
Italy,  thus  thrusting  a  wedge  between  a  possible  junction  of  France 
and  Russia  by  way  of  the  Mediterranean,  as  well  as  securing  a  possible 
avenue  of  attack  on  the  French  border.  Not  content  with  the  security 
aimed  at  by  the  Triple  Alliance,  Bismarck  also  undertook  to  tie 
Russia's  hand  against  a  possible  combination  with  France  by  the 
so-called  policy  of  "  re-insurance."  It  required  no  little  adroitness 
to  enter  into  treaty  relations  with  a  Power  against  which  he  had 
already  effected  a  combination,  even  if  only  defensive  in  character, 
particularly  since  he  had  offended  that  Power  by  his  pro-Austrian 
and  anti-Russian  attitude  in  1878.  Neverthless,  he  concluded  in 
1881,  in  1884,  and  again  in  1887,  arrangements  with  Russia,  providing 
that,  if  either  Germany  or  Russia  were  attacked  by  a  third  Power,  the 
other  would  remain  neutral. 

The  New  Kaiser  William  II  (1888-1918).  —  Changes  fraught  with 
consequences  for  the  future  followed  close  on  the  accession,  15  June, 
1888,  of  Kaiser  William  II.  He  kept  the  peace,  it  is  true,  for  a  quarter 
of  a  century ;  indeed,  he  was  apparently  anxious  to  avoid  war  so  long 
as  he  could  attain  his  ends  without  fighting  for  them.  However,  his 
inordinate  sense  of  his  divine  mission  and  of  the  superiority  of  German 
Kultur,  his  close  identification  alike  with  the  military  Junker  class 
and  with  the  captains  of  Germany's  prodigious  industrial  and  com- 
mercial development,  his  ambitious  colonial  and  Near  Eastern  policy 

—  not  merely  for  economic  expansion  but  also  for  political  domination, 

—  his  enlargement  not  only  of  the  army  but  of  the  navy  as  well,  his 
amazing  assertions  and  periodic  rattling  of  the  saber,  ultimately  pre- 
cipitated a  crisis  which  drenched  the  world  in  blood.     While  there 
were  grim  and  potent  forces  at  work,  too  mighty  perhaps  for  even  the 
All-Highest  to  control,  he  had  not  a  little  to  do  with  unchaining  them. 
On  8  March,  1890,  he  dropped  his  experienced  and  wary  pilot,  Bis- 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  805 

marck,  partly  because  he  chafed  under  the  veteran  Chancellor's 
dictatorial  methods  and  partly  because  he  differed  from  him  on  many 
questions  of  State  policy.  For  one  thing,  the  Kaiser  declined  to  renew 
the  re-insurance  treaty  with  Russia ;  then  he  began  to  take  more  ener- 
getic steps  to  secure  for  Germany  a  place  "  in  the  sun,"  by  reaching 
out  for  colonies  in  the  few  available  regions  of  the  earth  where  the  other 
Powers,  notably  Great  Britain  and  France,  had  not  secured  a  foothold, 
and  he  began  to  assume  the  position  which  British  official  diplomacy 
—  following  only  slowly  in  the  wake  of  enlightened  British  public 
opinion  —  was  beginning  to  discard,  the  position  of  official  protector 
of  the  unsavory  Turk.  The  final  chapters  of  the  Near  Eastern  crisis 
can  best  be  considered  later ;  but  neither  here  nor  in  the  matter  of 
colonial  expansion,  did  Germany  come  into  serious  conflict  with  Great 
Britain  for  years  to  come.  Already,  before  the  accession  of  William 
II,  in  spite  of  the  reluctance  of  Bismarck  and  the  old  Kaiser  to  embark 
on  a  colonial  career,  Germany  had  acquired,  between  1884  and  1886, 
German  Southwest  Africa  as  well  as  possessions  in  the  Cameroons, 
Togoland  and  along  the  East  African  coast,  besides  various  islands  in 
the  Pacific.  In  1897  she  made  use  of  the  murder  of  two  missionaries 
to  obtain  the  Chinese  port  of  Kiau-Chau,  in  the  same  year  she  got 
the  Caroline  Islands,  and,  in  1899,  two  of  the  Samoa  group.  Few  of  her 
acquisitions  were  suitable  for  white  settlers,  and  indeed  her  main  aim 
seems  to  have  been  to  secure  sources  for  raw  material,  coaling  stations 
and  strategic  positions.  Only  recently  has  it  been  made  clear  that  in 
Africa  she  was  aiming  to  drill  native  armies,  to  establish  military  and 
naval  bases,  and  to  control  a  belt  straight  across  the  Continent  that 
would  cut  the  British  colonies  in  the  south  from  their  possessions  in 
the  north.  There  are  some  evidences  that  the  British  have  hampered 
her  development.  For  example,  having  possessed  themselves  of  Wal- 
fisch  Bay,  the  best  harbor  on  the  southwest  coast,  they  refused  to  sell 
it ;  but  the  refusal  was  due  to  the  protests  of  Cape  Colony.  Then, 
as  a  counterpoise  to  the  German  occupation  of  East  Africa,  they  ex- 
tended their  power  and  territory  in  a  manner  described  in  another 
connection.1  On  the  other  hand,  Great  Britain  agreed,  in  1898,  that 
Germany  might  buy  the  Portuguese  colonies  in  Africa  whenever  Portu- 
gal was  willing  to  sell ;  though  later,  Sir  Edward  Grey  refused  to  sign 
the  treaty,  because  Germany  insisted  on  keeping  the  agreement 
secret. 

Franco-Russian  and  Anglo-French  Agreements.  —  The  publication 
of  the  terms  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  in  1888,  and  the  Kaiser's  refusal  to 
renew  the  re-insurance  treaty  with  the  Tsar,  in  1890,  resulted  in  bring- 

1  See  above,  p.  774. 


806      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

ing  Russia  and  France  together.  Their  isolation  was  fully  revealed 
to  them,  while  a  young  ruler,  prone  to  fiery  and  reckless  assertion, 
had  seized  the  reins  of  power  from  the  cautious  if  cynical  old  Chan- 
cellor. So,  under  pressure  of  necessity,  autocratic  Russia  and  demo- 
cratic France  entered  into  what  might  seem  otherwise  an  unnatural 
conjunction.  The  first  formal  diplomatic  step  was  taken  in  1891, 
and  the  agreement  —  apparently  defensive  in  character  —  was  offi- 
cially proclaimed,  though  not  in  detail,  in  1896.  Thus  an  effort  had 
been  made  to  restore  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe ;  but  for  a  time 
little  more  was  done.  The  Kaiser,  in  spite  of  occasional  wild  and 
threatening  speeches  —  for  example,  he  had  declared  in  1890 :  "  every- 
one who  is  against  me  I  shall  crush  " — had  striven  to  keep  his  country 
at  peace.  To  be  sure,  he  had,  on  the  repulse  of  the  Jameson  raid, 
sent  a  congratulatory  telegram  to  Kruger;  but  the  idea  originated 
with  his  Foreign  Office  rather  than  with  himself,  designed,  unsuccess- 
fully as  it  proved,  to  test  French  feeling  on  the  question  of  recognizing 
the  independence  of  the  Boers.  Moreover,  he  was  unable  to  avert 
rapprochements  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  with  France  and  Russia, 
which  came  in  the  course  of  a  few  years.  The  European  feeling 
manifested  against  her  at  the  time  of  the  Boer  War  had  awakened 
Great  Britain  to  a  realization  of  her  isolated  position  and  stirred  her 
to  the  task  of  settling  her  outstanding  disputes  with  various  countries, 
of  restoring  the  balance  of  power  and  of  extending  the  policy  of  inter- 
national arbitration. 

Under  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne,  who  had  succeeded  Salisbury  as 
Foreign  Secretary l  in  1900,  the  ties  with  Italy  and  Portugal  had  been 
strengthened  and  cordiality  with  France  had  been  reestablished  after 
the  partial  estrangement  dating  from  the  British  occupation  of  Egypt 
and  manifest  during  the  Boer  War.  In  this  work  the  British  Foreign 
Minister  was  greatly  assisted  by  the  pacific  Edward  VII,  who  as  Prince 
of  Wales  had  formed  many  warm  personal  attachments  in  France, 
though,  in  his  new  capacity  as  King,  he  was  careful  not  to  usurp  the 
functions  of  his  responsible  Ministers.  In  1903,  during  his  first 
Continental  tour  since  his  accession,  he  stopped  at  Paris,  and  his  visit 
was  returned  by  President  Loubet  in  July.  This  prepared  the  way 
for  the  Entente  Cordiale  concluded  by  Lansdowne  and  the  French 
Foreign  Minister  Delcasse,  8  April,  1904.  The  British  agreed  to 
recognize  French  interests  in  Morocco,  while  the  French  agreed  to 
recognize  those  of  Great  Britain  in  Egypt.  In  return  for  an  assurance 
that  the  British  Government  would  not  alter  the  political  status  of 

1  Salisbury  had  held  this  office  himself,  together  with  the  Premiership,  from 
1895  to  1900. 


BRITISH   FOREIGN  RELATIONS  807 

Egypt,  they  ceased  to  ask  for  a  fixed  time  for  the  withdrawal  of  the 
British,  and  consented  to  allow  them  a  freer  hand  in  the  administra- 
tion-of  Egypt's  surplus  revenues. 

The  Russo-Japanese  War  (1904-1906). — Events  in  the  Far  East  led 
to  a  startling  demonstration  on  the  part  of  Germany,  in  1905,  and  pre- 
cipitated an  understanding  between  Russia  and  Great  Britain,  whose 
conflicting  Eastern  interests  had  kept  them  at  swords'  points  for  so 
many  generations.  After  Germany  had  secured  a  forcible  "  lease  " 
of  Kiau-Chau,  Russia  fixed  her  clutches  on 'Port  Arthur;  France  also 
obtained  a  port,  while,  in  May,  1898,  Great  Britain,  as  a  means  of 
counteracting  these  acquisitions,  got  a  .lease  of  the  island  of  Wei- 
Hai-Wei,  together  with  some  territo'ry  on  the  mainland  opposite  Hong- 
Kong.  Two  years  later,  in  1900,  there  occurred  a  rising  of  the  Boxers, 
a  society  organized  against  foreign  encroachment.  During  the  course 
of  its  suppression  by  a  joint  army  of  the  Western  Powers  and  the  United 
States,  Russia  took  occasion  to  occupy  the  whole  of  Manchuria.  Her 
refusal  to  evacuate  Manchuria,  or  to  give  assurances  as  to  the  terri- 
torial integrity  of  Korea  and  the  Chinese  Empire,  involved  her  in 
a  war  (1904-1905)  with  Japan  in  which  the  latter  won,  a  complete 
triumph. 

The  Morocco  Crisis  (1905),  and  the  Algeciras  Conference  (1906).— 
While  Japan  leaped  into  the  position  of  a  military  and  naval  power 
of  the  first  rank,  Russia  was  so  prostrated  that  Germany  took  advan- 
tage of  the  situation  to  protest  against  the  recent  strengthening  of  the 
Anglo-French  Entente  by  which  France  was  given  a  free  hand  in  in- 
ducing the  Sultan  of  Morocco  to  undertake  civilizing  reforms.  Al- 
though Germany,  in  return  for  commercial  privileges,  had  agreed  to 
the  French  policy  of  "  peaceful  penetration  "  in  Morocco,  she  changed 
her  tone  as  the  war  went  steadily  against  Russia.  In  the  spring  of 
1905  the  Emperor  visited  Tangier  in  his  yacht,  and,  under  the  pre- 
tense of  protecting  German  commercial  rights,  practically  assumed  a 
protectorate  over  Morocco,  by  declaring  that  he  could  not  allow  any 
Power  to  step  between  him  and  the  free  Sovereign  of  a  free  country. 
The  British  Government  remained  neutral,  but  intimated  that  un- 
provoked aggression  against  France  would  arouse  public  opinion  in 
England.  Finally,  a  conference  was  arranged,  which  met  at  Alge- 
ciras, close  by  Gibraltar,  16  January,  1906.  Although  it  declared  the 
sovereignty  and  independence  of  the  Sultan  of  Morocco,  and  "  eco- 
nomic liberty  without  any  inequality,"  within  his  dominions,  and  al- 
though plans  for  reforming  the  system  of  taxation  and  policy  of  the 
country  were  placed  under  international  control,  the  paramount 
interests  of  France  and  Spain  were  recognized  by  intrusting  them 


8o8      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

with  these  financial  and  police  duties  as  agents.  The  Kaiser,  who  had 
asserted  six  years  previously,  that  "without  Germany  and  the  Ger- 
man Emperor  no  important  step  in  international  policy  should  be 
taken  "  had,  with  no  small  degree  of  success,  asserted  his  prestige. 
At  the  same  time,  Great  Britain  had  indicated  that  the  Entente  might 
be  a  force  to  be  reckoned  with.  Moreover,  the  Kaiser's  assertiveness, 
coupled  with  his  designs  in  Turkey  and  Asia  Minor,  presently  to  be 
considered,  prompted  Russia  and  Great  Britain  to  compose  their 
differences  in  Persia,  Afghanistan,  and  Tibet  in  1907.  Although  the 
extent  of  the  agreement  is  not  fully  known,  there  was  now  a  Triple 
Entente  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Russia  which  might  be  employed 
as  a  weapon  of  defense  against  any  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  Triple 
Alliance.  Great  Britain  was  no  longer  isolated,  and  her  relations  to 
Germany  since  the  turn  of  the  century  must  next  be  examined. 

England  and  Germany.  —  Although  the  Kaiser  professed  friendli- 
ness to  England  and  seemed  to  like  English  ways,  Edward,  Le  Roi  Paci- 
ficateur,  who  drew  Great  Britain  closer  to  other  European  countries, 
was  able  to  accomplish  very  little  toward  improving  relations  with 
Germany.  The  latter  country,  in  consequence  of  the  enormous  de- 
velopment of  population  and  industry  in  recent  times,  was  seeking  to 
spread  beyond  the  seas,  and  resented  the  fact  that  Great  Britain 
had  preempted  the  best  part  of* the  colonial  field.  The  British,  on 
their  part,  were  apprehensive  of  the  increasing  manufacturing  and 
commercial  development  of  Germany  and  of  her  growing  sea  power.1 
So,  while  Edward  and  his  nephew  the  Emperor  William  interchanged 
formal  visits  on  occasion,  their  relations  were  far  from  wholly  cordial. 
Indeed,  notwithstanding  frequent  attempts  at  adjustment,  relations 
grew  steadily  worse.  Since  Germany  now  was  the  leading  military 
power  of  Europe  it  was  a  matter  for  specially  grave  concern  to  the  Brit- 
ish that  she  should  aspire  to  become  a  formidable  sea  power  as  well. 
A  reasonable  increase  of  her  fleet  to  protect  her  growing  commerce,  and 
such  colonies  as  she  had  acquired,  was  perhaps  to  be  expected,  but 
Britain,  who  freely  admitted  all  countries  to  her  colonial  trade  and 
who  was  absolutely  dependent  on  her  overseas  dominions  for  food 
supplies,  for  raw  materials  and  markets,  could  not  contemplate  with- 
out alarm  the  scale  on  which  Germany  planned  her  naval  increase. 
It  was  clear  that-she  meant  to  expand.  Many  years  ago  she  began  to 

1  Moreover,  there  were  personal  reasons  why  the  English  Royal  and  the  German 
Imperial  families  were  not  warmly  attached  to  one  another.  The  Queen  was  a 
Danish  princess  and  the  Prussian  attitude  in  the  Schleswig-Holstein  question  had 
aroused  a  rancor  never  completely  healed.  Another  source  of  friction  was  the 
unpopularity  in  Germany  of  Edward's  sister  Victoria,  the  mother  of  William  II. 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  809 

discourage  the  migration  of  her  people  to  other  lands,  realizing  that 
within  a  generation  or  two  they  would  be  a  complete  loss  to  the  Father- 
land, though  the  so-called  Delbriick  Law  of  1913  was  an  insidious  at- 
tempt to  enable  Germans,  naturalized  in  other  countries,  to  retain  their 
allegiance  to  Germany  as  well.  Since  the  Government  did  not  want  to 
restrict  the  birthrate  either,  there  was  a  prospect  of  ultimate  overpop- 
ulation, though  there  was  far  less  immediate  danger  from  this  than 
there  was  from  the  fact  that  the  country  was  producing  more  than  her 
own  people  could  absorb.  The  French  and  the  United  States  had 
hampering  protective  tariffs,  the  British  Self-governing  Colonies 
favored  the  Mother  Country  with  preferential  duties,  and,  though  all 
signs  pointed  to  the  contrary,  Germany  seems  to  have  feared  that  the 
whole  British  Empire  might  in  time  be  closed  to  her  by  a  solid  wall  of 
protection.  Hence  her  feverish  haste  to  secure  strategic  positions  in 
the  backward  countries  of  the  world,  her  intrigues  in  India,  her  designs 
for  a  Middle-Africa,  and  also  a  Middle-Europe  and  a  Middle-Asia, 
which  latter  would  enable  her  to  cut  Britain  and  France  off  from  their 
Russian  ally  and  at  the  same  time  sever  the  British  from  their  Eastern 
Empire.  Such  an  unobstructed  path  from  Berlin  to  the  head  of  the 
Persian  Gulf  would  mean  not  only  economic  power  but  political  pres- 
tige as  well.  This,  too,  Germany  craved.  As  the  years  went  on,  it 
became  increasingly  manifest  that  Germany's  success  had  gone  to  her 
head,  that  she  looked  down  from  lofty  heights  of  self- righteous  scorn 
on  the  British  as  worn-out,  flabby  hypocrites,  and  on  the  French  as 
hopelessly  decadent.  Her  vainglorious  Kaiser,  regarding  himself  as 
a  divine  instrument,  was  convinced  that  by  "  keeping  his  powder  dry," 
by  appearing  from  time  to  time  in  "  shining  armor,"  he  could  obtain 
the  objects  on  which  he  had  set  his  heart.  In  this  he  was  backed  by 
a  military  caste  even  more  militant  than  himself,  by  persistently 
aspiring  business  groups,  and  by  vocal  professors  shrieking  that  it  was 
the  mission  of  Deutschtum  to  spread  Kultur  the  world  over.  The 
patient  application  and  ingenuity  of  the  Germans  and  their  real  faith 
in  their  ideals  demand  praise,  but  many  of  the  ambitions  which  they 
nourished,  together  with  the  means  by  which  they  sought  to  realize 
them,  were  bound  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world.  Some  of  the 
points  thus  briefly  touched  on  deserve  to  be  considered  a  bit  more  in 
detail. 

Anglo-German  Trade  Rivalry.  —  A  study  of  statistics  in  trade  and 
production  since  1870  would  seem,  at  first  sight,  to  indicate  that  Ger- 
many was  outstripping  Great  Britain  by  leaps  and  bounds,  and  some 
have  argued  that  this  aroused  a  hostility  which  contributed  materially 
to  precipitate  a  crisis.  Aside  from"  the  fact  that  the  British  trading 


8lO      SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

classes  were  the  least  warlike  element  in  the  country  previous  to  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities,  a  few  other  facts  must  be  taken  into  account. 
Since  Great  Britain  became  the  workshop  of  the  world,  a  generation  or 
two  before  Germany  began  her  commercial  and  industrial  develop- 
ment, it  is  clear  that,  starting  with  a  much  smaller  volume  of  business, 
the  latter's  increase  or  gain  is  relative  rather  than  absolute.  Never- 
theless, it  seemed  when  Germany's  exports  during  the  forty  years 
from  1870  to  1910  increased  by  194  per  cent  and  her  imports  by  170 
percent,  while  those  of  the  British  could  only  show  gains  of  115  per 
cent  and  130  per  cent  respectively,  that  the  younger  competitor  was 
destined,  in  the  long  run,  hopelessly  to  outstrip  her  older  rival.  The 
growth  of  German  coal  and  iron  production  —  facilitated  in  no  small 
degree  by  the  acquisition  of  the  rich  ore  districts  that  she  wrenched 
from  France  in  1870 — was  equally  remarkable,  so  that,  by  1911,  she  was 
the  third  coal-producing  country  in  the  world,  with  an  output  exceeded 
only  by  that  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  while  she  pro- 
duced 15,200,000  tons  of  iron  to  Great  Britain's  9,500,000  tons  and  was 
excelled  only  by  the  United  States  in  this  industry.  Moreover, 
she  had  become  a  formidable  competitor  in  shipping,  two  of  her  lines 
—  the  North  German  Lloyd  and  the  Hamburg-American  —  being 
especially  famous  for  the  size,  speed,  and  convenience  of  their  ships. 
In  many  respects  the  Germans  are  entitled  to  the  greatest  credit 
for  their  achievements  in  building  up  their  trade  and  industry.  They 
have  worked  with  patience  and  intelligence.  They  have  evolved 
with  great  pains  a  system  of  technical  education  at  once  scientific 
and  practical.  They  have  trained  salesmen l  who  have  learned  the 
language  and  studied  the  temper  and  wants,  if  not  always  the  needs  of 
prospective  foreign  customers ;  they  have  provided  cheap  goods  of  a 
reasonably  serviceable  grade  for  improvident  folk,  and  have  arranged 
long  and  easy  terms  of  payment.  The  British,  trusting  in  the  durable 
high  grade  character  of  their  goods  and  in  their  security  against  com- 
petition, long  remained,  to  a  not  inconsiderable  extent,  complacently 
indifferent  to  the  desires  of  their  customers ;  they  clung  to  antiquated 
methods  and  machinery,  and  took  their  ease,  cutting  into  business 
hours  with  afternoon  tea,  hunting,  and  athletic  sports.  On  the  other 
hand,  certain  of  the  German  business  methods  have  been  short-sighted 
and  unscrupulous.  By  means  of  Government  subsidies  and  tariffs  they 
had  encouraged,  sometimes  overstimulated  home  production  and 
kept  the  price  high  in  their  own  country  in  order  to  dump  the  surplus 
at  cheap  rates  on  markets  which  they  wished  to  penetrate ;  by  secret 

1  Their  mercantile  class  have  been  a  striking  contrast  to  their  cruel  and  over- 
bearing bureaucratic  officials. 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  8ll 

underhanded  methods  they  have  got  control  of  banks,  business  con- 
cerns, and  newspapers  in  foreign  countries,  and  by  undue  extension  of 
credit  had  brought  their  finances  —  in  the  opinion  of  many  —  to  a 
perilous  state  just  previous  to  the  war. 

Once  roused  to  the  danger  of  German  competition  and  having  re- 
covered from  the  depressing  effects  of  the  Boer  War  which  for  a  time 
hampered  their  efforts,  the  British  began  to  recover  their  lost  ground. 
An  examination  of  the  figures  from  1909  to  1913  will  show  that  Great 
Britain's  exports  increased  by  38.6  per  cent  —  including  re-exports  by 
46  per  cent  —  as  against  Germany's  44.3  per  cent,  while  the  gains 
in  imports  were  23  and  20.5  per  cent  respectively.  If  the  basis  of 
increase  per  head  were  considered,  the  British  gain  would  be  even  more 
striking,  since  the  population  of  Germany  is  greater,  and  for  years  has 
increased  more  rapidly  than  that  of  the  United  Kingdom.  In  1913 
British  foreign  trade  was  the  greatest  in  her  history.1  She  still  pos- 
sessed 50  per  cent  of  the  world's  tonnage  and  was  building  annually 
more  shipping  than  the  rest  of  the  world  together.  Her  prosperity 2 
was  marked,3  and  there  was,  in  spite  of  much  industrial  discontent, 
comparatively  little  unemployment,  while,  owing  to  various  causes, 
Germany  had  fallen  into  a  period  of  industrial  and  commercial  depres- 
sion with  little  prospect  of  improvement. 

All  together,  while  for  years  there  had  been  complaints  and  warnings 
in  consular  reports,  in  periodicals  and  newspapers,  while  there  had 
been  panics  from  time  to  time,  constant  misery  among  the  unskilled, 
together  with  complaints  from  the  skilled  artisans  that  wages  did  not 
keep  pace  with  rising  prices,  while  there  was  steady  agitation  for  a 
protective  tariff  and  while  apprehension  and  bitterness  were  manifest 
toward  Germany  in  many  quarters,  it  is  out  of  the  question  to  assert 

1  There  is  another  aspect  of  the  statistics  which  seems,  from  a  superficial  glance, 
to  be  rather  damaging  to  Great  Britain,  namely,  that  for  many  years  her  imports 
have  exceeded  her  exports;  but  her  position  is  like  that  of  the  rich  investor  living 
on  his  income ;  the  excess  represents  a  surplus  bought  with  the  return  from  foreign 
investments  and  the  yield  from  her  enormous  carrying  trade.     In  1912  Great 
Britain  had  invested  abroad  some  £4,000,000,000,  fully  four  times  as  much  as 
Germany. 

2  It  apparently  had  begun  to  spend  itself  by  the  spring  of  1914,  though  the 
decline  had  not  become  very  marked  when  the  war  broke  out. 

3  Some  would  ask,  if  Germany  with  complete  freedom  of  trade  in  the  British 
dominions  was  underselling  her  competitor,  how  has  it  been  possible  that  the  latter 
has  of  late  been  holding  her  own?    The  answer  is  that  in   the   Self-governing 
Colonies  there  are  preferential  tariffs  in  favor  of  Great  Britain  while  in  the  colonies 
under  the  control  of  the  British  Parliament  there  is  no  discrimination.     It  is  in 
the  former  that  Great  Britain  has  counterbalanced  Germany's  gains  in  the  latter, 
as  well  as  in  various  other  undeveloped  parts  of  the  world. 


8l2      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

that  British  jealousy  of  German  trade  ascendancy  led  to  the  War. 
The  traditional  British  free  trade  policy  was  triumphantly  vindicated 
at  the  polls  in  1906  and  twice  in  1910;  the  Liberal  Administration, 
in  power  for  eight  years  previous  to  the  War,  sought  in  every  way  to 
preserve  the  peace ;  the  commercial  classes  were  those  most  opposed 
to  war;  and  finally,  by  responding  to  the  stimulus  of  competition, 
Great  Britain  had,  for  at  least  three  years  previous  tp  the  crisis,  begun 
to  recover  her  old  lead  over  her  threatening  trade  rival. 

The  Race  in  Naval  Armaments.  —  Meantime,  the  creation  of  a  pow- 
erful navy,  to  supplement  her  army  —  the  most  formidable  in  Europe 
—  had  aroused  the  gravest  disquiet,  among  the  far-seeing,  as  to  Ger- 
many's designs.  Very  early  in  his  reign,  Kaiser  Wilhelm  began  to 
manifest  an  intense  enthusiasm  for  a  big  navy,  to  protect,  as  he  said, 
Germany's  expanding  commerce;  but  various  of  his  characteristi- 
cally thumping  expressions,  such  as  "  the  trident  must  be  in  our  hands," 
gave  color  to  the  suspicion  that  his  ultimate  arm  was  to  contest  the 
naval  supremacy  of  Great  Britain.  However,  the  actual  work  of 
building  up  the  German  Navy  during  the  past  twenty  years  has  been 
due  mainly  to  the  tireless  energy  of  Admiral  von  Tirpitz,  who  became 
Minister  of  Marine  in  1897.  The  very  next  year,  the  German  Navy 
League  was  founded  to  popularize  the  idea  of  a  great  fleet,  and  a  million 
members  were  soon  enrolled.  Also,  in  1 898,  the  new  Minister  introduced 
his  first  bill  to  provide  for  a  high  seas  fleet.  Two  years  later,  in  1900, 
when  Great  Britain  was  in  the  grip  of  the  Boer  War  without  a  friend 
in  Europe,  a  second  bill  was  introduced  providing  for  increased  esti- 
mates. The  British  were  forced  to  accept  the  challenge :  thus  a  race 
of  armaments,  feverishly  intermittent,  began.  Von  Tirpitz,  in  season 
and  out  of  season,  worked  through  the  press,  the  Navy  League,  as 
well  as  in  the  Reichstag,  to  realize  his  cherished  ambition.  In  this 
same  year,  1900,  a  former  chief  of  the  Admiralty  staff  frankly  considered 
the  possibility  of  a  war  against  England,  which,  he  declared,  was  not 
improbable  "  owing  to  the  animosity  which  exists  in  our  country  to- 
ward England,  and,  on  the  other  side,  to  the  sentiments  of  the  British 
nation  toward  all  Continental  Powers  and  in  particular  against  Ger- 
many." 

The  British  fleet  was  put  on  its  modern  basis  by  the  Naval  Defense 
Act  of  1889.  Aside  from  needed  increase  and  reorganization,  the  two- 
Power  standard  was  then  adopted ;  that  is,  the  naval  strength  of  Great 
Britain  should  be  equal  to  that  of  any  two  other  nations  combined, 
France  and  Russia  being  at  that  time  the  two  greatest  rivals  to  the 
British  at  sea.  Then  came  the  German  menace  involved  in  the  Naval 
Law  of  1898.  This  same  year  the  Tsar  of  Russia  "  proposed  an  Inter- 


BRITISH  FOREIGN   RELATIONS  813 

national  Conference  for  the  purpose  of  devising  means  for  reducing 
expenditure  on  naval  and  military  armaments."  Although  the  Hague 
Conference  of  1899  was  unable  to  agree  upon  a  plan  of  reduction  of 
armaments,  it  recommended  the  proposal  for  consideration  by  the  vari- 
ous Governments  concerned.  The  German  reply  was  the  law  of  1900 
almost  doubling  her  navy.  Owing  to  the  agreements  of  1902  with 
Japan  and  of  1904  with  France,  Great  Britain  was  able  to  withdraw 
the  greater  portion  of  her  fleet  from  stations  in  Chinese  and  Japanese 
waters  and  from  the  Mediterranean,  arid  to  concentrate  in  the  English 
Channel.  About  the  same  time,  old  ships  began  to  be  scrapped,  and 
a  new  type,  the  so-called  Dreadnought,  was  introduced,  — •  speedy, 
heavily  armored  and  equipped  with  a  small  number  of  large  caliber 
guns  instead  of  many  guns  of  various  calibers.  These  two  facts  gave 
von  Tirpitz,  who  had  refused  to  consider  any  project  for  reduction  of 
armaments,  a  new  excuse  to  expand  his  construction  program,  for 
which  the  Morocco  crisis  of  1905  had  furnished  another  stimulus.  Al- 
though he  carried  a  third  Naval  Bill  in  1906,  the  radical  Liberals  in 
England  succeeded  in  reducing  substantially  the  estimates  for  1906. 
Unhappily,  this  overture  was  regarded  by  the  Kaiser  as  a  confession  of 
weakness.  He  declared  flatly  that,  if  the  question  of  regulation  of 
armaments  were  brought  before  the  second  Hague  Conference,  called 
to  meet  in  1907,  he  should  decline  to  be  represented.  Indeed,  he  went 
further,  on  another  occasion,  and  declared  that  he  regarded  the  ap- 
proaching Conference  as  "  great  nonsense."  l 

A  fourth  German  Naval  bill,  in  1908,  prompted  Edward  VII  to  de- 
clare, during  the  course  of  a  visit  to  his  Imperial  cousin,  that  "  the 
naval  rivalry  set  on  foot  by  Germany  was  sure  to  provoke  suspicions 
as  to  its  ultimate  intentions,  and  thus  to  embitter  relations,  then  per- 
fectly friendly  and  natural,  between  the  two  countries."  While 
King  Edward  was  optimistic  about  the  existing  feeling,  there  was  no 
doubt  that  the  German  big-navy  party  were  making  matters  worse. 
The  Kaiser,  in  an  interview  published  in  a  London  newspaper,  admitted 
that  "  a  majority  of  his  people  were  hostile  to  England."  Among  the 
British  there  was  a  large  pacific  element,  though,  on  the  other  hand, 
there  were  stalwart  spirits  who  insisted  on  more  battleships.  At 
the  same  time,  Lord  Roberts,  England's  greatest  general,  sought  to 
rouse  his  countrymen  from  a  fancied  sense  of  security  by  pleading  for 
compulsory  military  training.  Few  took  him  seriously,  but  the  naval 
estimates  were  once  more  greatly  increased,  owing  in  no  small  degree 

1  The  German  Government  was  not  only  opposed  to  disarmament  but  even  to 
arbitration  treaties,  on  the  ground  that  arbitration  was  a  derogation  of  sovereignty 
and  that  it  handicapped,  in  case  of  difficulties  arising,  a  people  prepared  to  strike. 


8 14      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

to  the  fact  that  Austria  backed  by  Germany  had  just  annexed  the 
provinces  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina.  This  time  the  Reichstag  — 
seeing  signs  of  determination  rather  than  yielding,  and,  for  the  moment 
at  least,  impressed  by  the  hopelessness  of  gaining  in  the  race  —  re- 
fused new  taxes  to  meet  another  increase  in  the  German  building  pro- 
gram. Thereupon,  von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  who  became  Chancellor 
in  this  year,  1909,  made  a  specious  overture,  proposing  that  Germany 
would  "  retard  her  rate,"  if  the  British  would  promise  to  remain 
neutral  in  the  event  of  a  Continental  war.  The  British  naturally 
hesitated  to  accept  such  a  proposal  in  view  of  the  fact  that  it  might 
involve  deserting  her  allies,  and,  while  they  were  still  negotiating,  the 
Kaiser  and  the  Chancellor 1  frankly  stated  that  they  could  not  bind 
themselves  not  to  enlarge  their  naval  program.  Following  a  second 
crisis  in  Morocco  in  1911,  when  the  attitude  of  British  statesmen  forced 
Germany  to  abate  her  demands,  the  Reichstag  at  length  passed  a  fifth 
bill  which  made  it  clearer  than  ever  that  Germany  was  aiming  "  to 
be  supremely  powerful  both  by  sea  and  land."  Two  days  after  the 
new  program  was  announced,  Lord  Haldane,  a  British  statesman  of 
decided  German  sympathies,  arrived  in  Berlin  to  discuss  the  naval 
situation,  but  the  result  proved  futile.  From  this  time,  however,  the 
British  Government  ceased  to  maintain  a  two-Power  standard,  and 
it  was  definitely  stated  in  Parliament  that  she  would  retard  her  build- 
ing whenever  Germany  did  the  like.  When  Admiral  Tiipitz,  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1913,  agreed  that  the  British  ratio  of  16  to  10 —  which  she  had 
adopted  in  relation  to  Germany  in  place  of  the  old  two-Power  standard 
—  was  "  acceptable  "  to  him,  Mr.  Churchill,  the  British  First  Lord 
of  the  Admiralty,  proposed  a  "  naval  holiday  "  ;  but  Tirpitz  refused 
this,  on  the  ground  that  Germany  could  not  afford  to  have  her  plants 
and  her  shipyards  idle.  Mr.  Churchill's  renewal  of  the  offer,  18 
October,  was  not  favorably  received  by  the  public  of  either  country. 
Even  the  friendly  Lord  Haldane  went  so  far  as  to  say  that :  "  What- 
ever efforts  Germany  may  make  she  must  reckon  upon  our  making 
efforts  which  will  be  still  greater,  because  sea  power  is  our  life  and  in 
sea  power  we  intend  to  remain  supreme."  Apparently,  Germany 
finally  had  come  to  recognize  this  fact,  and,  though  there  was  no  re- 
tardation, there  had  come  to  be  "  a  substantial  agreement  "  as  to  the 
respective  rates  of  increase. 

It  seems  difficult  not  to  place  on  Germany  the  chief  blame  for  this 
costly  procedure ;  for  Great  Britain  had  never  menaced  German  com- 
merce ;  indeed,  she  had  been  guilty  of  little  or  no  aggression  for  a  hun- 

1  The  latter  declared,  30  March,  1911,  that  he  considered  "any  control  of  arma- 
ments as  absolutely  impracticable." 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  815 

dred  years.  In  time  of  peace,  Germany  could  enjoy  perfect  freedom 
of  the  seas ;  she  might  fear  British  control  of  the  Suez  and  of  coaling 
stations,  but  there  was  no  indication  that  these  would  be  used  against 
her  unless  she  provoked  hostile  action.  While  there  were  English- 
men who  indulged  in  reckless  utterances,  the  statesmen  in  power, 
backed  by  the  majority  who  kept  them  there,  strove  for  peace  at  every 
crisis,  notably,  as  we  shall  see,  in  1908,  1911,  and  1914.  They  refused 
to  increase  their  land  army  in  spite  of  the  fervid  agitation  of  Lord 
Roberts.  They  made  no  protest  against  the  great  military  force 
which  Germany  regarded  as  essential  for  the  protection  of  her  frontiers, 
but  insisted  that  the  British  supremacy  at  sea  must  be  maintained 
for  the  purpose  of  guarding  the  lanes  of  travel  to  her  Colonies  so  vitally 
essential  not  only  for  raw  materials  and  markets  but  for  food  supply 
itself.  While  some  Germans  recognized  this  point  of  view,  the  general 
attitude  was  arrogant  and  ominous.  The  trident-grasping  Kaiser 
had  declared :  "  our  future  lies  on  the  water  "  ;  one  of  his  ex-Chancellors 
wrote  a  book  in  which  he  asserted  that  "  England's  reluctance  to  make 
war  on  us  has  allowed  us  to  get  a  grip  on  the  sea,"  and  these  are  only 
two  out  of  any  number  of  similar  statements  that  might  be  quoted. 
A  large  section  of  the  press  was  hostile  in  tone,  the  possibility  of  in- 
vading England  was  openly  discussed,  and  German  officers  gleefully 
drank  to  Dcr  Tag,  or  the  day  when  they  would  meet  England  in  a  de- 
cisive naval  combat. 

German  Kultur.  —  During  the  fifty,  and  still  more  during  the 
twenty-five  years  preceding  the  War,  the  German  people  have  under- 
gone an  amazing  and  startling  transformation.  The  old  land  of  the 
dreamy  philosopher,  the  gifted  composer,  the  patient  scholar,  the  docile 
toiler,  has,  since  the  founding  of  the  Empire,  been  forced  under  the 
spell  of  Prussia  and  its  grim  and  ruthless  materialism.  Frederick  the 
Great,  who  first  brought  his  State  into  the  circle  of  first-rate  Powers,  is 
the  ancestor  of  the  arbitrary  and  cynical  tradition  which  came  to  pre- 
vail. He  would  have  "  no  ministers  abroad  but  spies,  no  ministers  at 
home  but  clerks,"  and  declared :  "  I  keep  my  treaties  just  so  long  as 
it  is  my  interest  to  keep  them  and  no  longer."  The  depths  to  which 
the  Germans  were  reduced  by  Napoleon's  victorious  troops,  their 
partial  recovery  with  their  conscript  army ,  the  failure  of  the  liberal  rev- 
olution of  1848  and  the  triumph  of  Bismarck,  and  the  unexampled 
prosperity  which  followed  under  Prussian  domination,  irresistibly 
converted  the  country  to  a  policy  of  hard  realism. 

Meantime,  the  German  thinkers  had  become  deeply  impressed  by 
the  Darwinian  doctrine  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  They  taught 
themselves  to  believe  that  they  were  superior  beings,  and  that  it  was 


816      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

their  mission  to  impose  their  Kultur  —  their  peculiar  philosophy  of 
life  and  their  peculiar  form  of  political,  social,  and  industrial  organiza- 
tion—  on  the  rest  of  the  world  even  by  military  force.  Many, 
indeed,  came  to  glorify  war  as  the  noblest  form  of  human  activity, 
insisting  that  —  as  an  essential  condition  to  progress  —  the  weak 
should  be  crushed  and  the  strong  prevail.  Perhaps  the  most  influen- 
tial pioneer  of  this  school  was  Heinrich  von  Treitschke  (1834-1896), 
who  devoted  his  rare  eloquence  and  literary  skill  to  the  exaltation  of 
the  German  State  under  Prussian  domination.  "  The  greatness  and 
goodness  of  the  world,"  he  passionately  taught,  "  is  to  be  found  in  the 
predominance  there  of  German  culture,  of  the  German  mind,  in  a  word, 
of  the  German  character."  A  German  World  Empire  was  his  ambition, 
and  war  was  the  way  to  bring  it  about.  "  War,"  he  avowed,  "  is 
both  justifiable  and  moral,  and  .  .  .  the  ideal  of  perpetual  peace 
is  not  only  impossible,  but  immoral  as  well."  After  1870  his  fury  was 
concentrated  against  England  as  the  final  great  obstacle  in  Germany's 
progress  toward  her  goal.  "  If  our  Empire,"  he  declared,  "  has  the 
courage  to  follow  an  independent  colonial  policy,  a  collision  of  our  in- 
terests and  those  of  England  is  unavoidable.  It  was  natural  and 
logical  that  the  new  Great  Power  of  Central  Europe  had  to  settle 
affairs  with  all  Great  Powers.  We  have  settled  our  accounts  with 
Austro-Hungary,  with  France,  and  with  Russia.  The  last  settlement, 
the  settlement  with  England,  will  be  the  lengthiest  and  the  most 
difficult."  In  1911  this  necessity  of  a  war  with  England,  in  order  that 
Germany  might  secure  her  "  place  in  the  sun,"  was  discussed  with 
brazen  frankness  by  von  Bernhardi  in  Germany  and  the  Next  War. 

Perhaps  enough  has  been  said  of  the  Kaiser  —  who  regarded  him- 
self as  the  anointed  of  God  to  carry  on  the  work  of  his  ancestors  and  to 
lead  the  German  people  to  greater  glory  and  power  and  wealth.  For 
years  he  had  sought  to  attain  these  ends  by  alternating  gracious  per- 
suasion with  bluster.  Many  of  his  expressions  —  his  "  mailed  fist," 
his  "  shining  armor,"  and  his  injunction  to  the  Chinese  Expedi- 
tionary force,  in  1900,  to  "  be  as  terrible  as  Attila's  Huns  "  —  are  known 
everywhere.  Not  infrequently  he  rose  to  supreme  heights.  To  his 
recruits  at  Potsdam,  in  1911,  he  announced :  "  Body  and  soul  you  be- 
long to  me.  If  I  command  you  to  shoot  your  fathers  and  mothers  .  .  . 
you  must  follow  my  command  without  a  murmur."  But  it  was  in 
his  speech  to  his  soldiers  on  the  Declaration  of  War  in  1914  that  he 
reached  the  apogee  of  presumption:  "  Remember,"  he  said,  "  that 
the  German  people  are  the  chosen  of  God.  On  me  as  German  Emperor 
the  spirit  of  God  has  descended.  I  am  His  weapon,  His  sword  and  His 
Vice-regent.  Woe  to  the  disobedient!  Death  to  cowards  and  un- 


BRITISH  FOREIGN   RELATIONS  817 

believers  !•"  It  was  mentality  such  as  this  which  confronted  Great 
Britain,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  world. 

The  Pan-German  Movement.  —  There  was  much  that  was  fine  in 
the  German's  devotion  to  his  State  and  his  fervid  faith  in  his  Kultur, 
and  much  that  was  said  and  written  might  have  seemed  the  mere 
vaporings  of  a  ruler  afflicted  with  acute  Imperial  megalomania  and 
of  deluded  egotistical  professors,  but  it  was  backed  not  only  by  the 
domineering  cult  of  the  Prussian  caste  but  by  a  consuming  zeal  for 
political  prestige  and  business  domination.  The  Pan-German  League, 
founded  in  1886,  at  first  counted  for  little,  but  after  its  reorganization 
in  1893,  it  became  a  potent  factor  in  propaganda  for  German  expan- 
sion. It  aimed  to  reach  out  and  bring  within  the  Empire  Holland, 
Flemish  Belgium,  and  even  —  according  to  the  plans  of  the  more  am- 
bitious —  the  Scandinavian  countries,  together  with  Austria  and  the 
German  parts  of  Russia.  Another  design  was  to  press  down  through 
the  Balkans  and  to  control  a  road  to  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf, 
and  still  another  was  to  establish  a  Middle-Africa  as  well.  In  the 
course  of  time  the  Pan-Germans  joined  forces  with  the  Navy  League 
and  other  influential  organizations.  While  the  annexation  policy 
remained  largely  a  dream  before  the  War,  it  came  very  near  a  grim 
reality  during  the  course  of  the  struggle,  though  Holland  and  the 
Scandinavian  countries  never  came  within  Germany's  grip. 

Futile  Negotiations.  —  In  spite  of  commercial  rivalry,  race  of  arma- 
ments and  ambitions  openly  proclaimed,  the  German  Government 
made  more  than  one  overture  to  Great  Britain.  But  they  all  involved 
the  possibility  of  deserting  France  and  Russia  with  whom  the  British 
were  united  in  a  defensive  agreement.  For  example,  von  Bethmann- 
Hollweg's  proposal  for  a  retardation  in  construction  was  coupled  with 
the  condition  that  the  British  and  the  Germans  should  agree  that 
(i)  Neither  country  had  any  idea  of  aggression  and  that  neither  would 
in  fact  attack  the  other ;  (2)  That,  in  the  event  of  an  attack  made  on 
either  Power  by  a  third  Power  or  group  of  Powers,  the  Power  not 
attacked  should  stand  aside.  Gladly  Great  Britain  would  have  ac- 
cepted the  first  point ;  but  the  second  she  could  not  allow  herself  to 
be  trapped  into  accepting.  Bismarck  had  shown,  in  1870,  how  easily 
Germany  could  draw  an  attack  on  herself  when  she  desired  war.  In 
such  an  event,  Great  Britain  once  entangled  in  this  agreement  —  and 
she  had  a  prejudice  for  observing  treaty  obligations  which  the  new 
German  political  philosophy  had  discarded  —  would  have  to  hold 
hopelessly  aloof  while  France,  or  even  Belgium,  whose  neutrality 
she  had  joined  in  guaranteeing,  were  crushed.  Sir  Edward  Grey 
admirably  stated  the  British  position  in  1911:  "One  does  not," 
30 


818      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

he  said,  "  make  new  friendships  worth  having  by  deserting  old  ones. 
New  friendships  by  all  means  let  us  make  but  not  at  the  expense  of 
the  ones  we  have."  At  the  time  of  Lord  Haldane's  visit,  in  1912,  when 
negotiations  were  reopened,  Great  Britain  expressed  her  readiness  to 
agree  that  she  would  "  neither  make,  nor  join  in,  any  unprovoked 
attack  upon  Germany  "  and  to  give  an  assurance  that  "  aggression 
upon  Germany  is  not  the  subject,  and  forms  no  part  of  any  treaty, 
understanding  or  combination  to  which  England  is  now  a  party,  nor 
will  she  become  a  party  to  anything  that  has  such  an  object."  This, 
however,  would  not  satisfy  Germany,  who  would  come  to  no  terms  un- 
less England  would  "  acquiesce  in  a  formula  of  neutrality  which  was 
deliberately  calculated  to  destroy  her  existing  friendships  with  France 
and  Russia,  and  by  which  she  would  have  abandoned  her  treaty 
obligations  to  small  states."  Meantime,  a  long  chain  of  events  in  the 
Near  East  led  straight  to  an  appalling  crisis  which,  while  the  British 
Foreign  Office  strove  to  maintain  the  peace  of  Europe,  vindicated 
their  foresight  in  rejecting  the  specious  proposals  above  outlined. 

German  Penetration  in  the  Near  East.  —  In  1889  the  Kaiser  paid 
a  visit  to  the  Sultan  at  Constantinople  which  proved  the  prelude  to  a 
German  penetration  of  European  and  Asiatic  Turkey,  not  for  the  pur- 
poses of  colonization,  but  for  commercial  expansion  and  political 
prestige.  German  officers  were  sent  to  train  Turkish  troops,  German 
capital  was  placed  in  the  country,  banks  were  established  and  German 
merchants  began  to  acquire  the  lion's  share  of  Turkish  trade.  These 
activities  began  after  Great  Britain,  even  before  her  entente  with 
Russia,  had  come  to  realize  that  there  were  better  ways  of  holding 
in  check  her  ancient  Muscovite  rival  than  by  continuing  to  bolster 
up  the  hopelessly  corrupt  Turkish  State. 

Great  Britain  and  Turkey  (1894-1897). — Terrible  massacres  — 
during  the  years  1894-1896 — of  the  Armenians,  whose  Christian  na- 
tional aspirations  infuriated  the  Sultan,  precipitated  the  change  in 
the  British  attitude.  Early  in  1895,  the  Powers  presented  a  joint 
note  to  the  Porte  demanding  reforms ;  but,  this  time,  obstruction  came 
from  Russia  —  who  had  no  desire  to  see  a  strong  Armenian  state  pro- 
tected by  the  Powers  blocking  her  road  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  Glad- 
stone, from  the  retirement  in  which  he  was  spending  his  declining 
years,  raised  his  voice  for  independent  intervention  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain;  while  his  appeal  was  not  acted  on,  and  while  the 
Armenians  had  to  wait  till  1899  before  any  reforms  were  under- 
taken, he  converted  many  to  his  way  of  thinking.  Meantime,  in  a 
speech  of  19  January,  1897,  Salisbury,  who  had  gradually  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  his  country  had  erred  in  seeking  to  maintain  the  integ- 


BRITISH  FOREIGN   RELATIONS  819 

rity  of  Turkey,  uttered  his  famous  declaration :  "  We  put  all  our 
money  on  the  wrong  horse."  In  view  of  events  at  this  time  and  oi 
the  atrocious  massacres  sanctioned  by  Germany  during  the  Great 
War,  it  would  seem  that  Germany  thus  early  was,  to  no  small  degree, 
responsible  for  encouraging  the  Turk  in  defying  the  will  of  the  Powers. 
Indeed,  in  1896,  while  the  Sultan's  hands  were  red  with  blood,  the 
Kaiser  thought  it  a  fitting  time  to.  send  him  an  Imperial  photo- 
graph. This  he  followed  up,  in  1898,  by  a  tour  through  the  Turkish 
dominions,  during  which  at  Damascus  he  made  an  amazing  speech 
wherein  he  declared  that  the  300,000,000  Mohammedans  who  looked 
to  the  Sultan  as  Caliph  would  find  in  him,  the  Kaiser,  a  friend  and 
protector. 

The  Bagdad  Railway  Project.  —  Only  an  incurable  optimist  could 
hope,  in  view  of  past  experience,  to  regenerate  the  Turkish  regime. 
However,  the  Kaiser  and  his  advisers  may  have  thought  that  they 
could  succeed  where  others  had  failed ;  moreover,  here  was  a  chance 
for  legitimate  development  in  almost  the  only  area  not  preempted 
by  Great  Britain,  France  or  Russia.  Mesopotamia,  the  valley  of  the 
Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  might  be  restored  to  its  ancient  fertility, 
and  a  commercial  route  might  be  opened  through  Asia  Minor  to  the 
head  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  Germany  and  Austria  were  closely  allied, 
Germany  was  rapidly  securing  control  of  Turkey ;  if  the  Austro-Ger- 
man  alliance  could  dominate  the  Balkans  there  would  be  created  an 
uninterrupted  highway  from  Berlin  to  the  Indian  Ocean.  The  menac- 
ing feature  of  this  scheme  was  that  it  would  drive  a  solid  wedge  be- 
tween the  British  and  the  French  on  the  west  and  Russia  on  the  east, 
threatening  the  British  line  of  communication  between  Egypt  and 
India,  and  even  jeopardizing  the  security  of  the  British  occupation 
of  Egypt.  More  than  one  German  writer  expressed  the  German 
ambitions  in  the  frankest  of  language.  "  Egypt  is  a  prize  which  for 
Turkey  would  well  be  worth  the  risk  of  taking  sides  with  Germany  in 
a  war  with  England,"  said  one,  while  another  wrote :  "  The  Bagdad 
railroad  being  a  blow  at  the  interests  of  British  Imperialism,  Turkey 
could  intrust  its  construction  only  to  the  German  company,  because 
she  knew  that  Germany's  army  and  navy  stood  behind  her."  The 
preliminary  concession  was  secured,  in  1899,  the  year  after  the  Kaiser's 
second  visit  to  Constantinople,  and,  in  1903,  the  steps  were  completed 
by  which  the  Bagdad  Railway  Company  was  established  as  an  Otto- 
man corporation.  In  spite  of  the  undoubted  commercial  advantage 
of  such  a  railway,  the  British  prevented  the  Germans  from  securing  the 
terminal  port  of  Koweit  at  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  blocked 
the  progress  of  the  undertaking,  until  satisfactory  financial  and 


820      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

political  arrangements  could  be  devised.1  It  is  clear  that  it  was 
not  the  project  itself,  but  the  methods  by  which  it  was  to  be  carried  out 
to  which  the  British  objected ;  since,  in  1914,  they  agreed  to  a  treaty 
for  the  completion  of  the  road  which  was  only  interrupted  by  the  out- 
break of  the  war. 

The  Young  Turkish  Revolution  (1908).  —  Germany's  hold  on  the 
Ottoman  Government  was  for  the  moment  loosened  by  the  Young 
Turkish  Revolution  in  1908,  a  movement  which  not  only  failed  to 
realize  the  hopeful  expectations  which  it  had  aroused,  but  started  a 
train  of  events  which  contributed  to  a  world  tragedy.  Unfortunately, 
the  leaders  were  actuated  by  Mohammedan  bigotry  and  intense  na- 
tionalism as  much  as  by  democratic  and  reforming  zeal.  Hence  they 
stirred  up  opposition  among  the  subject  peoples  in  the  Ottoman  Em- 
pire and,  even  worse,  they  inspired  fear  among  European  Powers  that, 
with  their  fresh  vigor,  they  might  seek  to  recover  territories  on  which 
the  old  effete  Government  had  practically  relaxed  its  hold.  This- 
prompted  Francis  Joseph,  the  Austrian  Emperor,  to  announce,  3 
October,  1908,  the  annexation  of  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  which 
Austria  had  administered  since  1878.  Russia  opposed  this  extension 
of  Austrian  power  in  the  Balkans,  but  she  was  not  in  a  position  to 
fight,  for  she  had  not  recovered  from  her  defeat  by  Japan  in  1904- 
1905,  and  Great  Britain  was  unwilling  to  support  her  in  a  Balkan 
quarrel,  the  ultimate  consequences  of  which  the  British  had  not  yet 
come  to  realize.  The  Kaiser  made  much  of  the  fact  that  he  had  ap- 
peared behind  his  Austrian  ally  in  "  shining  armor."  Moreover, 
Germany,  though  for  years  she  had  been  cultivating  the  old  regime, 
soon  managed  to  secure  an  equally  strong  hold  over  the  leaders  of  the 
Young  Turks.  While  engaged  in  this  task  she  essayed  another  trial 
of  power  in  Morocco. 

The  Second  Morocco  Crisis  (1911).  —  Twice  by  trading  on  the  weak- 
ness of  Russia  the  Kaiser  had  successfully  asserted  himself :  in  Mo- 
rocco in  1905  and  in  the  Balkans  in  1908.  His  third  effort  was  far  less 
successful.  In  consequence  of  a  rebellion  in  Morocco,  France  detailed 
troops  to  restore  order;  whereupon  Germany  took  occasion  to  de- 
clare that  she  would  not  acquiesce  in  French  ascendancy  in  the  country 
without  compensation,  and,  2  July,  1911,  the  Kaiser  sent  a  ship  of 

1  The  Germans,  who  undertook  the  construction  in  sections,  were  to  be  liberally 
paid  by  an  increase  in  the  Turkish  customs  in  which  the  British  were  heavily  inter- 
ested. That  was  the  first  proposal;  the  second  was  that  Germany,  France,  and 
England  should  each  advance  30  per  cent  of  the  required  funds  and  Russia  10 
per  cent;  but  according  to  the  concession  of  1903,  Germany  could  appoint  six  of 
the  eleven  directors  of  the  railway  company,  and  would  thus  control  its  policy,  while 
the  three  other  Powers  concerned  advanced  70  per  cent  of  the  funds. 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  821 

war  to  Ag'adir.  His  attempt  to  test  the  strength  of  the  Anglo-French 
Entente  was  speedily  and  conclusively  met.  The  British  Government 
declared  that  Germany's  action  created  a  new  and  grave  situation, 
and  that  it  did  not  purpose  to  stand  aside  if  British  interests  and  treaty 
relations  with  France  were  affected.  While  Germany  was  not  with- 
out justification  in  assuming  that  one  element  in  France  was  seizing 
the  occasion  of  the  disturbed  condition  of  Morocco  to  intrench  her- 
self there  by  force,  she  hurt  her  case  by  her  attempt  to  bully  France 
and  to  ignore  England.  Brought  to  a  standstill  by  the  latter's  deter- 
mined attitude,  she  now  condescended  to  indicate  the  terms  on  which 
she  was  prepared  to  treat  with  France.  England  agreed  not  to  inter- 
fere, and,  by  an  arrangement,  concluded  in  November,  Germany,  in 
return  for  territorial  cessions  in  the  Congo  region  and  a  guarantee  of 
equal  economic  opportunities  for  all  Powers  in  Morocco,  agreed  to  the 
French  political  ascendancy  in  the  latter  country.  The  Pan-Ger- 
manists  were  infuriated  by  what  they  regarded  as  a  humiliating  set- 
back to  German  diplomatic  prestige. 

The  First  Balkan  War  (1912-1913).  —  Not  long  after,  the  Christian 
States  of  the  Balkans  seized  the  opportunity  of  a  war  between  Italy 
and  Turkey  (1911-1912)  to  combine  against  the  latter  for  the  purpose 
of  realizing  long-cherished  ambitions  and  redressing  ancient  grievances. 
Zeal  for  reform  and  national  aspiration  were,  it  should  be  said,  fo- 
mented by  Russia,  the  champion  of  Pan-Slavism,  who  longed  to  expel 
German-ridden  Turkey  from  Europe,  and  to  control  Constantinople 
and  the  exit  from  the  Black  Sea.  By  the  end  of  July,  1912,  alliances 
were  concluded  between  Greece,  Bulgaria,  Serbia,  and  Montenegro. 
The  swift  decisive  campaign  which  followed  the  opening  of  war 
in  October,  gave  the  slow-moving  European  Powers  no  chance  to  get 
their  bearings.  Not  only  was  the  defeat  of  Turkey  a  sore  blow  to  the 
military  prestige  of  the  Germans  who  had  trained  the  Turkish  army, 
but  the  prospect  of  a  strong  united  Balkan  League  promised  a  serious 
obstruction  to  the  Austro-German  plan  of  dominating  the  Balkans. 

The  Treaty  of  London  (1913).  —  After  the  Balkan  Allies  had  gained 
a  series  of  striking  successes,  a  peace  conference  was  arranged  at  Lon- 
don, where  delegates  from  the  countries  at  war  held  their  first  meeting 
16  December,  1912.  Meantime,  Great  Britain  and  the  other  Great 
Powers  had  been  working  to  keep  the  conflict  localized,  and  the  British 
Premier,  Mr.  Asquith,  in  a  speech  of  9  November,  had  declared  that : 
"  the  victors  were  not  to  be  robbed  of  the  fruits  which  had  cost  them 
so  dear."  Terms  which  the  Turkish  delegation  agreed  to  accept  were 
rejected  in  Constantinople  in  consequence  of  a  coup  d'etat,  and  hostili- 
ties, which  had  been  suspended,  were  reopened.  On  16  May,  1913,  the 


822      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF'  ENGLAND  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN 

peace  sittings  were  resumed ;  after  ten  days  of  wrangling,  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  the  British  Foreign  Minister,  sent  for  three  of  the  delegates  and 
informed  them  that  they  must  agree  to  terms  on  the  basis  of  a  treaty 
drawn  up  by  the  Great  Powers,  or  leave  London.  As  a  result,  the 
Treaty  of  London  was  signed,  30  May,  1913,  by  which  Turkey  ceded 
to  the  Balkan  allies  all  European  territories  north  and  west  of  a  line 
from  Midea,  on  the  Black  Sea,  to  Enos,  on  the  ^Egean,  together  with 
the  Island  of  Crete.  Settlement  of  the  status  and  frontiers  of  Albania 
was  left  to  the  determination  of  the  Great  Powers. 

The  Second  Balkan  War  and  the  Treaty  of  Bucharest  (1913).  — 
Trouble  began  when  Austria,  supported  by  Italy,  insisted  that  Albania 
be  set  up  as  an  autonomous  State.  This  blow  to  Serbia  was  rendered 
all  the  harder  by  withholding  from  her  the  port  of  Durazzo,  which  cut 
off  this  landlocked  country  from  reaching  the  Adriatic.  Blocked  to- 
ward the  west,  Serbia,  in  view  of  the  great  gains  which  her  armies 
had  made  in  Macedonia,  asked  Bulgaria  for  a  revision  of  the  treaty 
which  they  had  made  in  February,  1912,  regarding  the  future  disposal 
of  Macedonia  —  a  demand  in  which  she  was  backed  by  Greece. 
Bulgaria  —  egged  on  by  Austria  —  without  referring  the  dispute 
to  the  arbitration  of  the  Tsar  of  Russia1  whom  she  doubtless  feared 
would  decide  against  her,  indeed  without  warning  or  declaration  of 
war,  on  29  June  attacked  the  Greek-Serbian  lines  in  Macedonia. 
Rumania,  who  had  stood  aloof  in  the  previous  war,  now  came  in  with 
a  fresh  army  in  the  Bulgarian  rear.  For  a  few  weeks  the  latter  country 
waged  a  hopeless  struggle  with  her  exhausted  troops,  but,  finally, 
she  was  forced  to  agree  to  the  Treaty  of  Bucharest,  6  August,  1913, 
by  which  all  her  opponents  profited  at  her  expense.  Though  the  con- 
flict had  been  precipitated  by  her  own  folly,  Bulgaria  had  emerged  from 
the  second  Balkan  War  sadly  disappointed  and  furiously  embittered 
against  her  former  Balkan  allies.  Serbia,  while  she  had  acquired  some 
Macedonian  territory,  had  failed  to  secure  her  exit  to  the  sea  and  nour- 
ished a  new  grievance  against  Austria.  Thus  the  Balkan  problem 
was  more  acute  than  ever,  and  the  Powers  of  Europe  were  in  a  state 
of  unstable  equilibrium. 

The  European  Situation  (1913-1914).  —  In  spite  of  the  growth  of 
international  socialism,  pacifistic  writing,  and  Hague  Tribunals, 
expensive  military  establishments  were  being  maintained,  and  no 
acceptable  scheme  of  disarmament  had  been  devised.  The  Triple 
Alliance  had  provoked  the  Triple  Entente,  and  although  the  latter, 
from  all  indications,  was  as  purely  defensive  in  character  as  the  former 

1  This  was  to  have  been  the  last  resort,  according  to  the  Treaty  of  February, 
1912. 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  823 

professed  to  be,  Germany  insisted  that  she  was  being  encircled  on  land 
and  deprived  of  the  freedom  of  the  seas ;  she  was  an  open  advocate 
of  the  politics  of  power  which  she  had  arrogantly  asserted  on  three 
occasions,  in  1905,  1909,  and  1911 ;  her  population,  though  she  was 
still  able  to  absorb  it,  was  increasing,  and,  more  pressing  and  serious, 
she  was  manufacturing  more  than  she  could  consume;  she  envied 
France  and  Great  Britain  their  colonies ;  she  was  striving  to  control 
one  route  through  the  Balkans  to  the  Persian  Gulf  and  another  across 
central  Africa  from  east  to  west.  Since  1898  she  had  been  building 
up  a  powerful  navy,  and,  not  content  with  her  great  and  highly  trained 
army,  she  passed  a  Bill,  in  1913,  greatly  to  increase  her  effective  force, 
a  step  which  stimulated  France  and  Russia  to  further  efforts  and 
also  brought  Belgium  to  introduce  universal  military  service.  So 
much  for  Germany ;  but  all  the  other  countries  had  their  fears,  am- 
bitions, and  disturbing  elements.  France  still  resented  the  loss  of 
Alsace  and  Lorraine,  though  there  is  no  indication  that  she  would  have 
gone  to  war  solely  for  that  cause,  but  she  feared  for  the  safety  of  her 
colonies,  and  she  had  been  obliged  to  submit  to  more  than  one  affront 
from  her  former  conqueror,  which  kept  her  apprehensive  and  galled 
her  pride.  Great  Britain  had,  in  Germany,  a  serious  manufacturing 
and  commercial  competitor,  the  increase  of  the  German  navy  was  a 
menace  to  the  sea  power  on  which  the  safety  of  her  Empire  depended, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  pretentious  threats  which  the  Germans  frequently 
directed  against  her.1  Italy  was  irritated  at  German  aid  to  Turkey 
in  the  recent  war  with  Tripoli,  and  she  was  burning  to  secure  Italia 
Irredenta,  districts  in  the  Austrian  Alps  which  menaced  her  safety, 
and  stretches  on  the  Eastern  shore  of  the  Adriatic  which  she  desired 
on  sentimental  and  commercial  grounds.  The  real  storm  center, 
however,  was  in  the  Near  East.  Russia,  aiming  to  control  the  outlet 
from  the  Black  Sea,  was  resolutely  championing  the  pan-Slavic  in- 
terests against  Austria,  who  had  made  a  vain  attempt,  so  early  as 
August,  1913,  to  secure  Italian  support  in  an  aggressive  war  against 
Serbia. 

The  Sarajevo  Tragedy.  —  Suddenly,  28  June,  1914,  Francis  Ferdi- 
nand, the  Austrian  heir-apparent,  together  with  his  Consort,  were 
murdered  at  Serajevo  in  Bosnia.  What  followed  has  been  told  time 

1  In  spite  of  the  tenseness  of  the  European  situation,  accentuated  by  German 
patriotic  celebrations  at  the  centenary  of  the  Battle  of  Leipzig  (October,  1913),  Mr. 
Lloyd  George  pleaded  in  the  Daily  Mail,  2  January,  1914,  for  a  reduction  of  arma- 
ments on  the  grounds  that  (i)  British  relations  with  Germany  were  infinitely  more 
friendly  than  they  had  been  for  years;  (2)  Germany  was  concentrating  on  her 
army  rather  than  on  her  navy ;  and  (3)  the  spread  of  revolt  against  military  oppres- 
sion throughout  Christendom. 


824      SHORTER   HISTORY   OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

and  again,  and  should  be  considered  here  chiefly  so  far  as  Great  Britain 
is  concerned.  While  the  assassins  were  Austro-Hungarian  subjects 
they  were  Serbians;  moreover,  there  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that 
their  action  was  due  to  Serbian  propaganda  and  promoted  by  Serbian 
assistance.  Here  was  a  heaven-sent  chance  to  break  the  strength 
of  a  State,  which  —  backed  by  all  the  strength  of  Russia  and  pan- 
Slavism  —  blocked  the  Austro-German  route  to  the  ./Egean,  a  neces- 
sary stage  on  the  road  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  Although  a  momentous 
conference  was  called  by  the  Kaiser,  5  July,  to  see  if  his  generals,  his 
admirals,  and  his  financiers  were  ready,  and  although  heavy  selling 
of  certain  foreign  stocks  by  Berlin  operators  took  place,  10-13  July, 
no  official  step  was  taken  till  23  July,  when  Austria  launched  an 
ultimatum  against  Serbia,  which,  in  the  words  of  Sir  Edward  Grey, 
was  "  a  more  formidable  document  than  any  which  he  had  ever  seen 
before  addressed  by  one  State  to  another  independent  State."  l  The 
moment  was  well  chosen.  Great  Britain  was  in  the  throes  of  the  strug- 
gle over  the  Irish  Home  Rule  Bill.  France  was  distracted  over  the 
notorious  Caillaux  trial,  while  reports  of  13,  14  July  disclosed  serious 
weakness  in  the  equipment  of  the  army,  which  only  accentuated  a 
strong  Socialistic  sentiment  against  mounting  expenses  for  arma- 
ments. At  the  same  time,  Russia  was  shaken  by  serious  labor  troubles 
manifested  in  the  outbreak  of  strikes  at  St.  Petersburg.  The  President 
and  Premier  of  France  were  absent  in  Russia,  and  the  Kaiser  was  cruis- 
ing along  the  Norwegian  coast.  Thus  his  assertion  may  be  true  that 
he  never  saw  the  actual  ultimatum  to  Serbia,  though  the  responsibility 
of  the  German  Government  is  all  the  greater,  since,  as  they  after- 
wards admitted  in  their  own  White  Book,  they  "  permitted  Austria 
a  completely  free  hand  in  her  action  toward  Serbia."  Clearly,  as  the 
British  Government  asserted,  it  was  "  the  deliberate  intention  "  of 
Austria,  and  of  Germany  who  backed  her,  "  to  take  both  Serbia  and 
Europe  by  surprise." 

The  Austrian  Ultimatum  to  Serbia.  —  The  Austrian  ultimatum, 
or  demarche,  as  they  preferred  to  call  it,  embodied  ten  drastic  demands 
and  was  to  be  answered  within  forty-eight  hours.  On  24  July  Ger- 
many announced  to  the  Powers  her  approval  of  the  note.  The  Ser- 
bian reply,  presented  25  July,  agreed  unqualifiedly  to  eight  of  the 
demands.  The  two  others  she  was  unable  to  agree  to  unreservedly ; 
nevertheless,  with  the  hope  of  adjusting  peacefully  even  these  two  dis- 
puted points,  Serbia  declared  her  willingness  to  submit  the  decision 

1  Vorwaerts,  the  Berlin  Socialistic  paper,  stated,  25  July,  that  the  demands  on 
Serbia  "are  more  brutal  than  have  been  ever  put  to  an  independent  State  in  the 
world's  history,  and  can  only  be  intended  deliberately  to  provoke  war." 


BRITISH   FOREIGN  RELATIONS  825 

to  the  Hague  Tribunal  or  to  the  Great  Powers.  Although  the  Serbian 
reply  was  a  fairly  lengthy  document,  the  Austrian  Minister  to  Belgrade, 
scarcely  more  than  thirty  minutes  after  he  received  it,  was  seated  in 
a  train  leaving  the  city.  All  the  facts  and  indications  go  to  support 
the  assertion  of  the  British  Ambassador  to  Vienna  "  that  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  note  was  so  drawn  as  to  make  war  inevitable,  that  their 
Government  are  fully  resolved  to  have  a  war  with  Serbia."  Austria 
had  great  provocation ;  but  her  demarche  was  couched  in  such  a  form 
as  to  make  it  impossible  for  Serbia  to  accept  all  its  terms  without  re- 
serve if  she  hoped  to  maintain  her  national  independence  and  self- 
respect. 

Sir  Edward  Grey's  Attempts  to  Arbitrate.  —  From  the  first,  Sir 
Edward  Grey  strove  valiantly  to  effect  a  settlement  "  simply  and 
solely  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  peace  of  Europe."  His  aim  was 
not  "  to  localize  the  conflict,"  as  the  German  White  Book  later  as- 
serted, but  to  prevent  an  Austrian  attack  on  Serbia  which  would 
inevitably  draw  in  Russia  on  the  Serbian  side,  with  the  ghastly 
prospect  of  involving  the  whole  of  Europe  in  war.  He  had  not 
hesitated  to  declare,  with  reference  to  the  Serajevo  tragedy,  that  "  no 
crime  has  ever  aroused  deeper  or  more  general  horror  throughout 
Europe ;  none  has  ever  been  less  justified.  Sympathy  for  Austria 
was  universal.  Both  the  Governments  and  the  public  opinion  of 
Europe  were  ready  to  support  her  in  any  measures,  however  severe, 
which  she  might  think  it  necessary  to  take  for  the  punishment  of  the 
murderer  and  his  accomplices  " ;  moreover,  24  July,  he  urged  Serbia 
"  to  express  concern  and  regret  "  and  "  to  give  Austria  the  fullest 
satisfaction  "  if  it  was  proved  that  Serbian  officials  were  involved. 
On  the  25th,  the  day  the  Austrian  note  was  answered,  he  proposed 
and  urged  that  Germany,  France,  Italy,  and  Great  Britain  arrange 
a  conference  to  find  some  way  out  of  the  difficulty.  France,  Italy, 
and  even  Russia  agreed,  but  Germany,  while  full  of  pacific  assurances 
that  she  was  doing  her  best  to  restrain  her  ally,  refused  to  agree  to 
this  plan,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  be  forcing  Austria  into  an  arbi- 
tration which  she  had  not  sought.  Naturally  she  had  not !  Germany 
failed  to  publish  in  the  White  Book  her  correspondence  with  Austria 
during  these  critical  days ;  but  evidence  later  disclosed  makes  it 
clear  that  she  was  backing  Austria  to  the  limit  in  the  expected  event 
that  Serbia  refused  to  agree  to  her  impossible  demands.  Meantime, 
28  July,  Austria  declared  war  on  Serbia,  and  Russia,  who  had  given 
Serbia  promises  of  support,  ordered  a  partial  mobilization,  29  July ; 
this  was  followed  two  days  later,  31  July,  by  a  general  mobilization, 
only  after  Austria  had  bombarded  the  Serbian  capital  of  Belgrade 


826      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

on  the  3oth.  Thenceforth,  Germany  took  the  initiative.  When 
Russia  and  France  refused  to  accept  her  peremptory  ultimatums, 
she  declared  war  on  the  former,  i  August,  and  on  the  latter,  3  August, 
after  German  armies  had  already  invaded  Luxemburg  and  entered 
French  territory. 

"  The  Question  of  Responsibility."  —  Five  years  previously,  in 
1909,  Germany  by  appearing  behind  Austria  "  in  shining  armor  " 
had  overawed  Russia  into  allowing  Austria  to  work  her  will  in  the 
Balkans.  This  time  it  was  not  to  be.  The  guilt  of  Germany  in  pro- 
voking the  crisis  is  pronounced  in  a  scathing  indictment  by  Prince 
Lichnowsky,  her  Ambassador  to  London,  who,  because  of  his  laudable 
desire  to  promote  good  relations  with  Great  Britain,  had  for  some  time 
been  treated  with  scant  consideration  by  his  own  Government.  Here 
is  what  he  says : 

"As  is  evident  from  all  official  publications  —  and  this  is  not  refuted  by 
our  White  Book,  which,  owing  to  the  poverty  of  its  contents  and  to  its  omis- 
sions, is  a  gravely  self-accusing  document  — 

"i.  We  encouraged  Count  Berchtold  (Austrian  Foreign  Minister)  to 
attack  Serbia,  although  German  interests  were  not  involved  (sic  /)  and  the 
danger  of  a  world-war  must  have  been  known  to  us.  Whether  we  were 
aware  of  the  wording  of  the  Ultimatum  is  completely  immaterial. 

"2.  During  the  time  between  the  23d  and  3oth  July,  1914,  when  M. 
Sazonow  (Russian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs)  emphatically  declared  that 
he  would  not  tolerate  any  attack  on  Serbia,  we  rejected  the  British  proposals 
of  mediation,  although  Serbia,  under  Russian  and  British  pressure,  had 
accepted  almost  the  whole  of  the  Ultimatum,  and  although  an  agreement 
about  the  two  points  at  issue  could  easily  have  been  reached,  and  Count 
Berchtold  was  even  prepared  to  content  himself  with  the  Serbian  reply. 

"3.  On  the  3oth  July  (31  July),  when  Count  Berchtold  wanted  to  come 
to  terms,  we  sent  an  Ultimatum  to  Petrograd  merely  because  of  the  Russian 
mobilization,  although  Austria  had  not  been  attacked;  and  on  the  3ist 
July  (i  August)  we  declared  war  on  Russia,  although  the  Tsar  pledged  his 
word  that  he  would  not  order  a  man  to  march  as  long  as  negotiations  were 
proceeding  —  thus  deliberately  destroying  the  possibility  of  a  peaceful 
settlement. 

"In  view  of  the  above  undeniable  facts,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  whole  of 
the  civilized  world,  outside  Germany,  places  the  entire  responsibility  for  the 
world-war  upon  our  shoulders." 

Great  Britain  Drawn  into  the  War.  —  Happily  for  Great  Britain, 
both  her  duty  and  her  interest  impelled  her  to  strive  for  peace  to  check 
Austro-German  aggressions,  and,  if  need  be,  to  support  France, 
Russia,  and  Belgium.  She  had  made  specific  agreements  with 
France  in  1904  and  with  Russia  in  1907,  which  apparently  con  tern- 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  827 

plated  joint  action  in  case  of  necessity,  though  she  was  free  to  decide 
what  constituted  a  case  of  necessity.  However,  she  was  bound  in 
honor  to  protect  the  French  coast,  since  the  French  had  withdrawn 
their  whole  fleet  to  the  Mediterranean,  leaving  the  British  to  concen- 
trate in  the  Channel  and  North  Sea.  Furthermore,  together  with 
Prussia,  Austria,  France,  and  Russia,  she  had  guaranteed  the  neutral- 
ity of  Belgium  in  1839.  Austro-German  domination  of  the  Balkans 
might  seriously  menace  her  Eastern  possessions,  while  German  occu- 
pation of  Belgium,  in  conjunction  with  her  steadily  increasing  navy, 
might  threaten  the  very  existence  of  .the  British  Isles.  Finally,  in  the 
event  of  a  European  War,  Great  Britain  would  have  to  face  the  issue 
of  standing  by  France  and  Russia  or  leaving  them  to  be  crushed, 
with  the  certain  prospect  of  having  to  fight  the  victor  alone  in  the  near 
future.  Nevertheless,  while  Sir  Edward  Grey  strove  by  every  means 
in  his  power  to  bring  about  a  peaceable  adjustment,  he  steadfastly 
refused  from  the  first  to  enter  into  any  engagement  binding  his  country 
to  support  Russia  and  France  by  force  of  arms.  Such  an  assurance 
might  have  brought  Germany  to  reason ;  but  it  would  have  been  quite 
contrary  to  his  pacific  intentions.  Moreover,  he  was  a  responsible 
Cabinet  Minister,  and  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  Liberal  party  in 
the  Commons,  and  public  opinion  outside,  would  never  have  supported 
a  pledge  to  enter  into  war  on  what  seemed  to  most  a  purely  Balkan 
quarrel.  Yet,  by  29  July,  he  had  reached  the  point  of  solemnly  warn- 
ing the  German  Ambassador  in  London  "  that  there  was  no  question 
of  our  intervening  if  Germany  was  not  involved,  or  even  if  France 
was  not  involved,  but  if  the  issue  did  become  such  as  we  thought 
British  interests  required  us  to  intervene,  we  must  intervene  at  once." 
The  same  day,  the  Imperial  Chancellor  at  Berlin  offered,  in  return  for 
British  neutrality,  "  every  assurance  that  the  Imperial  Government 
aimed  at  no  territorial  acquisitions  at  the  expense  of  France."  But, 
when  questioned  by  the  British  Ambassador,  he  was  unable  to  "  give 
a  similar  undertaking  "  with  regard  to  the  French  Colonies,  or  to 
guarantee  that  German  forces  might  not  be  forced  to  enter  Belgium. 
As  a  result,  the  British  Government  refused  to  bind  themselves  to 
neutrality  on  such  terms.  Honor  and  prudence  both  demanded  that 
Great  Britain  keep  her  hands  absolutely  free  to  act  if  there  was  any 
possibility  of  crushing  France  or  violating  Belgium. 

The  Violation  of  Belgium.  —  On  31  July,  Sir  Edward  Grey  sent 
definite  inquiries  both  to  France  and  Germany  whether  they  were 
"  prepared  to  engage  to  respect  the  neutrality  of  Belgium  so  long  as 
no  other  Power  violates  it."  France  gave  an  unqualified  promise  at 
once.  Officially,  Germany  would  give  no  such  assurances,  though 


828     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

the  well-disposed  Lichnowsky  sought  to  ascertain  the  intentions  of  the 
British  Government  in  case  guarantees  were  given  regarding  Belgium 
and  the  integrity  of  France  and  her  colonies.  On  2  August,  Germany 
invaded  Luxemburg  and,  that  same  day,  sent  an  ultimatum  to  Bel- 
gium demanding  "  a  free  passage  through  Belgian  territory,  and 
promising  to  maintain  the  independence  and  integrity  of  the  kingdom 
and  its  possessions  at  the  conclusion  of  peace,  threatening,  in  case  of 
refusal  to  treat  Belgium  as  an  enemy.  An  answer  was  requested 
within  twelve  hours."  This  outrageous  proceeding  caused  the  King  of 
the  Belgians  to  appeal  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain  for  "  diplomatic 
intervention  to  safeguard  the  integrity  of  Belgium."  In  response  to 
King  Albert's  appeal,  the  British  Government  sent,  4  August,  an 
ultimatum  through  their  Ambassador  at  Berlin  requesting  that  the 
German  Government  give  a  satisfactory  assurance  by  twelve  o'clock 
that  night  to  respect  the  neutrality  of  Belgium.  Otherwise  the 
Ambassador  was  instructed  to  ask  for  his  passports  "  and  to  say  that 
his  Majesty's  Government  feel  bound  to  take  all  steps  in  their  power 
to  uphold  the  neutrality  of  Belgium  and  the  observance  of  a  treaty 
to  which  Germany  is  as  much  a  party  as  ourselves."  His  account  of 
his  final  interview  with  von  Bethmann-Hollweg  that  evening  reveals 
one  of  the  most  dramatic  and  infamous  incidents  in  history. 

"I  found  the  Chancellor  very  agitated,"  he  reports.  "His  Excellency 
at  once  began  an  harangue  which  lasted  about  twenty  minutes.  He  said 
that  the  step  taken  by  His  Majesty's  Government  was  terrible  to  a  degree ; 
just  for  a  word  —  '  neutrality, '  a  word  which  in  war  time  had  so  often  been 
disregarded  —  'just  for  a  scrap  of  paper  Great  Britain  was  going  to  make  war 
on  a  kindred  nation  who  desired  nothing  better  than  to  be  friends  with  her.' 
All  his  efforts  in  that  direction  had  been  rendered  useless  by  this  last  terrible 
step,  and  the  policy  to  which  ...  he  had  devoted  himself  since  his  accession 
to  office  had  tumbled  down  like  a  house  of  cards.  What  we  had  done  was 
unthinkable ;  it  was  like  striking  a  man  from  behind  while  he  was  fighting 
for  his  life  against  two  assailants.  He  held  Great  Britain  responsible  for 
the  terrible  events  that  might  happen.  I  protested  strongly  against  that 
statement  and  said  that  in  the  same  way  as  he  ...  wished  me  to  under- 
stand that,  for  strategical  reasons,  it  was  a  matter  of  life  and  death  to  Germany 
to  advance  through  Belgium  and  violate  the  latter's  neutrality,  so  I  would 
wish  him  to  understand  that  it  was,  so  to  speak,  a  matter  of  '  life  and  death '  for 
the  honor  of  Great  Britain  that  she  should  keep  her  solemn  engagement  to  do 
her  utmost  to  defend  Belgium's  neutrality  if  attacked.  That  solemn  compact 
simply  had  to  be  kept,  or  what  confidence  could  anyone  have  in  engage- 
ments given  by  Great  Britain  in  the  future?" 

Already,  earlier  in  the  same  day,  the  Chancellor  had  made  to  the 
Reichstag  the  following  blunt  statement  which  speaks  for  itself : 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  829 

"We  are  now  in  a  state  of  necessity,  and  necessity  knows  no  law.  Our 
troops  have  occupied  Luxemburg  and  perhaps  are  already  on  Belgian  soil. 
Gentlemen,  that  is  contrary  to  the  dictates  of  international  law.  It  is  true  that 
the  French  Government  has  declared  at  Brussels  that  France  is  willing  to 
respect  the  neutrality  of  Belgium,  so  long  as  her  opponent  respects  it. 
We  knew  however  that  France  stood  ready  for  invasion.1  France  could  wait 
but  we  could  not  wait.  A  French  movement  on  our  flank  upon  the  lower 
Rhine  might  have  been  disastrous.  So  we  were  compelled  to  override  the 
just  protests  of  the  Luxemburg  and  Belgian  Governments.  The  wrong  — 
I  speak  openly  —  that  we  are  committing  we  will  endeavor  to  make  good  as 
soon  as  our  military  goal  has  been  reached.  Anybody  who  is  threatened, 
as  we  are  threatened,  and  is  fighting  for  his  highest  possessions,  can  only 
have  one  thought  —  how  he  is  to  hack  his  way  through."  ! 

An  open-minded  study  of  the  British  diplomacy  during  the  fateful 
twelve  days  which  preceded  Great  Britain's  ultimatum  to  Germany 
cannot  but  confirm  the  conclusion  that :  "  It  is  very  difficult  to  see 
what  more  Sir  Edward  Grey  could  have  done  to  prevent  the  outbreak 
of  war  between  Austro-Hungary  and  Serbia,  which  did  inevitably,  as 
he  foresaw  from  the  first,  drag  in  other  nations.  He  urged  Serbia 
to  moderation  and  even  to  submission ;  tried  to  induce  the  four  Powers 
to  mediate  jointly  at  St.  Petersburg  and  Vienna ;  he  proposed  a  con- 
ference of  the  four  Powers  to  prevent  further  complications ;  he  did 
everything  in  his  power  to  restrain  Russia  from  immediate  armed 
support  of  Serbia ;  he  declined  to  join  France  and  Russia  in  eventual 
military  action ;  and  even  up  to  the  violation  of  the  neutrality  of 
Belgium  he  still  strove  to  avert  the  horror  of  war  from  Europe." 
Possibly  an  unequivocal  statement  that  Great  Britain  would  support 
Russia  and  France  might  have  restrained  Germany ;  but  such  a  step, 
as  the  representative  of  the  pacific  Liberal  party  and  as  a  responsible 

1  When  the  Germans  subsequently  rummaged  the  Brussels  archives  they  found 
records  of  conversations  between  the  British  and  the  Belgians;  but  these  related 
only  to  action  to  be  taken  in  case  Belgium  were  attacked,  and  the  Germans  knew  it, 
for  we  have  the  word  of  King  Albert  that  he  informed  them  at  the  time. 

-  Maximilian  Harden,  editor  of  the  Zukunft  —  who,  previous  to  the  War,  was  a 
most  vociferous  supporter  of  the  German  national  policy,  but  who  later  came  into 
conflict  with  the  Government  because  of  his  outspoken  criticism  of  their  aims  and 
methods  —  later  expressed  himself  with  even  more  refreshing  candor : 

"Let  us  cease,"  he  wrote,  "our  wretched  efforts  to  apologize  for  what  Germany 
has  done,  and  let  us  stop  heaping  contempt  and  insult  upon  the  enemy.  We  have 
not  plunged  into  this  colossal  adventure  against  our  will,  nor  was  it  forced  upon 
us  by  surprise.  We  wanted  it,  and  we  do  not  appear  before  the  bar  of  Europe,  be- 
cause we  do  not  recognize  its  jurisdiction  in  our  case.  Our  might  will  make  a  new 
law  in  Europe.  It  is  Germany  who  strikes.  .  .  .  Germany  is  carrying  on  this 
war  because  she  wants  more  room  in  the  world  and  larger  markets  for  the  products 
of  her  activity." 


830      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Minister,  Sir  Edward  Grey  could  not  take.  Yet  vital  as  were  British 
interests,  it  required  the  violation  of  the  neutrality  of  Belgium  to  arouse 
in  the  country  an  overwhelming  sentiment  for  participation  in  the 
war. 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

For  good  brief  accounts  of  general  European  history:  C.  J.  H.  Hayes, 
Political  and  Social  History  of  Modern  Europe  (2  vols.,  1916) ;  C.  D.  Hazen, 
Europe  since  1815  (1910),  Fifty  Years  of  Europe,  1870-1919  (1919)  and 
Modern  European  History  (1917);  L.  H.  Holt  and  A.  W.  Chilton,  The 
History  of  Europe,  1862-1914  (1918) ;  J.  S.  Schapiro,  Modern  and  Con- 
temporary European  History  (1918). 

For  European  Governments  and  International  Law :  A.  L.  Lowell, 
Greater  European  Governments  (1918) ;  F.  A.  Ogg,  The  Governments  of  Europe 
(1916).  A.  S.  Hershey,  The  Essentials  of  International  Public  Law  (1914). 

For  general  causes  of  the  War :  A.  Bullard,  The  Diplomacy  of  the  Great 
War  (1916);  A.  C.  Coolidge,  The  Origins  of  the  Triple  Alliance  (1917); 
W.  S.  Davis,  Wm.  Anderson  and  W.  W.  Tyler,  The  Roots  of  the  War  (1918) ; 
G.  Lowes  Dickinson,  The  European  Anarchy  (1916).  H.  A.  Gibbons,  The 
New  Map  of  Europe  (1914) ;  C.  Seymour,  The  Diplomatic  Background  of  the 
War  (1916) ;  G.  Guyot,  The  Causes  and  Consequences  of  the  War  (1916) ; 
W.  H.  Hobbs,  The  World  War  and  its  Consequences  (1919). 

For  the  diplomatic  rupture  :  J.  W.  Headlam,  The  History  of  Twelve  Days, 
July  24th  to  August  4th,  1914  (1915)  ;  E.  C.  Stowell,  The  Diplomacy  of  the 
War  of  1914  (vol.  I,  1915) ;  Karl  Max,  Prince  Lichnowsky,  My  Mission 
to  London  (1918) ;  W.  Muehlon,  The  Vandal  of  Europe  (1918) ;  Collected 
Diplomatic  Documents  relating  to  the  Outbreak  of  the  European  War  (1915) ; 
J.  B.  Scott,  ed.,  Diplomatic  Documents  relating  to  the  Outbreak  of  the  European 
War  (2  vols.,  1916) ;  Sir  A.  Oakes  and  R.  B.  Mowatt,  The  Great  European 
Treaties  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  (1918),  very  useful  for  reference. 

For  British  foreign  policy  in  general  and  for  Great  Britain  and  Germany 
especially:  J.  E.  Barker,  Great  and  Greater  Britain  (2d  ed.,  1910);  H.  E. 
Egerton,  British  Foreign  Policy  in  Europe  to  the  End  of  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury (1917) ;  Viscount  Bryce  et  al.,  The  War  of  Democracy,  the  Allies' 
Statement  (1917) ;  Sir  E.  Cook,  How  Britain  Strove  for  Peace  (1914) ;  J.  A. 
Cramb,  Germany  and  England  (1914) ;  Earl  Loreborn,  How  the  War  Came 
(1920) ;  E.  Meyer,  England,  its  Political  Organization  and  Development  and 
the  War  against  Germany  (Eng.  tr.,  1916) ;  Ramsay  Muir,  The  Expansion 
of  Europe  (1917)  and  Britain's  Case  against  Germany  (1918) ;  G.  Murray, 
The  Foreign  Policy  of  Sir  Edward  Grey,  1906-1915  (1915) ;  G.  F.  Nicolai, 
The  Biology  of  War  (1918) ;  C.  W.  C.  Oman,  The  Outbreak  of  the  War,  1914- 
1918  (1920) ;  F.  S.  Oliver,  Ordeal  by  Battle  (1915) ;  G.  W.  Prothero,  German 
Opinion  and  German  Policy  before  the  War  (1916) ;  J.  M.  Robertson,  Britain 
versus  Germany,  an  open  letter  to  Professor  Edward  Meyer  (1917).  G.  E. 
Schmitt,  England  and  Germany,  1740-1914  (1916) ;  Why  We  are  at  War, 


BRITISH  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  831 

Great  Britain's  Case,  by  members  of  the  Oxford  Faculty  of  Modern  History 
(1914).  See  also  Louise  F.  Brown,  The  Freedom  of  the  Seas  (1919) ;  G.  L. 
Beer,  The  English-Speaking  Peoples  (1917);  E.  Boutmy,  The  English 
People,  a  Study  of  their  Political  Psychology  (Eng.  tr.,  1904) ;  C.  Cestre, 
France,  England  and  European  Democracy,  1215-1915  (1918) ;  C.  K.  Hob- 
son,  The  Export  of  Capital  (1914) ;  A.  E.  Zimmern,  Nationality  and  Gov- 
ernment (1918). 

For  a  full,  excellently  annotated  bibliography  of  works  appearing  in 
English  to  the  spring  of  1918,  see  G.  M.  Dutcher,  History  Teacher's  Magazine 
(now  the  Historical  Outlook),  March,  1918,  pp.  155-183,  later  reprinted  in 
Collected  Materials  for  the  Study  of  the  War  (1918),  which  includes  S.  B. 
Harding's  valuable  syllabus  on  "The  Study  of  the  Great  War,"  which 
originally  appeared  in  the  Hist.  Teacher's  Magazine,  January,  1918,  pp.  30-62. 


CHAPTER  LIX 
BRITAIN  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR  (1914-1918) 

PART  I 

The  Opening  of  the  Conflict.  —  By  her  fateful  decision  of  4  August, 
1914,  Great  Britain  plunged  into  a  world  war  which  raged  for  over 
four  and  one  quarter  years,  which  involved  three  fourths  of  the  popu- 
lation of  the  globe,  which,  first  and  last,  called  to  arms  upwards  of 
60,000,000  men,  and  covered  a  fighting  area  which  included  not  only 
considerable  portions  of  Europe,  but  parts  of  Asia,  great  stretches  of 
Africa,  and  remote  islands  in  the  Pacific  and  Indian  Oceans.  Owing  to 
the  huge  numbers  engaged  and  the  increased  effectiveness  of  modern 
engines  of  war,  the  destructiveness  of  life  and  property  has  been  un- 
paralleled in  the  world's  history.  More  than  7,000,000  have  been 
killed  in  combat  and  6,000,000  permanently  maimed,  besides  some 
14,000,000  less  seriously  wounded.1  Of  the  total  forces  called  to  the 
colors  on  the  Allied  side,  the  British  Empire  contributed  8,654,467^ 
and  suffered  casualties  of  851,117  killed,  142,057  missing,  and  2,067,442 
wounded,  or  3,060,616  all  told.  According  to  a  careful  computation 
the  direct  cost  alone  has  mounted  to  the  staggering  figure  of  $186,333,- 
637,097,  of  which  three  fourths  has  been  spent  for  purely  military  pur- 
poses. The  British  share  in  this  enormous  total  has  been  roughly 
about  one  fifth.3 

Resources  of  the  Belligerents.  —  Although  the  forces  of  the  Allies 
greatly  outnumbered  the  Central  Powers  —  except  for  the  interval 

1  This  is  exclusive  of  civilians  massacred  or  starved  or  destroyed  by  air  raids, 
to  say  nothing  of  millions  victims  of  influenza,  an  epidemic  which  war  conditions 
contributed  greatly  to  spread.     At  a  conservative  estimate,  the  total  war  casualties 
must  have  mounted  to  far  over  40,000,000. 

2  Of  these  the  British  Isles  contributed  5,704,416;    Canada,  640,886;   Australia, 
416,809;    New  Zealand,  220,099;    South  Africa,  136,070;   India,  1,401,350;    other 
colonies,  134,837. 

3  The  British  War  debt  is  £7,435,000,000   (about  $35,000,000,000)   of  which 
£171,000,000  has  been  loaned  to  the  Dominions  and  £1,568,000,000  to  the  Allies. 

832 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     833 

in  1917-1918  between  the  collapse  of  Russia  and  the  entrance  of  the 
United  States  at  any  appreciable  strength  —  Germany  and  her  allies 
had  many  initial  advantages.  For  one  thing,  she  had  a  superiority 
in  trained  officers  and  men  quickly  available  for  fighting.  The  British 
had  had  little  experience  in  handling  large  masses  of  men,  and,  while 
the  French  had  many  brilliant  admirably  equipped  officers,  their  staff 
organization  was  nothing  like  so  extensive  and  complete  as  Ger- 
many's. Russia  had  a  huge  army,  which,  though  it  moved  more 
quickly  than  the  Germans  anticipated,  was  slow  in  getting  started. 
Then  Germany  had  the  further  advantage  of  operating  on  inside  lines 
of  communication  served  by  strategic  railroads  on  the  western  and  east- 
ern borders  which,  under  the  direction  of  an  autocratic  military  caste, 
she  had  constructed  in  time  of  peace.  In  consequence  of  her  central 
position  and  her  superior  communications  and  her  ability  to  choose 
her  point  of  attack,  she  was  able  to  overrun  Belgium,  northern  France, 
Serbia  and  Rumania,  though,  in  the  first  instance,  she  profited  also 
from  a  shameless  violation  of  her  pledge  of  neutrality.  Fear  of  destruc- 
tion of  beautiful  cities  hastened  the  surrender  of  her  opponents  in 
many  cases,  while  the  same  fear  handicapped  the  Allies  in  driving 
her  out  of  places  she  had  once  occupied.  Modern  warfare  is  a  highly 
specialized  industry  in  which  equipment  counts  for  much.  Here  Ger- 
many had  another  advantage,  due  to  years  of  preparation  and  patient 
ingenious  application.  In  rifles,  in  machine  guns,  and  heavy  artillery 
her  initial  superiority  was  immense ;  furthermore,  she  had  huge  stores 
of  high  explosive  shells,  and,  for  a  long  time,  was  firing  ammunition 
made  before  the  war.  The  Allies  at  once  started  to  supplement  the 
output  of  their  own  inadequate  plants  by  purchases  from  neutral 
countries  like  the  United  States  —  though  they  steadily  speeded  up 
their  own  production  with  marvelous  rapidity.  All  these  factors  — 
together  with  unity  of  command  hi  the  face  of  divided  counsels  and 
carefully  worked  out  plans  in  which  a  remarkably  elaborate  spy 
system  played  a  leading  part  —  combined  for  over  three  years  to 
counteract  the  unquestioned  superiority  of  the  Allies  in  numbers  and 
wealth,  as  well  as  in  command  of  the  seas  and  the  consciousness  of  the 
justice  of  their  cause. 

Innovations  in  Warfare. — The  employment  of  guns  of  heavier 
caliber  and  longer-range  guns  made  the  older  type  of  fortress  practically 
useless,  and  demonstrated  the  superiority  of  trenches  adequately 
manned  with  troops  and  guarded  with  mazes  of  barbed  wire  entangle- 
ment, though  even  barbed  wire  failed  to  withstand  the  persistent 
bombardment  from  high  explosive  shells  and  had  to  be  supplemented 
by  shell  craters  and  concrete  machine-gun  nests,  known  as  pill  boxes. 
3H 


834      SHORTER  mSTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Poison  gas  —  condemned  by  the  Hague  Convention  of  1899  —  was 
first  used  by  the  Germans  at  the  second  battle  of  Ypres  in  April, 
1915,  and  more  and  more  frightful  types  came  to  be  employed  by  both 
sides,  chiefly  in  shells.  Zeppelins  and  airships  were  first  employed  in 
warfare,  though  the  former  proved  far  from  successful.  Legitimate 
and  effective  use  was  made  of  these  new  fighting  weapons  in  scouting 
and  destroying  railways  and  munition  plants,  also  as  one  of  the  many 
means  of  combating  the  submarine.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were 
illegally  and  inexcusably  employed  for  the  bombing  of  defenseless 
towns  and  hospitals,  though  it  has  been  alleged  that  the  Allies  occa- 
sionally made  use  of  hospital  walls  for  sheltering  ammunition  trains. 
The  employment  by  the  Germans  of  such  dreadful  methods  as  poison 
gas  and  the  raiding  of  open  towns 1  recoiled  on  their  own  heads  and 
provoked  furious  reprisals.  Moreover,  the  air  raids  over  England, 
though  they  kept  some  airplanes  at  home  and  destroyed  a  few  muni- 
tion plants,  had  —  like  naval  raids  on  undefended  towns  —  the 
unwelcome  consequence  that  they  aroused  the  British  from  their 
insular  security  and  stimulated  recruiting.2  Submarines  were  adopted 
some  years  before  the  War,  though  the  Germans  did  not  see  fit  to  take 
them  up  until  1906,  long  after  the  British.  A  perfectly  legitimate 
weapon  against  ships  of  war,  it  was  cruelly  and  illegally  employed 
against  unarmed  passenger  ships.  The  tank,  which  made  its  ap- 
pearance in  the  Somme  campaign  of  1916,  was  a  British  invention 
developed  from  an  American  farm  tractor  with  caterpillar  wheels  — 
a  movable  fortress  capable  of  pushing  steadily  forward  over  all  sorts 
of  obstacles. 

The  British  War  Aims.  —  The  war  aims  of  the  British  were  voiced 
at  the  start  and  at  intervals  throughout  the  war  by  their  leading 
statesmen  with  persistent  consistency.  "  We  shall  never  sheath  the 
sword  which  we  have  not  lightly  drawn,"  declared  Premier  Asquith, 
9  November,  1914,  "  until  Belgium  recovers  in  full  measure  all  and  more 
than  all  that  she  has  sacrificed,  until  France  is  adequately  secured 

1  Up  to  March,  1918,  the  enemy  air  raids  on  Great  Britain  resulted  in  4568 
casualties,  including  the  slaughter  of  342  women,  and  757  children  killed  or  in- 
jured.    Throughout  1914  the  British  dropped  practically  no  bombs  in  Germany. 
Gradually  reprisals  began,  and  in  June,  1917,  British  aviators  dropped  65  tons  of 
bombs  on  German  towns,  and  in  May,  1918,  668  were  dropped  in  a  single  day. 

2  Righteous  indignation  rather  than  fear  was  the  general  reaction  against  the 
German  policy  of  frightfulness.    The  burning  of  the  university  and  library  of 
Louvain,  26  August,  1914,  for  alleged  attacks  of  civilians  on  invading  troops,  the 
execution  of  Edith  Cavell,  13  October,  1915,  for  assisting  wounded  English  and 
Belgians  to  escape  to  Holland,  and  the  shooting  of  Captain  Fryatt,  27  July,  1916, 
for  defending  himself  against  a  German  submarine  are  among  the  outrages  which 
symbolize  enduringly  the  German  methods. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    835 

against  this  menace  of  aggression,  until  the  rights  of  the  smaller  na- 
tionalities of  Europe  are  placed  upon  an  unassailable  foundation,  and 
until  military  domination  of  Prussia  is  wholly  and  finally  destroyed." 
Such  were  the  aims  of  the  British.  It  will  now  be  necessary  to  see 
what  they  actually  did  to  achieve  them. 

The  Condition  of  Great  Britain.  —  The  outbreak  of  the  War  found 
Great  Britain  unprepared  in  all  respects  save  in  the  strength  of  her 
navy.  In  contrast  to  the  navy,  the  British  army  was  smaller  than  that 
of  any  other  considerable  European  Power.  At  the  most  liberal 
estimate,  it  consisted  of  a  highly  trained  regular  force  of  233,000  on 
the  active  list,  and  203,000  on  the  reserve,  exclusive  of  150,000  Indian 
troops  and  a  body  of  territorials  for  Home  defense,  amounting  to 
263,000  at  most.  Portions  of  the  regulars  were  distributed  in  garrison 
duty  and  other  activities  in  Ireland  and  overseas,  except  in  the  Self- 
governing  Colonies  which  provided  their  own  defense.  Of  the  regulars, 
six  divisions  —  aggregating  60,000  men  —  were  at  once  sent  to  Bel- 
gium. Although  they  fought  heroically  and  stubbornly  —  between 
the  Belgians  and  the  French  —  to  stem  the  torrent  of  the  German 
invasion,  they  were  largely  sacrificed  as  a  penalty  for  Britain's  unpre- 
paredness.  For  nearly  ten  years,  during  which  the  storm  clouds  had 
been  gathering,  a  Liberal  Ministry  had  been  in  power,  a  Ministry  con- 
cerned primarily  with  domestic  political  and  social  reforms.  Their 
leaders  were  on  principle  opposed  to  preparedness;  pacific  in  intent 
themselves  they  sought  to  close  their  eyes  to  the  German  menace, 
or  at  least  to  avert  it  by  negotiation  rather  than  by  armaments.  In- 
deed, when  Great  Britain  entered  the  war,  three  members  of  the  Cabi- 
net resigned  as  a  protest  against  the  step.  The  majority  of  the  people 
outside,  although  determined  from  the  outset  to  meet  their  obliga- 
tions, were  only  gradually  awakened  to  the  gravity  of  the  situation. 
With  all  their  fine  qualities  of  courage  and  steadfastness  the  British 
were,  in  general,  slow  and  unimaginative.  Unmilitary,  unsystematic, 
and  liberty-loving,  they  were  constitutionally  averse  to  sacrificing  their 
cherished  institutions  in  order  to  meet  the  emergency ;  skilled  labor, 
for  example,  was  reluctant  to  yield  its  hard-won  privileges ;  there  was 
a  widespread  opposition  to  Government  regulation  and  control  of  in- 
dustry, to  conscription,  and  to  all  that  would  enable  those  in  authority 
to  act  arbitrarily  and  effectively.  The  military  efforts  of  the  next 
four  years,  mingling  blunders  and  costly  sacrifice  with  magnificent 
achievement,  show  the  weakness  and  strength  of  democracy  and  the 
price  that  the  British  paid  for  their  unreadiness,  due  in  no  small  de- 
gree to  timid  tardiness  of  their  leaders  in  revealing  to  their  people 
the  awful  seriousness  of  the  problem  confronting  them.  Eventually, 


836      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

however,  a  vast  army  was  raised,  officered,  and  equipped,  which,  with 
increasing  effectiveness,  contributed  gloriously  toward  the  final 
triumph.  At  the  start,  England  had  counted,  as  so  often  in  the  past, 
mainly  on  the  aid  which  she  could  give  her  Allies  with  her  fleet  and  with 
money  and  supplies,  but  necessity  compelled  her  to  send  a  force  to 
the  western  front  which  came,  in  course  of  time,  to  face  fully  half  — 
and  on  occasion  more  than  half  of  the  German  hordes  —  to  say 
nothing  of  goodly  contingents  sent  to  Italy,  to  Salonika,  to  Palestine, 
to  Mesopotamia,  besides  maintaining  garrisons  in  Ireland,  Egypt, 
and  India. 

German  Disappointment  at  British  Entrance  into  the  War.  —  The 
disappointment  at  the  British  entrance  into  the  War  and  the  spon- 
taneous support  with  which  the  Dominions  rallied  to  the  cause  was 
greeted  with  shrieks  of  hate  in  Germany,  who  accused  the  British  of 
deliberately  plotting  to  destroy  a  commercial  rival,  yet  professed  to 
scorn  her  "contemptible  little  army."  The  extent  of  the  German  mis- 
calculation regarding  Britain  and  the  British  Empire  was  admitted 
in  a  striking  article  in  Der  Tag  a  few  months  after  the  opening  of 
hostilities : 

"We  have  been  mistaken  in  so  many  of  our  calculations!  We  expected 
that  the  whole  of  India  would  revolt  at  the  first  sound  of  the  guns  in  Europe  ; 
but,  behold,  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  Indians  are  fighting  with 
the  British  and  against  us.  We  expected  that  the  British  Empire  would 
crumble  away;  but  the  British  Colonies  are  one  with  the  Mother  Country 
as  never  before.  We  expected  a  successful  uprising  in  South  Africa ;  but 
we  see  only  a  fiasco  there.  We  expected  disorders  in  Ireland ;  but  Ireland 
is  sending  some  of  the  best  contingents  against  us.  We  believed  that  the 
peace-at-any-price  party  was  all-powerful  in  England ;  but  it  has  disap- 
peared in  the  general  enthusiasm  aroused  by  the  war  against  England.  We 
considered  that  England  was  degenerate  and  incapable  of  becoming  a 
serious  factor  in  the  war ;  but  she  has  proved  our  most  dangerous  enemy." 

The  Opening  of  the  Campaign  of  1914  and  the  Sweep  through 
Belgium.  —  The  French  were  strongly  fortified  on  their  eastern  or 
Alsace-Lorraine  frontier  from  Luxemburg  to  Switzerland,  which  was 
guarded  by  the  four  great  fortresses  behind  which  they  massed 
their  troops  in  anticipation  of  a  German  attack.  On  the  other  hand, 
depending  on  the  Treaty  of  1839,  they  had  left  their  northern  or  Bel- 
gian frontier  weakly  fortified.  Hence  the  German  plan  to  sweep 
through  Belgium,  reduce  the  two  Belgian  fortresses  of  Liege  and  Namur 
-  which  guarded  the  valley  of  the  Meuse  as  well  as  the  railroad  from 
Cologne  to  Brussels  and  Antwerp  —  pour  into  the  plains  of  northern 
France,  envelop  and  destroy  the  French  army,  capture  Paris,  collect 


WAR  AREA 

OF 

WESTERN   EUROPE 

SCALE  OF  MILES 


0      6     10  20  30  40 

Railroads     _.  _  _-_^_  Canal 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    837 

an  indemnity  and  put  an  end  to  the  war  before  Russia  could  strike  an 
effective  blow  in  the  East  and  before  the  British  could  send  effective 
aid.  Several  factors  combined,  in  spite  of  many  reverses  suffered  by 
the  Allies,  to  prevent  the  realization  of  this  ruthless  plan.  Although 
Liege  and  Namur  were  soon  reduced  by  heavy  artillery,  their  defenders 
delayed  the  German  invaders  long  enough  to  enable  the  British 
expeditionary  force  to  arrive  and  to  enable  the  French  commander 
Joffre  to  send  forces  to  the  north.  He  failed,  to  be  sure,  in  an  attempt 
to  menace  the  German  left  wing  by  an  abortive  thrust  toward  the 
Rhine  country,  and  the  combined  Anglo-French'  force  was  not  suf- 
ficiently large  or  well  equipped  to  render  effective  aid  to  the  Belgian 
army  —  which  took  refuge  in  Antwerp  20  August.  Indeed  the  British 
—  under  General  French  —  and  the  French  contingents  sent  to  sup- 
port them,  went  so  far  north  as  to  expose  themselves  to  serious  peril. 
Forced  to  withdraw  from  Mons  on  23  August,  the  British  regulars  in 
a  five  days'  retreat  manifested  a  dogged  constancy  which  stands  out 
as  one  of  the  magnificent  feats  of  history,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  they  gave  ground  too  slowly  for  safety.  Yet,  while  the  Anglo- 
French  troops  were  forced  back,  they  were  neither  encircled  nor 
crushed,  and  the  Germans  failed  to  take  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunity to  seize  Calais  and  the  other  Channel  ports,  which  would  have 
been  invaluable  to  them  for  blocking  the  short  line  of  communica- 
tion from  England  to  France  and  for  hostile  bases  against  Great 
Britain.  Joffre  had  hoped  to  make  a  stand  north  of  Paris  but  did 
not  feel  himself  strong  enough,  even  though  the  Germans  had  begun 
to  grow  weary  in  their  strenuous  advance  and  were  outrunning  their 
heavy  guns.  Accordingly,  he  continued  his  retreat  to  the  Marne, 
east  and  south  of  Paris,  where  he  prepared  to  give  battle. 

"  The  Miracle  of  the  Marne  "  (6-9  September,  1914).  —  On  5 
September  Joffre  gave  orders  to  his  army  to  stand  and  advance  or  die. 
The  main  battle,  lasting  four  days,  involved  some  2,000,000  men, 
and  was  largely  fought  within  a  few  miles  east  of  the  French  capital, 
though  troops  were  drawn  up  along  a  front  of  1 50  miles  from  Paris  to 
Verdun.  The  British  contingent  under  General  French  were  contained 
by  a  German  cavalry  screen  and  played  no  noticeable  part  in  the  battle, 
though  their  belated  advance  has  been  attributed  to  French's  rigid 
adherence  to  orders  from  Joffre.  The  miraculous  victory  of  the 
Marne  proved  to  be  one  of  the  decisive  battles  in  the  world's  history, 
for  it  wrecked  the  German  design  of  putting  the  French  out  of  the  war, 
forced  the  invaders  to  dig  in,  and  took  from  them  the  initiative  which 
they  never  thoroughly  regained  on  the  western  front  till  the  spring  of 
1918. 


838      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  Retreat  to  the  Aisne  and  the  Race  for  the  Channel  Ports.  — 

After  their  defeat  at  the  Marne,  the  Germans  began,  10  September, 
to  retreat  to  the  Aisne,  where  they  were  able  to  check  the  pursuit  of  the 
French  and  British  and  to  secure  their  position  in  strong  trenches. 
Then  began  a  series  of  movements  on  the  part  of  Joffre  to  outflank 
his  enemy  on  the  west,  on  the  Germans'  part  to  extend  their  line,  with 
the  twofold  aim  of  frustrating  the  Allies'  design  and  of  securing  the 
Channel  ports,  realizing  only  too  late  the  chance  they  had  missed 
during  their  southern  advance.  Farther  north,  they  succeeded  in 
capturing  Antwerp,  the  third  and  last  of  Belgium's  fortified  places ; 
but  they  failed  to  entrap  the  Belgian  army.  Unhappily,  however, 
they  secured  a  long  stretch  of  the  Belgian  seacoast,  including  Zee- 
brugge  and  Ostend,  which  they  later  used  to  great  effect  as  submarine 
bases. 

The  Fkst  Battle  of  Ypres.  —  Meantime,  early  in  October,  there  had 
begun  a  furious  struggle  on  the  part  of  the  Allies,  which  lasted  until  the 
middle  of  November,  to  prevent  the  Germans  from  breaking  through 
the  forty-mile  line  between  La  Bassee  and  the  sea  and  seizing  the 
Channel  ports  farther  south.  The  conflict  is  generally  known  as  the 
First  Battle  of  Ypres,  from  the  town  about  which  the  fighting  centered. 
General  Foch,  who  was  in  general  command  of  the  combined  forces  of 
the  British,  French,  and  Belgians,  gave  new  evidence  of  his  remarkable 
gifts.  The  supreme  heroes  of  Ypres,  however,  were  the  British  troops, 
and  here  most  of  what  were  left  of  French's  "  Old  Contemptibles  " 
were  practically  wiped  out.  With  a  total  strength  of  150,000  at  most 
—  many  of  them  hurried  from  the  farm,  the  shop,  and  the  factory  — 
armed  largely  with  rifles,  for  they  were  only  inadequately  supplied 
with  artillery,  they  valiantly  and  effectively  blocked  the  attacks  of  a 
trained  army  of  fully  500,000  Germans,  abundantly  provided  with 
heavy  cannon  and  machine  guns.  Had  the  enemy  broken  through, 
they  would  again  have  threatened  Paris,  they  would  have  secured 
the  Channel  ports,  thus  cutting  the  short  line  of  communications, 
of  transport  and  supply  from  England  to  northern  France,  they  would 
have  dominated  the  Channel  and  have  threatened  England's  very 
existence. 

The  End  of  the  Campaign  of  1914.  —  The  close  of  the  campaign 
of  1914  marked  the  end  of  the  period  of  preliminary  maneuvering. 
The  line  was  fixed  from  the  Flanders  seacoast  to  the  Swiss  mountains. 
Now  began  more  than  three  years  of  trench  warfare  —  with  a  more  or 
less  considerable  swaying  back  and  forth  of  the  respective  forces  en- 
gaged —  which  in  a  sense  must  be  regarded  as  one  great  battle.  Not 
till  1918  was  there  to  be  any  prolonged  or  extensive  open  fighting.  It 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    839 

was  in  this  third  and  final  stage  that  the  issue  was  decided.  To  return 
to  1914,  the  British  had  sent  all  their  available  forces  to  help  stem  the 
invading  hordes ;  the  Germans  had  failed  in  their  major  aim  of  secur- 
ing Paris  and  the  Channel  ports,  of  crushing  the  Anglo-French  army 
and  forcing  a  decision  in  the  first  year  of  the  war ;  but  they  were  in 
possession  of  all  of  Belgium  save  a  small  corner  along  the  southern 
coast,  and  had  torn  from  France  the  flower  of  her  mining  and  industrial 
region.  British  troops  were  sent  into  the  trenches  between  the  Bel- 
gians and  the  French,  and,  starting  with  a  few  miles,  came  to  hold  a 
constantly  increasing  portion  of  the  line.  At  the  same  time  their 
fleet  was  commanding  the  seas  while  their  army  was  being  built  up  and 
equipped,  while  the  French  were  developing  new  manufacturing  cen- 
ters and  while  the  Dominions  were  sending  food  and  troops,  and  the 
United  States  and  other  neutral  countries  were  providing  munitions 
and  foodstuffs. 

The  Eastern  Campaign.  —  Meantime,  the  Russians  —  on  whom  the 
rank  and  file,  at  least,  in  the  Allied  countries  built  high  hopes  —  had 
exercised  an  appreciable  influence  on  the  western  campaign.  Mobil- 
izing more  quickly  than  the  Germans  had  expected,  they  sent  invading 
forces  into  East  Prussia  and  Galicia.  In  spite  of  crushing  defeats  in 
East  Prussia,  their  activity,  together  with  Serbia's  successful  defense 
of  her  territory  against  the  Austrians,  diverted  enemy  contingents 
which  the  Germans  might  have  used  with  telling  effect  in  the  Marne 
campaign.  On  the  other  hand,  Turkey's  entrance  on  the  side  of  the 
Central  Powers,  November,  1914,  was  a  decided  handicap  to  the  Allies, 
for  it  cut  off  the  chance  of  sending,  through  the  Dardanelles  and  the 
Bosphorus,  the  munitions  which  Russia  needed  for  her  huge  but  badly 
equipped  forces,  and,  at  the  same  time,  deprived  the  Allies  of  Russian 
grain. 

The  Campaign  of  1915.  —  Circumstances  caused  the  Germans, 
in  the  spring  of  1915,  to  transfer  their  main  offensive  from  the  west 
to  the  east.  Whereas  their  aim  in  1914  had  been  to  contain  Russia  and 
to  crush  France,  their  aim  in  1915  was,  as  far  as  possible,  to  refrain 
from  offensive  operations  on  the  western  front,  and,  with  relatively 
few  men,  to  hold  the  line  by  means  of  elaborate  trenches,  protected  by 
barbed  wire  entanglements  and  by  a  greatly  superior  equipment  in 
heavy  artillery,  machine  guns,  trench  mortars,  and  hand  grenades. 
This  would  leave  them  comparatively  free  to  concentrate  against 
Russia,  not  only  to  relieve  the  pressure  on  Austria,  but,  as  they  hoped, 
to  strike  the  Russians  hard  enough  to  force  on  them  a  separate  and 
disadvantageous  peace.  Indeed  Germany  cherished  the  further 
design  of  crushing  Serbia,  bringing  Bulgaria  and  Greece  into  a  pan- 


840      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN 

German  alliance,  and  thus  realizing  her  ambition  of  a  Middle-Europe 
and  a  Middle- Asia  which  would  extend  from  Berlin  to  the  Persian  Gulf. 
Although,  by  the  German  quiescence  on  the  western  front,  the  British 
were  given  fifteen  more  months  to  prepare,  they  and  the  French  lost 
many  men  in  a  policy  of  "  nibbling  "  or  attrition,  interspersed  with  a 
series  of  offensives  which,  although  they  aroused  high  hopes  in  their 
initial  stages,  regained  little  territory  at  great  cost,  though  they 
achieved  something  in  wearing  down  the  enemy  as  well. 

Russian  Reverses.  —  Before  many  weeks,  the  Central  Powers  gained 
alarming  successes  in  the  East.  On  i  May,  in  the  great  battle  of  the 
Dunajec,  the  Russian  advance  in  Galicia  was  decisively  stopped,  and 
by  June  the  invaders  were  driven  from  the  country.  Then  the 
Austro-German  armies  in  the  south  were  able  to  combine  with  German 
armies  from  the  north  and  west  against  Russian  Poland.  On  4  August 
Warsaw  fell,  and  the  advent  of  winter  found  the  Russians  forced  well 
back  beyond  their  border.  Woefully  lacking  supplies  and  equipment 
and  with  little  enthusiasm  for  the  old  regime,  they  had  fought  man- 
fully ;  but,  though  they  were  to  return  for  one  more  splendid  offensive, 
suffering,  treachery,  and  disintegration  were  at  work  that  were  to 
paralyze  their  efforts  early  in  1917. 

Italy  in  the  War.  —  Already,  in  May,  1915,  Italy  had  entered  the 
war  on  the  Allied  side,  an  acquisition  which  brought  many  advantages, 
together  with  some  complications.  She  contributed  a  fine  navy, 
closed  useful  neutral  ports  to  the  enemy,  and  gave  the  Allies  another 
Mediterranean  base ;  also  she  protected  southern  France  against  an 
Austro-German  attack  and  diverted  the  energies  of  Austria  on  the 
Italian  frontier.  At  the  same  time  she  had  nationalistic  ambitions 
which  awakened  the  apprehension  of  the  Slavs  under  Hapsburg 
rule,  rousing  them  to  fight  for  a  cause  toward  which  they  had  hitherto 
been  lukewarm,  and  ambitions,  too,  which  crossed  with  those  of  Greece 
and  embarrassed  seriously  the  Allies  in  their  dealings  with  the  latter 
State.  Valiantly  as  she  hurried  to  the  attack,  Italy  was  able  to  ac- 
complish little  during  the  first  year  of  the  war :  she  was  lacking  in 
munitions,  she  had  to  undertake  the  almost  superhuman  task  of 
driving  her  enemy  from  the  passes  of  the  Austrian  Alps  which  projected 
into  the  plain  of  northern  Italy  and  threatened  her  flank  and  rear,  while 
she  sought  to  make  head  against  the  Austrian  forces  dug  in  on  the  far- 
ther side  of  the  Isonzo. 

Gallipoli  (1915-1916).  —  Meantime,  the  British  had  entered  on  an 
adventure  in  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  which  proved  to  be  one  of 
the  most  tragic  miscarriages  in  the  whole  war,  though  it  called  forth 
imperishable  manifestations  of  high-hearted  courage  and  self-sacrifice. 


841 

The  aim  was  to  force  the  Dardanelles,  guarded  on  the  north  by  the 
peninsula  of  Gallipoli,  in  order,  among  other  things,  to  open  the  sea 
route  to  Russia  and  to  prevent  Rumania  from  supplying  the  Germans 
with  grain  and  oil.  A  few  obsolete  ships  might  well  have  been  risked 
in  an  effort  to  dash  through  the  straits,  though,  as  the  event  proved, 
success  was  impossible  in  view  of  the  strong  current,  bearing  destruc- 
tive mines  against  the  invader,  and  in  view  of  the  hidden  fortifications 
equipped  with  powerful  Krupp  guns.  When  the  surprise  attack 
failed,  the  attempt  should  have  been  given  up.  The  only  other 
possibility  would  have  been  to  refrain  from  disclosing  the  design  until 
the  land  forces  were  ready  to  cooperate.  The  British  did  neither  one 
thing  nor  the  other.  In  February  and  March,  1915,  assisted  by  the 
French,  they  launched  a  naval  attack,  and  with  a  loss  of  two  ships, 
beside  having  two  more  put  out  of  action,  they  scarcely  managed  to 
penetrate  beyond  the  entrance  to  the  straits.  Against  the  protests 
of  Marshals  Joffre  and  French,  Mr.  Churchill  —  the  British  First 
Lord  of  the  Admiralty  —  insisted  on  sending  a  land  army  to  cooperate 
with  the  fleet,  and  the  Secretary  for  War,  Lord  Kitchener,  yielded. 
The  Allied  design  having  already  been  disclosed,  the  Gallipoli  defenses 
were  rapidly  strengthened  and  supported  by  a  Turkish  force  of  250,000 
men,  officered  and  trained  by  Germans  and  operating  close  to  its  base. 
Not  only  did  the  Allies  have  to  transport  a  part  of  their  invading  army 
and  most  of  their  supplies  a  thousand  miles  through  submarine  in- 
fested waters,  but  the  landing  places  were  protected  by  barbed  wire, 
as  far  as  the  shallow  water  reached,  and  covered  by  gun  fire,  while 
farther  inland  the  peninsula  was  a  series  of  hills  rising  tier  on  tier. 
Moreover,  the  climatic  conditions  were  dreadful  —  what  with  the 
withering  rays  of  the  summer  sun,  to  say  nothing  of  the  searching 
winds  of  winter  —  and  all  water  had  to  be  shipped  from  the  subsidiary 
bases  of  Lemnos  and  Egypt.  The  French  contributed  comparatively 
few  to  the  expedition,  chiefly  Colonials,  while  the  British  used,  first 
and  last,  upwards  of  200,000  men,  largely  Anzacs  (Australian  and  New 
Zealand  Army  Corps)  training  in  Egypt. 

The  first  landings  were  made  25  April,  1915,  by  the  British  on  the  toe 
of  the  peninsula  and  by  the  Anzacs  at  a  point,  farther  up  on  the  north 
side,  which  came  to  be  known  as  Anzac  Beach.  The  former  were  to 
march  north  and  the  latter  east,  but,  in  spite  of  the  furious  bravery  of 
their  assaults,  they  never  advanced  more  than  three  miles  and  one  mile 
respectively.  In  May,  after  the  enemy  submarines  had  destroyed 
three  British  battleships,  the  fleet  with  its  supporting  guns  was  with- 
drawn. Sickness,  due  to  the  terrible  summer  heat,  swelled  the  total 
of  the  killed.  The  supreme  effort  came  in  August  with  a  major  attack, 


842      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

four  miles  north  of  Anzac,  supported  by  lesser  demonstrations  aimed 
to  distract  the  Turks  farther  south.  After  a  preliminary  surprise 
the  main  advance  was  unfortunately  delayed  long  enough  to  repulse 
it  absolutely.  Finally,  in  the  late  winter,  the  swoop  of  the  Germans 


BlYUK  KCMIKLI 

CapeSuvIa 

St/YlA  0#LlT. 

BAY 

KuCHUKKtMIKU 

Nibrunesi  Pt. 


THE  GALLIPOLI  CAMPAIGN,  1915. 

through  Serbia  made  withdrawal  from  Gallipoli  absolutely  imperative, 
an  undertaking  which  was  achieved,  in  December  and  January,  with 
rare  skill  and  comparatively  little  further  loss.  All  that  can  be 
said  for  this  glorious  but  futile  sacrifice  was  that  it  contained  a  large 
force  of  Turks  during  a  critical  period  in  the  Russian  campaign. 
Otherwise  it  was  costly  in  many  ways.  It  used  up  men  and  muni- 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD   WAR     843 

tions  which  were  sorely  needed  on  the  western  front,  it  lowered  the 
prestige  of  the  Allies  in  the  Balkans,  determining  the  course  of  Bul- 
garia whose  King  was  already  bound  to  Germany,  and  alienated  many 
former  Allied  supporters  among  the  Greeks.  For  these  reasons,  and 
owing  to  the  great  losses,  the  ability  to  assist  Serbia  was  greatly  weak- 
ened. 

The  Serbian  Tragedy  (1915).  —  Twice  before,  the  Serbians  had 
repulsed  Austrian  attacks;  now  the  Germans  determined  on  her 
conquest.  This  would  mean  control  of  the  Balkans,  which  would 
facilitate  the  subjugation  of  Egypt  and  India,  and  help  to  realize 
the  great  German  dream  of  mastery  of  central  Europe  and  western 
Asia.  Already,  in  September,  the  Serbians  begged  for  permission  to 
attack  their  old  enemy  Bulgaria  and  render  her  harmless  before  the 
anticipated  German  attack  began,  but  the  British  and  French  Govern- 
ments, nourishing  the  vain  delusion  that  they  could  win  over  Bulgaria, 
refused.  Early  in  October,  after  Mackensen,  the  victor  of  the  Dunajec, 
with  two  armies  had  crossed  the  Danube,  Ferdinand  of  Bulgaria,  who 
had  been  deceiving  the  Allies  with  false  assurances  while  his  troops 
were  mobilizing,  finally  threw  off  the  mask.  His  armies  struck  at 
the  Serbian  flank  and  rear,  and  cut  the  Vienna-Salonika  railroad  on 
which  the  Serbians  were  solely  dependent  for  supplies  and  an  eventual 
line  of  retreat.  Although  an  Allied  army  had  landed  at  Salonika 
i  October,  it  was  too  weak,  and  too  uncertain  of  the  intentions  of  the 
slippery  Greek  King  Constantine,  to  render  effectual  assistance.  The 
poor  Serbians,  suffering  dreadfully  from  hunger  and  disease,  were 
pushed  steadily  south  and  west  by  the  combined  Austro-Germans 
and  Bulgarians.  A  fragment  of  the  troops  and  peasantry  managed 
to  straggle  across  the  Albanian  mountains,  and  were  shipped  by  the 
Italian  navy  to  the  island  of  Corfu.  On  28  November,  when  the  cam- 
paign ended,  the  Allies,  except  for  the  inadequate  force  at  Salonika, 
had  no  longer  a  foothold  in  the  Balkans. 

The  Campaign  of  1915  on  the  Western  Front.  —  Meantime,  while 
Germany  was  extending  and  consolidating  her  power  in  eastern  Europe, 
the  Allies  were  making  small  gains  at  a  heavy  cost  on  the  western 
front,  with  the  threefold  design  of  breaking  through  if  possible,  of  di- 
verting pressure  on  the  Russian  front,  and  of  wearing  down  the  enemy 
forces  by  attrition.  All  the  while,  the  British  were  working  to  increase, 
train,  and  equip  their  army.  In  the  long  run  they  accomplished  mar- 
vels ;  but  it  took  them  a  good  while  to  realize  the  necessity  of  conscrip- 
tion, and  to  produce  artillery  and  high  explosive  shells  in  adequate 
quantities.  Following  local  offensives  undertaken  by  the  French, 
the  British  launched,  10  March,  an  attack  against  Neuve  Chapelle, 


844      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF   ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

on  a  four-mile  front  southwest  of  Lille.  In  this  attack,  preceded  by 
heavy  drum  fire,  they  cleared  the  German  first  line  trenches  and,  to 
some  extent,  the  second ;  but,  after  gaming  a  mile  of  ground,  they  were 
repulsed,  having  sustained l  as  well  as  having  inflicted  heavy  casualties. 
The  only  drive  of  any  consequence  undertaken  by  the  Germans  on  the 
western  front,  in  1915,  was  that  resulting  in  the  Second  Battle  of  Ypres, 
which  began  22  April.  This  battle  will  ever  bear  an  evil  memory, 
for  it  was  here  that  the  Germans  violated  international  law  and 
roused  the  fury  of  the  Allies  by  first  using  poison  gas  —  a  crime  which 
was  to  cause  untold  suffering  to  themselves  as  well  as  to  their  oppo- 
nents. The  French  Colonials  broke  and  fled  with  terror,  leaving  dan- 
gerously exposed  the  Canadians  who  were  ranged  next  them.  With 
rare  fortitude  the  latter  hung  on,  though  it  cost  a  third  of  their  contin- 
gent. The  struggle  lasted  five  days ;  but  the  Germans,  if  such  was 
their  intention,  failed  to  break  through  to  Calais,  though  they  at  least 
succeeded  in  forestalling  for  a  time  the  Allied  offensive. 

Champagne  and  Loos.  —  The  great  Anglo-French  effort  of  the  year 
was  launched  in  the  autumn.  According  to  the  plans,  Marshal  French 
in  Artois  was  to  strike  at  Loos,  north  of  Lens,  while  Foch  was  to  move 
on  Arras,  a  few  miles  south  of  the  great  coal  mining  center.  In  the 
Champagne  area  another  French  army  under  General  Petain  was  to 
deliver  a  blow  east  of  Rheims.  Thus  the  German  line,  in  the  form  of 
a  great  bulging  salient,  was  to  be  pressed  at  three  points.  The  British 
gained  such  a  brilliant  preliminary  success  that  the  Germans  were 
prepared  to  evacuate  Lens ;  but  reserves  were  insufficient,  the  enemy 
counter-attacked  and,  in  the  end,  Foch  had  to  go  to  the  assistance  of 
his  ally.  It  was  in  Champagne  that  the  real  break  through  was  con- 
templated; but,  here  again,  high  hopes  were  at  first  excited  which 
time  failed  to  realize.  Both  the  British  and  the  French  had  fought 
magnificently,  they  had  gained  some  territory  and  had  levied  a  heavy 
toll  in  lives,  but  they  had  been  unable  to  divert  the  pressure  from  Russia 
and  to  save  Serbia.  Alone,  the  French  were  inferior  in  numbers  and 
equipment  to  the  Germans,  and  the  latter  calculated  rightly  that  it 
would  take  months  to  train  and  equip  Kitchener's  million.  The  Brit- 
ish Commander  in  the  field  was  seriously  handicapped  by  an  inade- 
quate staff  of  officers,  by  lack  of  high  explosive  shells  and  by  the  fact 
that  men  and  material  which  might  to  some  degree  have  helped  him 
were  diverted  to  Gallipoli.  Nevertheless,  it  was  felt  that  he  was  too 
slow  to  handle  the  vast  and  complex  machine  that  was  in  the  making ; 
so,  before  the  end  of  the  year,  he  was  sent  to  command  the  Home 

1  Some  of  the  British  were  sacrificed  by  the  improper  timing  of  their  own  barrage 
fire. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    845 

forces  and  Sir  Douglas  Haig  replaced  him  as  British  Commander  on 
the  western  front. 

The  Campaign  of  1916.  —  By  the  end  of  1915  the  Germans  were 
in  a  very  strong  position.  While  maintaining  a  practical  deadlock 
on  the  western  front,  they  had  achieved  a  series  of  striking  successes 
in  the  east.  They  had  forced  the  Russians  out  of  Poland  and  Galicia 
and  were  in  occupation  of  a  wide  strip  of  Russian  territory,  they 
had  put  Serbia  out  of  the  fighting,  and  had  brought  Bulgaria  in  on 
their  side,  while  the  Greek  Government  was  giving  them  covert  aid, 
and  the  British,  after  a  costly  failure,  were  on  the  point  of  evacuating 
Gallipoli.  Having  the  eastern  situation  well  in  hand,  the  German 
High  Command  now  turned  to  the  west  again,  and,  as  the  leading 
feature  of  their  campaign  in  1916,  planned  a  mighty  blow  at  Verdun 
—  the  key  of  the  French  defenses  on  the  German  frontier  —  with 
the  design  of  crushing  France  before  the  British  could  attain  their  full 
military  strength.  The  event  proved,  however,  that  they  had  ab- 
solutely miscalculated  the  magnificent  resisting  power  of  the  French, 
who,  though  nearly  overwhelmed  at  first  by  the  deadly  thrust  designed 
to  "  bleed  them  white  "  which  began  21  February,  1916,  had  valiantly 
realized  before  the  close  of  autumn  their  rallying  cry  —  "  They  shall 
not  pass."  Also,  the  enemy  had  failed  to  take  into  account  the  ability 
of  the  British  to  launch  a  truly  formidable  offensive,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  fighting  capacity  of  the  Italians  and  the  capability  of  poor  ex- 
hausted Russia  to  undertake  one  more  redoubtable  effort. 

The  First  Battle  of  the  Somme  (1916).  —  The  British  Commander, 
Sir  Douglas  Haig,  offered  in  the  spring  to  hasten  his  contemplated 
attack  along  the  river  Somme ;  but  since  that  would  play  the  German 
game  of  forcing  the  Allies  into  another  premature  offensive,  the  P'rench 
High  Command  insisted  that  he  wait  till  he  was  ready.  Accordingly, 
in  the  early  months  of  the  year,  the  British  rendered  aid  chiefly  by 
taking  over  more  of  the  line.  At  length,  i  July,  1916,  began  the  First 
Battle  of  the  Somme,  so  called  because  it  was  followed  in  1917  and 
again  in  1918,  by  further  bloody  conflicts  in  this  stricken  district. 
The  British  undertook  the  major  thrust  north  of  Amiens,  and  had  to 
face  the  main  concentration  of  the  Germans,  while  the  French,  still 
mainly  occupied  at  Verdun,  cooperated  in  a  fine  but  subordinate  offen- 
sive by  way  of  diversion  farther  south.  The  chief  purposes  aimed  at 
were  to  relieve  Verdun,  to  assist  the  Italians  and  the  Russians,  and  to 
use  up  the  active  forces  of  the  enemy.  When  the  attack  opened,  Gen- 
eral Haig  may  have  had  hopes  of  breaking  through,  but  if  so  the  heavy 
losses  of  his  men  —  50,000  the  first  day  with  a  gain  of  half  a  mile  on 
a  seven-mile  front  —  forced  him  to  revert  to  a  plan  of  steady  pressure 


846     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and  slow  advance.  This  was  the  first  appearance  in  force  of  the  new 
citizen  army;  for  the  scanty  remnants  of  the  "  Old  Contemptibles  " 
who  survived  the  campaign  of  1914  had  been  wiped  out  at  Neuve  Cha- 
pelle  and  Loos.  It  was  a  fiery  ordeal  for  untried  men  and  untried 
officers,  and  appalling  numbers  were  sacrificed  against  a  huge  and  won- 
derfully equipped  war  machine,  which  the  enemy  for  years  had  been 
employing  all  the  resources  of  science  to  construct.  Upwards  of 
3,000,000  troops  were  engaged  on  both  sides :  of  the  casualties,  amount- 
ing to  1,000,000,  the  flower  of  the  young  manhood  of  the  British  Em- 
pire contributed  a  heavy  toll,  and  they  had  gained  little  more  than 
seven  miles  on  a  twelve-mile  front  when  the  approach  of  bad  weather 
in  November  brought  the  fighting  to  a  close.  Nevertheless,  they  had 
served  their  apprenticeship,  they  had  been  fashioned  into  veterans 
and  had  proved  to  the  Germans  that  henceforth,  in  man  power  and 
equipment,  they  were  a  force  to  be  reckoned  with.  They  had  relieved 
Verdun,  and  they  had  seized  the  initiative  on  the  western  front  which 
they  were  to  retain  for  over  a  year,  they  had  inflicted  heavy  losses  and 
captured  many  guns  and  prisoners.  They  had  shown  the  Germans, 
too,  that  their  permanent  trenches  were  no  longer  wholly  to  be  de- 
pended upon  and  forced  them,  like  the  French  at  Verdun,  to  take  to 
shallow  trenches,  shell  craters  and  pill  boxes.  Finally,  by  their  per- 
sistent hammering  they  rendered  the  German  positions  so  untenable 
that  they  were  forced  to  undertake  a  so-called  "  strategic  retreat " 
of  many  miles,  early  in  the  spring  of  1917. 

The  Italian,  Russian  and  Rumanian  Campaigns  (1916).  —  Much 
handicapped  by  lack  of  guns  and  munitions,  the  Italians  were  able, 
nevertheless,  not  only  to  hah  an  Austrian  attack  in  the  region  of  the 
eastern  Alps  but  even  to  secure  a  commanding  through  dangerously 
exposed  position  along  the  river  Isonzo,  northwest  of  Trieste.  They 
were  greatly  aided  by  a  splendid  Russian  offensive  along  a  three  hun- 
dred mile  front,  the  rapid  progress  of  which  during  the  first  few  weeks 
was  later  grievously  dashed.  The  Russians,  with  hopelessly  inade- 
quate equipment  and  transportation  facilities  and  sadly  hampered 
by  a  Government  honeycombed  with  pro-German  traitors,  were  soon 
stopped  and  forced  back  by  the  Austrians,  stiffened  by  German  reen- 
forcements.  Their  brief  help  to  the  Allies  had  been  rendered  at  a 
terrible  cost,  and  hungry,  suffering,  and  discouraged  they  were  ripe  for 
a  Revolution  which  broke  out  early  in  1917.  Another  disastrous  set- 
back for  the  Allies  was  the  catastrophe  that  overtook  the  Rumanians. 
Entering  the  war  27  August,  1916,  their  untried  armies  fell  victim  to 
their  own  rashness,  to  the  impotence  of  the  Western  Powers,  to  de- 
lusive assurances  of  the  Russians,  and  to  the  energetic  strategy  of  the 


BRITAIN  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    847 

Germans.  Almost  annihilated  by  heavy  casualties,  a  fragment  of  the 
Rumanian  army  succeeded  in  escaping  into  Russian  territory,  leav- 
ing their  country  with  its  rich  supplies  of  grain  and  oil  to  the  enemy. 
Three  Russian  divisions  arrived  too  late  to  help  them ;  also,  the  Allied 
army  in  Salonika,  who,  assisted  by  a  few  re-equipped  Serbians, 
had  been  pushed  into  Serbia  and  captured  Monastir,  19  November, 
were  unable  to  effect  a  diversion.  Venizelos,  the  pro-Ally  Greek 
statesman,  had  set  up  a  revolutionary  government  in  Salonika ;  but 
King  Constantine  was  still  in  the  saddle,  and  the  Entente  army  was 
too  weak  and  too  fearful  of  his  intentions  to  risk  going  too  far  north. 

The  Peace  Drive  (1916). — The  Central  Powers  had  met  with 
serious  reverses  during  the  year,  though  they  were  far  from  being  so 
exhausted  as  the  Allies  supposed.  Having  little  more  to  fear  from 
Russia,  Germany,  far  better  informed  on  the  situation  than  the  En- 
tente Powers,  now  determined  to  take  steps  to  secure  the  great  Empire 
which  she  had  been  building  up  in  the  east.  Hence  the  so-called 
"  peace  offer  "  that  she  made  on  12  December,  1916,  which  was,  in 
substance,  a  proposal  for  a  conference  for  an  exchange  of  views.  Her 
design  was  to  set  the  Powers  by  the  ears,  to  strengthen  herself  with 
her  own  people  and  to  win  over  the  majority  in  the  United  States,  as 
well  as  the  sentimentalists  and  defeatists  in  France  and  Great  Britain, 
by  throwing  upon  her  opponents  the  responsibility  for  continuing 
the  War.  However,  moral  indignation  and  the  realization  of  the 
German  menace  was  strong  enough  among  the  Allied  Governments 
and  the  bulk  of  their  peoples  to  repudiate  the  thought  of  a  negotiated 
peace,  and  to  continue  fighting  until  they  were  in  a  position  to  insist 
on  such  terms  as  would  secure  from  Germany  at  least  a  partial  com- 
pensation for  the  havoc  she  had  wrought,  and  would  offer  reasonable 
guarantees  for  future  security. 

The  Hindenburg  "  Strategic  Retreat  "  (1917).  — The  British  1917 
offensive  on  the  western  front  began  in  March,  on  the  sector  from  Arras 
to  Soissons.  Although  the  French  still  held  from  two  thirds  to  three- 
quarters  of  the  line,  fully  half  the  enemy  forces  were  concentrated 
against  the  British,  who  were  steadily  assuming  more  and  more  of  the 
burden  which  had  pressed  so  heavily  on  the  French  from  the  Marne 
to  Verdun.  Partly  because  his  old  positions  had  been  dangerously 
dented  by  the  Somme  attack  of  1916  and  partly  to  frustrate  the  for- 
midable Anglo-French  drive  which  he  anticipated,  von  Hindenburg,1 

1  Although  von  Hindenburg  had  become  the  German  popular  idol  because  of 
his  achievements  against  the  Russians,  the  opinion  soon  came  to  prevail  among 
the  initiated  that  his  successes  were  largely  due  to  von  Ludendorff,  who  became 
his  Quartermaster-General. 


848      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

the  new  German  Commander  in  the  West,  fell  back  behind  his  exposed 
salients  to  a  carefully  prepared  system  of  defenses  known  as  the  "  Hin- 
denburg  Line."  In  spite  of  the  Allied  aircraft  and  other  devices  for 
obtaining  intelligence,  he  was  able  to  withdraw  successfully  along  a 
sixty-mile  front,  ruthlessly  destroying  as  he  went,  and  leaving  in  his 
wake  a  devastated  shell-pitted  country,  guarded  by  a  comparatively 
few  men  with  machine  guns.  When,  in  April,  the  Germans  had  reached 
their  new  positions  they  took  a  determined  stand,  with  a  strong  con- 
centration of  artillery  between  Lens  and  St.  Quentin.  Then  the  Brit- 
ish and  the  French,  in  an  alternating  series  of  brilliant  but  costly  at- 
tacks, struck  at  the  northern  and  southern  hinges  of  the  enemy  defense. 
The  British,  in  the  so-called  Battle  of  Arras,  made  considerable  head- 
way, the  Canadians  with  magnificent  heroism  captured  Vimy  Ridge, 
an  important  position  commanding  Lens,  and  by  June  had  practically 
surrounded  this  great  coal  center  of  northern  France.  The  French, 
too,  by  one  brilliant  stroke,  in  the  middle  of  April,  captured  17,000 
prisoners  and  75  guns;  but  the  toll  of  death  among  their  men 
so  appalled  the  Government  that  they  called  off  the  offensive 
and  replaced  General  Nivelle  by  General  Petain.  The  action  of 
the  French  greatly  embarrassed  the  plans  of  Marshal  Haig,  who  had 
to  keep  on  without  their  support.  Then  he  struck  another  blow 
farther  north,  where  he  achieved  a  spectacular  success,  7  June,  1917, 
by  blowing  up  the  Messines  salient  in  the  German  line  south  of 
Ypres.  While  this  stroke  was  preparing  for  nearly  two  years  and 
1,000,000  pounds  of  explosives  were  used,  the  tactical  results  were 
less  than  they  might  have  been,  owing  to  unfortunate  delays  and  the 
advent  of  bad  weather. 

The  Collapse  of  Russia  (1917).  —  Unfortunately,  the  Allied  strategy 
which  had  contemplated  a  simultaneous  advance  on  three  fronts  — 
the  western,  the  eastern,  and  the  Italian  —  was  most  gravely  thrown 
out  of  gear  by  the  outbreak  of  a  revolution  in  Russia,  resulting  in  the 
overthrow  of  the  old  regime  and  the  deposition  of  the  Tsar  in  March. 
Huge  amounts  of  supplies  had  been  sent  through  Archangel  and  Vladi- 
vostok, and  it  was  hoped  that  the  Russian  army  would  open  the  spring 
campaign  more  fully  equipped  than  ever  before;  but  the  rank  and 
file  were  exhausted  and  discouraged  by  treachery  in  high  places,  and 
they  were  worked  on  by  German  propagandists.  The  Constitutional 
Democrats,  who  strove  to  fulfill  their  obligations  to  the  Allies,  were 
overthrown,  and  M.  Kerensky,  a  moderate  Socialist  who  succeeded 
to  a  brief  tenure  of  power,  was  unable  to  cope  with  the  situation.  After 
he  had  gone  too  far  in  relaxing  the  bonds  of  discipline,  he  made  a  vain 
effort  to  start  a  new  offensive,  and  in  July  even  went  to  Galicia  to  in- 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    849 

spire  the  troops  in  person.  However,  Soviets  or  councils  of  workmen, 
peasants,  and  soldiers  were  growing  steadily  stronger  and  falling  more 
and  more  under  the  influence  of  the  Bolshevists  or  extremists.  The 
Russian  army  degenerated  into  a  debating  society ;  ranks  and  such 
little  discipline  as  remained  were  abolished,  and,  under  Lenine  and 
Trotsky,  the  two  sinister  figures  who  succeeded  Kerensky,  an  armis- 
tice was  concluded  with  Germany  in  December,  to  be  followed,  early 
in  the  following  year,  by  a  disastrous  separate  peace. 

The  Italian  Disaster,  and  Cambrai.  —  In  the  autumn,  the  Allies 
had  to  endure  another  calamity.  The  Italian  line  along  the  Isonzo 
was  pierced  at  Caporetto,  their  armies  were  forced  to  retreat  and  lost 
the  gains  of  two  and  a  half  years,  as  well  as  a  terrific  number  of  men 
and  guns.  However,  they  finally  pulled  themselves  together  behind 
the  Piave  river  north  of  Venice,  where  they  held  their  ground  with 
marvelous  heroism,  assisted  ultimately  by  British  and  French  con- 
tingents who  came  to  their  assistance.  In  November,  Marshal  Haig 
sought  to  create  a  diversion  by  a  splendid  attack  on  the  western  front 
at  Cambrai,  where  the  Tanks *  were  used  to  great  effect,  in  place  of  a 
preliminary  bombardment.  Haig  made  a  splendid  gain  of  five  miles ; 
but,  before  he  could  secure  his  exposed  salient,  the  Germans  replied 
by  a  surprise  counter-attack,  took  back  a  portion  of  the  ground  they 
had  yielded,  and  prisoners  and  guns  about  equal  to  the  number  they 
had  lost. 

The  United  States  Enters  the  War  (6  April,  1917).  —  The  Germans, 
who  had  declared  unrestricted  submarine  warfare  i  February,  1917, 
were  creating  havoc  with  the  Allied  shipping;  but  the  step  had 
the  advantage  of  bringing  into  the  War  (6  April)  the  United  States 
with  her  vast  potential  resources  in  men,  money,  and  material  which 
were  to  contribute  -to  turn  the  scale  before  the  end  of  another  year ; 
meanwhile,  British  successes  in  Mesopotamia  and  Palestine  tended, 
in  some  degree,  to  counterbalance  the  unfavorable  situation  in 
Europe. 

The  Wonderful  Year  (1918).  —  The  year  1918  was  truly  a  wonder- 
ful year,  crowded  with  events  and  amazing  contrasts;  beginning 
with  the  most  discouraging  reverses  which  the  Allies  had  ever  under- 
gone and  ending  with  glorious  triumph  —  with  the  overthrow  of  the 
Kaiser  and  Prussian  military  autocracy  in  a  series  of  stupendous 
battles  involving  men  and  destructive  machinery  on  a  scale  hitherto 
unheard  of.  For  months,  after  the  discouraging  close  of  1917,  one 
disaster  followed  another.  On  2  March,  1918,  the  Bolshevist  pleni- 

1  Tanks  of  a  larger  size  had  first  been  employed,  though  not  with  such  con- 
spicuous success,  in  the  first  battle  of  the  Somme. 


850     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

potentiaries  signed  the  humiliating  Treaty  of  Brest  Litovsk,  and  its 
ratification  by  the  Congress  of  Soviets,  14  March,  definitely  elimi- 
nated Russia  from  the  war,  with  large  portions  of  her  territory  and 
resources  in  German  hands.  Next  Rumania  was  bound  hand  and 
foot  when  (6  May)  she  was  compelled  to  concluded  the  Treaty  of  Bu- 
charest. France  seemed  exhausted,  while  Italy,  grimly  holding  the 
precarious  line  of  the  Piave,  was  threatened  with  inundation  from 
the  mountain  passes  which  commanded  the  Venetian  plain.  In  spite 
of  tremendous  and  hurried  preparations,  there  seemed  little  indica- 
tion that  the  United  States  would  be  able  to  make  her  power  felt  to 
any  appreciable  degree  for  another  year.  Great  Britain,  at  last 
thoroughly  aroused  and  equipped,  had  seen  her  splendid  army  thrust 
at  Cambrai  largely  offset  by  an  unexpectedly  effective  German  counter- 
offensive  ;  moreover,  it  was  evident  that  she  was  to  bear  the  chief  bur- 
den in  a  new  onslaught,  designed  to  sweep  her  armies  to  the  sea  and 
seize  the  Channel  ports.  Yet,  in  spite  of  loud  clamors  from  a  few 
defeatists  and  a  steadily  growing  pacifistic  element,  she  was  doggedly 
determined,  and  Mr.  Lloyd  George  reiterated  again,  in  uncompromis- 
ing terms,  the  war  amis  which  she  must  realize  before  she  would  con- 
sent to  peace. 

The  Opening  of  the  German  Offensive  (1918). — Although  many 
of  the  uninitiated  thought  it  might  never  materialize,  the  long-heralded 
German  attack  was  launched,  21  March,  with  unexampled  fury, 
clearly  a  supreme  effort  to  force  a  decision  before  the  United  States 
could  come  in  at  her  full  strength.  The  chief  concentration  in  the 
first  thrust  was  directed  against  the  British  third  and  fifth  armies  on 
a  front  of  some  sixty  miles  from  the  Scarpe  to  the  Oise.  This  tremen- 
dous major  offensive,  before  it  was  stopped  early  in  April,  drove  a 
bulging  salient  into  the  British  line  which,  at  its  blunt  tip,  marked  a 
gain  of  over  thirty-five  miles  and  reached  within  striking  distance  of 
Amiens;  moreover,  another,  and  perhaps  the  main  objective  was 
almost  achieved,  of  breaking  through  at  the  junction  between  the 
British  and  French  forces,  rolling  up  the  British  right  wing,  and  circling 
round  the  French,  thus  opening  again  the  road  to  Paris.  On  9  April, 
the  enemy  started  a  second  and  smaller  offensive  in  the  Flanders  sector, 
where  they  pushed  the  British  off  the  high  ground  which  served  as 
the  key  to  their  northern  defenses  and  the  Channel  ports.  The  com- 
bined effect  of  these  two  offensives  was  to  regain  for  the  Germans  what 
the  Allies  had  painfully  acquired  after  months  of  the  heaviest  fighting. 
Owing  to  a  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  French  that  the  British  had  not 
been  doing  enough  and  that  the  attack  would  be  divided,  Marshal 
Haig  had  reluctantly  extended  his  line  south  of  St.  Quentin.  Thus 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    851 

weakened,  and  exposed  to  heavy  discharges  of  high  explosives  and 
poison  gas,  followed  by  concentrated  attacks  of  dense  masses  of  troops 
amply  supplied  with  machine  guns,  the  British,  though  they  manfully 
held  with  their  backs  to  the  wall,  were  only  able  to  make  a  final  stand 
in  Picardy  and  in  Flanders.  However,  reinforcements  of  upwards 
of  300,000  men  were  speedily  hurried  from  England. 

The  Drives  against  the  French.  —  Next  came  the  turn  of  the  French. 
The  Germans  began,  27  May,  with  a  thrust  across  the  river  Aisne  be- 
tween Soissons  and  Rheims,  which  forced  a  pocket  or  broad  loop  from 
Soissons  and  Rheims  down  to  Chateau-Thierry  on  the  Marne,  less  than 
fifty  miles  from  Paris.  In  this  fighting,  American  troops,  including 
marines,  nobly  won  their  spurs  in  checking  the  enemy  advance  at  Cha- 
teau-Thierry, 2  June,  and  in  the  capture  of  Belleau  Wood  with  a  nest 
of  machine  guns,  10  June.  This  first  great  offensive  against  the  French 
was  followed  by  a  second,  15  July  —  extending  from  Rheims  to  the 
Argonne  Forest,  north  of  Verdun  —  coupled  with  another  subsidiary 
offensive  south  of  the  Marne.  Irresistible  as  the  torrent  seemed,  it 
was  soon  stemmed  and  turned  back  with  terrible  effect. 

The  Beginning  of  the  Allied  Counter-Offensive  (18  July).  —  Mean- 
time, the  Allies  had  taken  a  momentous  step  which  should  have  been 
taken  early  in  the  War  —  on  29  March  a  supreme  commander  had 
been  placed  over  all  the  forces  on  the  western  front.  General  Foch  — 
most  properly  chosen  for  the  position  —  had  the  formidable  problem 
of  holding  the  road  to  Paris  without  weakening  too  far  the  defenses 
in  Picardy  and  Flanders  and  thus  exposing  the  Channel  ports ;  indeed, 
while  defending  these  vital  points  he  was  obliged  to  keep  his  whole 
line  strong  enough  to  prevent  the  enemy,  who  had  the  initiative,  from 
striking  at  any  particular  spot  in  overwhelming  numbers.  At  first, 
he  was  hampered  by  insufficient  reserves,  but  soon  the  300,000  British 
reinforcements  were  available,  and  the  Americans,  in  response  to 
urgent  appeals,  were  hurried  across  the  ocean  in  constantly  increasing 
numbers  —  1,000,000,  it  was  announced  on  4  July,  and  by  autumn 
2,000,000.  Thus  supported,  Foch  began  ( 1 8  July)  his  remarkable  series 
of  counter-attacks  which  wrested  the  initiative  from  the  enemy  and 
were  continued  until  the  whole  German  army  was  forced  back,  over- 
whelmed and  compelled  to  surrender.  The  German^  thrusts  between 
21  March  and  the  middle  of  July  had  resulted  in  three  salients.  One 
was  between  Soissons  and  Rheims  which  looped  down  to  and  crossed 
the  Marne  in  places ;  here  a  counter-attack  was  started  18  July  by  the 
French  and  Americans  with  such  pressure  on  the  two  sides  that  the 
Germans  were  forced  to  withdraw  to  avoid  capture.  This  was  the 
Second  Battle  of  the  Marne. 


852     SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

The  British  Counter-Offensive.  —  The  second  salient  extended  over 
an  eighty-mile  front  from  Soissons  on  the  south  to  Arras  on  the  north, 
where  Foch  launched  a  second  counter-offensive  8  August.  In  this 
Third  Battle  of  the  Somme  the  British,  with  the  French  cooperating 
in  the  south,  dealt  a  series  of  terrific  blows  both  at  the  sides  and  against 
the  front  of  the  salient,  with  the  result  that  the  Germans  were  driven 
back  to  the  Hindenburg  Line  whence  they  had  issued  for  their  great 
offensive  in  March.  The  third  move  in  Foch's  decisive  counter- 
offensive  was  designed  to  break  that  line,  which  consisted  of  "  the  most 
intricate  and  elaborate  works  ever  fashioned  by  the  ingenuity  of  man." 
Furthermore,  by  striking  north  and  south,  the  Allies  aimed  to  cut  off 
the  German  army  by  the  only  two  lines  of  retreat  open  to  them,  through 
the  valley  of  the  Meuse  by  way  of  Liege,  and  through  Metz  by  way 
of  the  Maubeuge,  Mezieres  and  Metz  railway.  On  the  German  right 
in  Flanders  —  the  area  of  the  third  salient  —  were  the  Belgians  under 
King  Albert  and  a  British  contingent ;  in  the  center,  the  British  were 
to  lead  the  attack  from  Cambrai  to  St.  Quentin  with  more  French  con- 
tingents from  St.  Quentin  to  the  Oise;  while  on  the  enemy  left,  in 
the  Argonne  region  threatening  Metz,  the  offensive  was  intrusted  to 
French  and  American  troops. 

The  Last  Phase.  —  Late  in  September,  the  Anglo-Belgian  forces 
began  to  advance  in  Flanders,  driving  a  wedge  between  Ostend,  an 
important  submarine  base,  and  Lille,  "  one  of  the  anchors  of  the  Hin- 
denburg Line."  About  the  same  time,  the  Franco- American  forces 
struck  heavy  blows  on  both  sides  of  the  Argonne  forest,  north  west  of 
Verdun.  Then,  in  October,  the  British  began  a  magnificent  and  effec- 
tive smash  along  the  front  from  Cambrai  to  St.  Quentin.  North,  south, 
and  center  one  telling  stroke  alternated  with  another  in  swift  succession, 
city  after  city  and  village  after  village  yielded  before  the  determined 
advance  of  the  Allies,  until  (5  November)  the  Germans  had  begun  a 
general  retreat  along  the  whole  line  from  the  Scheldt  to  the  Aisne. 
On  7  November,  the  Americans,  who  shortly  after  the  middle  of 
October  had  by  terrific  fighting  forced  their  way  through  the  Argonne 
wood,  pressed  up  to  Sedan,  the  scene  of  the  French  humiliation  in 
1870.  On  9  November,  the  abdication  of  the  Kaiser  was  announced, 
and,  on  the  following  day,  he  and  the  Crown  Prince  fled  to  Holland. 
Two  days  later,  n  November,  hostilities  ceased  on  the  western  front 
with  an  armistice  signed  at  Rethondes  near  Compiegne. 

The  Collapse  of  the  Central  Powers.  —  Germany  was  the  last  of 
the  Central  Powers  to  yield,  and  although  her  power  of  resistance  was 
limited,  the  surrender  of  her  Allies  hastened  her  inevitable  downfall. 
Under  the  direction  of  Marshal  Foch  a  series  of  advances  on  all  fronts 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE   WORLD  WAR    853 

was  undertaken  in  August.  Following  a  period  of  inactivity,  which 
had  lasted  since  the  capture  of  Monastir  in  1916,  the  Allied  forces  in 
the  Balkans  —  strengthened  by  the  accession  of  Greece,  2  July,  1917 
—  started  a  drive  against  the  Bulgarians  14  September,  1918.  After 
two  weeks  of  fighting,  the  Bulgarians  asked  for  an  armistice  which 
was  arranged  29  September.  Turkey,  the  next  to  yield,  finally  with- 
drew from  the  fighting  21  October.  Meantime,  Italy,  who  had  effect- 
ively halted  her  pursuers  on  the  Piave  in  June,  was  preparing  for  a 
supreme  counter-offensive.  With  the  aid  of  one  French  and  two 
British  divisions  they  launched  their  attack,  24  October,  the  anni- 
versary of  the  Caporetto  disaster.  The  result  was  most  spectacular ; 
for  in  three  days  they  took  over  400,00x5  prisoners  as  well  as  7000 
guns,  and  drove  their  old  enemy  in  headlong  flight  across  the  Austrian 
border,  whereupon  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire  sought  terms,  and 
an  armistice  was  granted  4  November. 

The  Causes  of  Germany's  Downfall.  —  The  causes  of  Germany's 
final  collapse,  which  was  only  precipitated  by  the  successive  defections 
of  her  Allies,  were  various.  For  one  thing,  owing  largely  to  the  rigor 
of  the  blockade,  Germany  was  reaching  the  verge  of  exhaustion  as 
regards  raw  material  and  suffering  from  an  increasingly  serious  food 
shortage ;  moreover,  she  had  used  most  of  her  best  shock  troops  and 
the  greater  portion  of  her  reserves.  The  tide  was  turned  by  the  mag- 
nificent counter-offensive  of  the  French  in  July,  and  the  last  decisive 
effort  on  the  western  front  was  the  smashing  of  the  Hindenburg  Line. 
Toward  this  the  French,  the  Belgians  and  the  Americans  all  contrib- 
uted, though  the  supreme  achievements  in  this  last  great  work  were 
the  two  great  offensives  of  August  and  October,  in  which  the  British 
played  the  leading  part.  While  the  unity  of  command  and  the  mili- 
tary genius  of  Marshal  Foch  were  indispensable  for  the  final  victory, 
very  great  credit  is  due  to  Marshal  Haig  and  Generals  Plumer,  Home, 
Byng  and  Rawlinson  for  the  splendid  war  machine  which  they  had 
finally  completed.  First  France  and  then  the  British  had  to  bear  the 
brunt  of  the  burden.  At  the  most  critical  stage  the  Americans  began 
to  arrive,  and  the  splendid  account  which  they  gave  of  themselves 
against  seasoned  veterans  at  Chateau-Thierry,  at  St.  Mihiel  and  in 
the  Argonne,  together  with  the  prospect  they  could  offer  of  endless 
reserves,  made  the  offensive  possible  which  finally  turned  the  scale. 
The  legend  of  Prussian  invincibility  had  been  shattered  and  Prussian 
militarism  ceased  to  menace  the  world. 

The  Armistice.  —  While  the  Peace  Congress  was  assembling  and 
preparing  its  terms,  the  enemy  was  held  down  by  the  drastic  provisions 
of  the  Armistice  concluded  n  November,  and  subsequently  renewed 


854     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

with  revisions  in  the  interests  of  greater  security.  The  Armistice 
provided,  in  substance,  for  a  cessation  of  fighting  and  for  the  surrender 
of  a  carefully  specified  number  of  heavy  cannon,  machine  guns,  air- 
planes, railway  engines  and  other  material.  Also,  the  enemy  were  to 
abandon  the  invaded  countries  of  Belgium,  northern  France,  Alsace- 
Lorraine  and  Luxemburg,  and  all  German  territories  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhine  as  well.  These  were  to  be  occupied  by  Allied  troops  who 
were  to  hold  the  principal  Rhine  crossings  at  Cologne,  Coblenz,  and 
Mayence  with  their  bridgeheads  for  a  radius  of  18.6  miles  on  the  right 
bank,  while,  for  additional  security,  there  was  to  be  a  neutral  zone 
parallel  to  the  river  on  this  same  right  bank.  In  their  evacuation 
the  Germans  were  strictly  enjoined  to  spare  all  inhabitants  and  property, 
to  reveal  all  mines  or  time  bombs,  poisoned  wells  and  other  means  of 
destruction,  and  to  give  up  the  prisoners  which  they  had  captured  dur- 
ing the  war  without  any  reciprocal  assurance  that  their  own  would  be 
delivered.  In  addition,  they  were  to  return  deported  civilians,  to- 
gether with  all  stocks,  securities  and  paper  money  taken  from  invaded 
countries.  They  were  to  withdraw  from  Russia,  Turkey ,  and  Rumania, 
to  abandon  the  treaties  of  Brest-Litovsk  and  Bucharest,  and  to 
restore  the  gold  taken  by  the  former  treaty  from  Russia,  which  was 
to  be  held  in  trust  by  the  Allies.  Finally,  they  were  to  surrender 
practically  the  whole  of  their  fleet,  to  allow  freedom  of  access  to  the 
Baltic,  and  to  assist  in  sweeping  up  the  mines  which  they  had  indis- 
criminately sown.  To  help  the  army  of  occupation  in  securing  the  terms 
of  the  Armistice,  the  blockade  was  to  be  maintained  as  long  as  necessary. 
The  preliminaries  of  peace,  including  a  scheme  for  a  League  of  Nations, 
were  signed  by  the  Congress  of  the  Allies  at  Paris,  28  June,  1919. 

The  British  Navy.  —  While,  from  the  very  first,  the  British,  with 
their  small  expeditionary  force,  fought  manfully  to  aid  France  in 
stemming  the  German  torrent,  to  say  nothing  of  sending  contingents 
to  protect  their  Empire  in  distant  parts  of  the  earth,  it  took  them  years 
to  build  up  a  really  formidable  war  machine.  On  the  other  hand, 
their  sea  power  was  able  to  render  incalculable  service  from  the  out- 
set, in  preventing  the  Germans  from  securing  a  military  triumph  be- 
fore the  Allies  were  sufficiently  equipped  and  organized  to  prevail 
in  land  fighting.  In  view  of  the  crisis,  the  fleet,  assembled  in  full 
strength  for  the  summer  maneuvers  of  1915,  was  kept  mobilized 
pending  the  outcome  of  the  Austro-Serbian  negotiations  and  all  the 
tremendous  issues  which  hung  in  the  balance.  This  was  a  significant 
step  in  securing  command  of  the  sea,  which  was  to  prove  such  a  de- 
cisive factor  in  the  war.  Directly  hostilities  opened,  the  greater  part 
of  the  fleet  vanished  into  the  mist,  concentrating  at  a  station  known 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    855 

to  few  until  toward  the  end  of  the  War  —  in  Scapa  Flow,  a  great  land- 
locked body  of  water  in  the  Orkney  Islands  off  the  bleak  and  rugged 
coast  of  northern  Scotland.  Cruising  from  here  as  a  base  and  sending 
forth  single  ships  or  squadrons  as  they  were  needed,  the  achievements  of 
these  silent  watchers  were  as  indispensable  as  they  were  unspectacular, 
except  for  a  few  striking  engagements.  Although  no  formal  blockade 
was  at  first  declared,  the  Grand  Fleet  kept  the  enemy  navy  bottled 
up  in  the  Kiel  Canal,  and  the  enemy  merchant  marine  was  prevented 
from  leaving  home  or  neutral  ports,  wherever  its  ships  chanced  to  be. 
Such  commerce  as  was  afloat,  or  tried  the  chance,  was  soon  swept  from 
the"seas,  and  Germany  was  more  and  more  crippled  in  her  attempts  to 
secure  from  neutral  nations  the  food  supplies  and  raw  materials  which, 
though  more  self-sufficing  than  England,  she  sorely  needed.  More- 
over, 2,000,000  German  subjects  of  military  age  were  prevented  from 
returning  home  to  serve  in  the  army,  while  the  coasts  of  Britain  and 
France,  as  well  as  the  French  and  British  colonies,  were  kept  free  from 
invasion.1  Also  the  "  silent  British  Navy  "  kept  open  the  lanes  of 
sea  communication  for  the  transport  of  troops,  both  from  the  French 
possessions  and  the  British  dominions;  indeed  more  than  22,000,000 
Allied  soldiers  were,  during  four  years,  conveyed  back  and  forth  across 
the  seas  with  a  loss  of  only  4,391.  Furthermore,  from  England, 
from  outlying  ports  of  the  Empire,  and  from  neutral  countries,  all 
sorts  of  foodstuffs,  munitions  and  equipment  were  shipped,  while 
coal  and  iron  were  supplied  to  France  and  Italy  who  stood  so  woefully 
in  need  of  them.  This  utilization  of  colonial  and  neutral  resources 
obviously  went  a  great  way  toward  counterbalancing  the  German 
grip  on  Belgium  and  the  French  industrial  districts.  The  heroic  work 
of  British  trawlers  in  mine  sweeping,  and  the  increasing  effectiveness 
of  the  convoy  system  in  the  face  of  the  growing  submarine  peril,  are 
among  the  further  manifestations  of  the  British  sea  power. 

Opening  Phases  of  the  War  on  the  Sea.  —  Perhaps  the  most  costly 
blunder  which  can  be  charged  to  the  British  navy  occurred  at  the  very 
start,  when  the  British  patrol  which  was  helping  to  guard  the  Medi- 
terranean —  while  the  French  were  engaged  in  covering  the  transpor- 
tation of  their  North  African  contingents  —  allowed  two  German 
cruisers,  ordered  out  of  Messina,  to  escape  through  the  Dardanelles 
into  the  Black  Sea.  Failure  to  pursue  them  led  to  serious  consequences, 
notably  to  Turkey's  entrance  into  the  war  and  to  the  cutting  of  the 
southern  line  of  communication  with  Russia.  On  the  other  hand, 

1  This  was  accomplished  mainly  by  bottling  up  the  German  High  Seas  Fleet 
in  the  Kiel  Canal  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  War,  though  something  like  a 
dozen  raids  were  made  on  the  British  coast  by  small  groups  of  German  cruisers. 


856      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

not  only  was  the  German  High  Seas  Fleet  promptly  sealed  up  in  the 
Kiel  Canal  and  the  neighboring  landlocked  harbors,  but,  within  two 
months,  1,000,000  tons  of  German  shipping  were  captured  and  the 
rest  held  idle  in  home  and  neutral  ports.  Moreover,  expeditionary 
forces  from  Australia  and  New  Zealand  had  been  assisted  in  securing 
all  the  German  possessions  in  the  Pacific  south  of  the  equator,  while, 
during  October  and  December,  Japan,  who  entered  the  war,  23  August, 
gathered  in  those  north  of  the  equator  and  overcame  the  Germans  in 
their  Chinese  stronghold  at  Kiao-chau.  All  the  while,  the  British 
cruisers  were  relentlessly  tracking  down  and  destroying  such  German 
commerce  raiders  as  escaped,  though  the  Emden,  perhaps  the  most 
daring  and  destructive  of  them  all,  fell  to  the  Australian  cruiser  Sydney 
off  Cocos  Keeling,  10  November. 

Coronel.  —  It  was  a  prodigious  task  to  police  the  waters  of  the 
globe  and  to  protect  a  merchant  marine  that  carried  three  fourths  of 
the  world's  commerce,  and  one  heroic  but  rash  attempt  resulted  in 
disaster.  Late  in  the  autumn,  Admiral  von  Spec,  the  German  com- 
mander in  Chinese  waters,  made  for  the  South  American  coast  and 
concentrated  five  powerful  cruisers  off  Valparaiso.  At  Coronel,  near 
the  Chilean  Coast,  the  British  Admiral  Craddock,  who  was  seeking 
to  round  them  up,  ventured  to  attack,  i  November,  with  three  armored 
vessels  of  an  older  type  and  one  transformed  liner.  In  a  heavy  sea, 
exposed  to  the  rays  of  the  setting  sun,  out-gunned  and  out-maneuvered 
by  the  speedier  squadron  of  the  enemy,  Craddock  perished  with  1600 
men.  One  ship  succeeded  in  getting  away,  and  another,  on  the  way  to 
the  scene  of  action,  escaped  by  arriving  late.  This  heroic  sacrifice, 
due  to  the  British  reluctance  —  in  view  of  the  necessity  of  Home  de- 
fense —  to  detach  and  scatter  their  heavier-armed,  faster  and  more 
modern  cruisers,  was  swiftly  and  gloriously  revenged. 

The  Falkland  Islands.  —  Twenty-four  hours  after  the  news  of  the 
disaster  of  Coronel,  Admiral  Sturdee  had  been  dispatched  with  a  power- 
ful squadron  of  seven  ships  on  a  mission  of  vengeance  from  the  British 
Grand  Fleet.  Joined  by  the  survivor  of  Coronel  and  the  vessel 
which  had  failed  to  arrive,  they  reached,  7  December,  a  port  in  the 
Falklands  for  which  von  Spec,  quite  unconscious  of  their  presence, 
was  heading  for  coal.  When  he  discovered  his  formidable  opponent 
hidden  behind  a  point  of  land,  he  made  a  vain  effort  to  escape,  and,  in 
a  running  fight  which  lasted  into  the  evening,  perished  with  four  of 
his  ships.  One  cruiser,  the  Dresden,  together  with  the  Eitel  Friedrich 
—  an  armed  liner  which  had  joined  his  squadron  —  escaped  and  roved 
about  till  the  spring  of  1915.  The  Eitel  Friedrich  was  eventually  in- 
terned in  an  American  port,  while  the  Dresden  was  finally  rounded  up  at 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     857 

\ 

Juan  Fernandez,  where,  after  a  show  of  fight,  she  surrendered  but  was 
so  badly  damaged  that  she  sank  —  the  last  German  cruiser  to  engage 
on  the  high  seas. 

Heligoland  Bight.  —  Some  weeks  before,  the  British  Admiralty, 
28  August,  1914,  had  undertaken  a  sea  attack  at  Heligoland  Bight, 
the  channel  between  the  island  of  Heligoland  and  the  mouth  of  the 
Elbe.  Heligoland,  which  the  Germans  since  its  acquisition  in  1890 
had  thoroughly  fortified  at  a  cost  of  £10,000,000,  guarded  the  western 
exit  of  the  Kiel  Canal  and  served  as  a  wireless  outpost  and  a  base  for 
submarines,  airplanes,  zeppelins,  and  destroyers.  The  British  design 
was  to  cut  off  German  light  cruisers  which  were  patrolling  this  area, 
and,  if  possible,  to  tempt  heavier  craft  to  come  to  their  rescue.  In 
the  skirmish  which  ensued,  while  they  succeeded  —  with  some  damage 
to  their  own  vessels  —  in  sinking  three  light  cruisers  and  two  destroyers, 
they  learned  that  this  heavily  fortified,  mine-  and  submarine-infested 
area  was  practically  impregnable,  that  their  best  policy  was  to  hold 
their  fleet  in  readiness  at  Scapa  Flow,  constantly  sending  out  cruising 
parties  to  defend  their  coast,  to  intercept  commerce  and  to  seek  en- 
gagements with  the  enemy  warships  whenever  they  should  come  out. 

German  Raids.  —  The  Germans,  on  their  part,  attempted  occasional 
raids  with  light  swift  cruisers,  hoping  to  terrorize  the  English,  to  cheer 
their  own  people,  and  to  keep  the  Grand  Fleet  on  the  defensive,  while 
they  sought  to  draw  small  patrolling  forces  to  pursue  them,  scattering 
floating  mines  as  they  fled.  The  first  of  these  raids,  directed  against 
Yarmouth,  3  November,  1914,  caused  little  damage;  the  second,  16 
December,  along  a  coast  of  undefended  towns,  resulted  in  the  slaughter 
of  a  number  of  civilians,  women  and  children  among  them,  and  in 
serious  injury  to  churches  and  dwelling  houses.  Instead  of  terror,  a 
fury  of  resentment  was  aroused,  and  many,  hitherto  apathetic,  flocked 
to  the  colors.  A  third  raid,  24  January,  1915,  was  frustrated  by  Ad- 
miral Beatty.  The  invaders  turned  tail  when  he  sighted  them,  and 
in  the  running  fight,  known  as  the  Battle  of  Dogger  Bank,  one  o,f  the 
slower  German  cruisers,  the  Blucher,  was  sunk  and  two  others  were 
apparently  seriously  damaged  before  the  invaders  reached  their  mine 
fields.  While  they  injured  more  than  one  of  their  pursuers,  and  while 
in  this  form  of  offensive  —  just  as  in  attacking  transports  —  the  Ger- 
mans had  the  advantage  of  choosing  their  own  time  and  place,  they 
attempted  no  further  coast  raids  for  more  than  a  twelvemonth.  After  a 
German  submarine,  21  September,  1914,  had,  in  half  an  hour,  sunk  three 
cruisers  of  one  of  the  older  types,  two  of  them  in  attempting  to  rescue 
the  first,  the  British  learned  another  lesson  —  that  the  most  effective 
patrol  against  these  undersea  pests  could  only  be  performed  by  small 


858     SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

high-power  craft,  and  that  there  was  serious  danger  in  slowing  down 
for  rescue. 

The  Battle  of  Jutland,  31  May,  1916.  —  In  spite  of  a  frequently  and 
fervently  expressed  wish  for  Der  Tag,  or  the  day  when  their  fleet 
might  meet  that  of  Great  Britain  in  a  decisive  struggle  for  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  seas,  the  Germans  were  only  willing  —  and  no  doubt  quite 
naturally  —  to  fight  on  their  own  terms,  off  their  own  coast,  where 
they  could  retreat  and  lure  their  opponents  to  chase  them  into  shallow 
waters  teeming  with  mines  and  submarines.  "  The  Day "  came, 
whether  by  chance  or  design  'is  uncertain,  in  the  stupendous  and  com- 
plicated engagement  known  as  Battle  of  Jutland  or  Skager  Rak.  In 
the  early  afternoon  of  31  May,  1916,  Admiral  Beatty,  cruising  with  a 
squadron  off  the  Danish  coast  on  his  way  north  to  join  Admiral  Jellicoe, 
who,  with  the  greater  part  of  the  Grand  Fleet,  was  in  the  neighborhood 
of  southern  Norway,  received  information  that  the  Germans  were  out 
in  full  force.  In  the  first  stage  of  the  action  which  followed,  Admiral 
Beatty  turned  south  and  chased  the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy 
cruisers  till  they  were  joined  by  the  remainder  of  the  High  Seas  Fleet. 
In  the  second  stage,  he  swung  north  toward  Admiral  Jellicoe  who,  in 
response  to  signals  from  his  second  in  command,  was  hurrying  south. 
Making  a  running  fight  against  superior  odds,  Admiral  Beatty's  de- 
sign was  to  hold  the  enemy  until  his  chief  could  arrive  and  inflict  a 
crushing  blow.  However,  the  third  and  final  stage  proved  indecisive ; 
for,  when  Admiral  Jellicoe  reached  the  point  of  engaging,  it  was  already 
seven  in  the  evening,  and  von  Scheer,  with  the  aid  of  a  deepening  North 
Sea  mist  and  heavy  smoke  screens,  succeeded  in  escaping  to  his  base. 
Cautiously  declining  to  enter  the  mine  and  submarine  area  which 
guarded  the  entrance  to  the  Kiel  Canal,  the  British  hovered  about  the 
scene  of  action  till  the  afternoon  of  the  following  day ;  but  the  enemy 
never  reappeared. 

At  Jutland  a  tremendous  issue  was  involved;  for,  had  either  side 
destroyed  the  opposing  fleet,  the  War  might  have  been  appreciably 
shortened.  A  German  victory  would  have  broken  the  strangling 
blockade  and  stopped  the  transport  of  troops  to  the  front,  while  a 
British  victory  would  have  enabled  the  Allies  to  tear  up  the  mines, 
put  an  end  to  the  submarine  bases  and  open  the  German  coast  to  in- 
vasion. By  a  hasty  and  premature  report  the  Germans  announced 
a  remarkable  victory,  while  the  British  Admiralty  announced  their 
own  losses  only,  a  well-meant  but  misleading  procedure  which  threw 
their  people  —  among  whom  the  invincibility  of  the  British  Navy 
was  an  article  of  faith  —  into  a  momentary  panic.  The  Germans 
later  admitted  that,  "for  strategic  reasons,"  they  minimized  their 


BRITAIN  AND  GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    859 

losses,  which,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  ships  and  men  engaged, 
were  as  heavy  if  not  heavier  than  the  British.  Indeed,  for  them  the 
battle  was  substantially  a  defeat,  since  they  had  failed  to  shake  off 
the  grip  of  the  blockade  or  even  to  interrupt  appreciably  the  normal 
activity  of  the  British  Navy.  They  never  sought  to  risk  another  sea 
battle  on  a  large  scale  until  the  culmination,  in  the  autumn  of  1918, 
when  their  crews  refused  to  fight. 

Submarine  Warfare.  —  However,  Germany's  increasingly  ruthless 
and  effective  employment  of  the  submarine  was  to  cause  the  Allies, 
particularly  the  British  —  to  say  nothing  of  neutrals  —  harrowing 
anxiety  before  means  were  devised  effectively  to  counteract  it.  Al- 
ready, by  the  end  of  1914,  Germany,  disappointed  in  the  hope  of  a  speedy 
victory,  had  come  to  realize  the  handicap  of  her  inferior  sea  power  in  a 
long  war.  Not  only  had  she  lost  most  of  her  colonies ;  but  the  Allies, 
thanks  to  the  power  of  the  British  fleet,  were  at  once  steadily  cutting 
her  off  from  essential  supplies  and  utilizing  the  whole  world  for  food, 
equipment  and  munitions.  It  was  particularly  alarming  to  them 
that  the  British  were  determined  to  disregard  the  old  distinction  be- 
tween contraband  and  conditional  or  even  non-contraband  without 
declaring  a  blockade  in  the  formal  way.  The  British  defended  their 
action  on  various  grounds,  namely,  that,  with  the  development  of 
new  methods  of  fighting,  many  products  had  become  contraband  which 
formerly  had  not  been  classed  as  such,  that,  with  a  whole  nation  in 
arms,  it  was  difficult  to  distinguish  between  purely  military  and  civilian 
needs,  and  that,  with  the  appearance  of  the  submarine,  it  was  impos- 
sible to  station  a  fleet  in  front  of  a  port  or  along  a  stretch  of  coast,  as 
had  once  been  the  procedure.  Moreover,  they  could  point  to  the 
fact  that  they  had  recognized  the  Northern  blockade  during  the  Civil 
War  before  it  was  fully  effective,  and,  furthermore,  had  accepted 
the  doctrine,  formulated  by  the  North,  of  continuous  voyage  —  that 
goods  of  enemy  destination  were  liable  to  seizure,  even  if  they  were 
shipped  through  a  neutral  country.  Finally,  they  contended  that 
while  goods  in  ships  violating  a  strictly  maintained  blockade  were 
actually  confiscated,  they  merely  held  up  and  returned  or  paid  com- 
pensation for  such  goods.  Nevertheless,  if  Germany  had  confined 
her  attacks  to  belligerents,  she  might  have  provoked  the  United  States 
and  the  other  neutral  countries  to  go  beyond  the  mere  protests  which 
they  actually  made,  and  have  forced  them  to  the  length  of  declaring 
an  embargo.  By  the  wantonly  inhuman  submarine  warfare  which 
Germany  felt  it  necessary  to  adopt,  she  ultimately  brought  the  United 
States  into  the  War,  and  many  other  countries  as  well.  British  viola- 
tions of  international  law,  in  so  far  as  they  are  proved  to  be  such,  in- 


860      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

volved  only  property  and  could  be  paid  for,  while  the  German  methods 
cost  lives  which  could  not.  Moreover,  there  is  no  doubt  that  for  some 
time  before  the  United  States  entered  the  war,  regard  for  American 
protests  appreciably  hampered  Great  Britain  in  her  efforts  to  stop 
enemy  trading. 

The  Lusitania  and  the  Sussex.  —  A  few  incidents  will  serve  to  show 
how  inevitably  the  crisis  developed.  In  the  beginning  of  1915  the 
German  Government  took  control  of  the  wheat  in  their  country  and 
regulated  its  distribution.  Thereupon,  the  British  declared  wheat 
contraband.  This  prompted  the  Germans  to  announce  that :  "  On 
and  after  18  February  every  enemy  ship  found  in  the  war  region  will 
be  destroyed  without  its  being  always  possible  to  warn  the  crew  or 
the  passengers  of  the  dangers  threatening,"  whereupon,  they  proceeded 
to  sow  mines  in  British  waters,  and  to  sink  merchant  ships  of  bel- 
ligerents on  sight.  Then  they  decided  to  extend  their  nefarious  prac- 
tice to  Allied  passenger  ships.  Hoping  to  terrorize  their  enemies  and 
neutrals  as  well,  they  sank  the  Lusitania,  7  May,  1915,  an  atrocious 
crime  and  blunder  as  well,  which,  though  it  was  greeted  with  exulta- 
tion in  Germany,  thrilled  the  world  with  horror  and  indignation. 
There  were  intervals,  during  the  following  months,  when  the  Germans 
relaxed  their  submarine  outrages,  cessations  which  the  British,  pre- 
maturely as  it  proved,  attributed  to  their  methods  of  disposing  of 
these  pests,  although  these  methods  did  force  the  enemy  to  slacken 
their  efforts  in  the  waters  about  the  British  Isles  and  to  take  to  the 
Mediterranean  and  the  high  seas.  Although  President  Wilson  had 
warned  the  Germans  that  they  would  be  held  to  "  strict  accountabil- 
ity," American  lives  and  property  were,  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
sacrificed  to  the  German  necessity  which  knew  no  law ;  but  the  next 
acute  crisis  following  the  Lusitania  outrage  came  with  the  attack, 
24  March,  1916,  on  the  Sussex,  a  British  unarmed  Channel  steamer. 
Among  the  list  of  injured  there  were  two  Americans.  After  a  vain 
attempt  at  denial,  the  Germans  were  obliged  to  admit  —  when  con- 
clusive evidence  was  pressed  home  —  that  one  of  their  submarines 
had  done  the  deed.  Thereupon,  18  April,  President  Wilson  issued  an 
ultimatum  threatening  to  sever  diplomatic  relations  unless  the  German 
Imperial  Government  agreed  to  abandon  its  "  present  methods  of 
submarine  warfare  against  passenger  and  freight  carrying  vessels." 
On  4  May,  the  Germans  replied  that,  "  both  within  and  without  the 
naval  war  zone,"  such  ships  will  not  be  sunk  without  warning  and 
without  saving  human  lives,  "  unless  these  ships  attempt  to  escape  and 
offer  resistance."  They  proposed,  however,  to  couple  this  agreement 
with  the  condition  that  the  United  States  "  demand  and  insist  that 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER   BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD   WAR     86 1 

the  British  Government  forthwith  observe  the  rules  of  international 
law  universally  recognized  before  the  War."  The  United  States  re- 
fused to  make  any  but  unconditional  terms  with  Germany,  who,  never- 
theless, since  she  made  no  further  reply ,.  presumably  accepted  the 
unqualified  agreement  and,  on  the  whole,  observed  it  for  some  months, 
though  it  was  later  made  clear  from  a  statement  of  the  Imperial  Chan- 
cellor, von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  31  January,  1917,  that,  from  the  first, 
she  intended  to  keep  the  pledge  only  so  long  as  it  suited  her  interest. 
"  It  was  never,"  said  he,  "a  question  of  Germany  keeping  faith,  but 
what  would  bring  success." 

Unrestricted  Submarine  Warfare.  —  On  i  February,  1917,  a  new 
policy  was  announced  of  sinking  all  ships,  neutral  as  well  as  belligerent, 
with  certain  impossibly  inadequate  exceptions.  The  plea  for  this 
increased  ruthlessness  was  mainly  necessity,  accentuated  by  the  Brit- 
ish extension  of  the  blockade.  The  purpose  was  to  put  Great  Britain 
out  of  the  fighting.  "  Give  us  only  two  months  of  this  kind  of  war- 
fare," the  German  people  were  told,  "  and  we  shall  end  the  War  and 
make  peace  within  three  months."  Unquestionably,  this  fatal  step, 
which  was  the  final  occasion  for  bringing  the  United  States  into  the 
War,  6  April,  1917,  was  long  contemplated  and  sprung  on  the  world  with 
the  completion  of  a  number  of  swifter  and  larger  undersea  craft.  At 
first  there  was  an  alarming  increase  in  sinkings  which  reached  its  peak 
in  April,  1917,  with  a  loss  during  the  week  15-22  April  of  55  vessels, 
40  of  more  than  1600  tons,  and  from  22  to  29  April  of  51,  of  which  38 
were  over  1600  tons.  Then,  with  some  fluctuations,  the  losses  began 
steadily  to  decline.  The  United  States  speeded  up  her  building  pro- 
gram, while  Great  Britain,  heavily  handicapped  as  she  was,  cooperated 
valiantly,  until,  by  the  spring  of  1918,  building  finally  increased  over 
destruction  l  and  submarines  were  disposed  of  more  rapidly  than  they 
were  produced.  In  spite  of  the  manifold  activities  of  the  British 
merchant  marine  and  the  British  Navy,  they  were  able  to  transport 
more  than  half  the  American  troops  sent  across  the  seas  and  to  furnish 
15  per  cent  of  the  convoys.2 

1  During  the  War  it  has  been  estimated  that  the  British  lost  7,756,659  tons  of 
merchant  shipping  by  enemy  action,  together  with  1,143,000  by  mercantile  risk. 
Of  this  combined  loss  of  8,899,659  tons,  they  replaced  by  rebuilding,  from  1915 
to  the  autumn  of  1918,  nearly  2,900,000  tons.     The  loss,  by  Allies  and  neutrals, 
from  sinkings  was   12,743,674  from  sinkings,  exclusive  of  2,284,044  from  mer- 
cantile risk.     Of  this  total  of  15,027,618  nearly  11,000,000  was  replaced  by  new 
construction,  and  2,500,000  by  captured  enemy  tonnage,  leaving  a  net  loss  of  some- 
thing over  1,500,000  tons.     The  estimates  are  in  gross  tonnage. 

2  The  activity  of  the  British  trawlers  in  mine  sweeping  was  prodigious.     It  is 
estimated  that  they  steamed  1,132,000  miles,  enduring  all  sorts  of  dangers  and 


862      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Methods  of  Meeting  the  Menace.  —  The  submarine  menace  proved 
to  be  a  very  grave  problem.  No  one  sovereign  remedy  was  evolved, 
but  all  sorts  of  devices  were  tried,  with  varying  success,  until,  by  the 
spring  of  1918,  they  began  to  be  destroyed  more  rapidly  than  they 
could  be  built.1  Ramming  and  swift  zigzag  sailing  proved  of  some 
efficacy  in  attack  and  escape.  Guns  on  merchant  and  passenger 
vessels  afforded  considerable  protection.  Dense  smoke  screens  were 
also  of  great  value  to  many  a  destined  victim,  while  camouflage,  or 
painting  in  dazzling  colors,  though  it  did  not  serve  to  conceal  vessels, 
did  cause  much  deception  as  to  the  course  in  which  they  were  sailing. 
Nets  proved  wonderfully  destructive  to  submarines  at  the  entrances 
to  rivers  and  harbors,  as  well  as  in  the  waters  about  the  coast,  while 
mine  barrages  narrowed  the  area  of  submarine  activities  in  many 
places.  Airplanes  and  hydroplanes  and  electrical  listening  devices 
proved  more  and  more  effective  in  detecting  enemy  undersea  craft, 
and,  after  they  were  located,  depth  bombs  disposed  of  great  numbers. 
Mysterious  "  Q  "  boats,  or  heavily  armed  craft  disguised  as  harmless 
merchantmen,  lured  not  a  few  of  the  enemy  to  destruction.  One  of 
the  most  adequate  means  of  protection  that  was  evolved  proved  to 
be  the  convoy  system  or  sending  numbers  of  merchantmen  or  trans- 
ports in  a  group  under  the  escort  of  fast  cruisers  well  armed  with  guns 
and  depth  bombs.  The  last  date  in  which  a  ship  was  sunk  by  a  sub- 
marine was  2  November,  1918. 

Zeebrugge  and  Ostend.  —  During  the  night  and  early  morning  of 
22  and  23  April,  1918,  was  executed  —  after  six  months  of  careful 
planning  and  preparation  —  what  was  doubtless  the  most  remarkable 
and  heroic  among  the  signal  achievements  of  the  British  Navy  during 
the  War  —  the  attempt  to  block  the  entrances  to  Zeebrugge  and  Os- 
tend, two  ports  on  the  Belgian  coast  which  the  Germans  used  chiefly 
as  submarine  bases.  Admiral  Keyes  was  in  general  charge  of  the 
operation,  while  Captain  Carpenter  in  the  Vindictive,  accompanied 
by  two  old  ferry  boats,  launched  an  attack  on  the  mole  guarding  the 
Zeebrugge  Canal  and  landed  a  body  of  bluejackets  and  marines  to 
create  a  diversion,  while  three  obsolete  cruisers  filled  with  concrete 
were  sunk  in  the  channel  leading  from  the  mouth  of  the  canal.  Aided 
by  the  darkness  and  a  heavy  smoke  screen,  the  intrepid  little  flotilla, 

hardships,  and,  thanks  to  their  courage  and  skill,  whereas  169  ships  were  sunk  by 
mines  in  1916,  only  25  perished  from  that  cause  in  the  first  nine  months  of  the  last 
year  of  the  war. 

1  It  is  estimated  that  the  Germans  built  altogether  about  360,  of  which  the 
British  got,  in  one  way  and  another,  some  150  out  of  a  total  of  about  200  secured 
by  the  Allies. 


BRITAIN   AND   GREATER   BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     863 

accompanied  by  a  flock  of  small  destroyers,  defied  star  shells  as  well 
as  a  raking  fire  of  machine  guns  and  shore  batteries  which  the  surprised 
Germans  sought  to  turn  on  them  when  they  awakened  to  the  situation. 
Two  of  the  cruisers  were  successfully  placed,  but  the  third  had  to  be 
blown  up  a  hundred  yards  from  the  mouth  of  the  channel.  Also,  an 
old  submarine  was  run  into  the  mole  and  blew  up  a  long  gap  near  the 
shore  end.  Motor  boats  detailed  for  the  purpose  took  off  the  crews, 
with  comparatively  small  casualties,  before  the  time  fuses  exploded.  A 
shifting  of  the  wind  to  the  southwest  made  the  operation  at  Zeebrugge 
very  hazardous  and  prevented  the  success  of  the  undertaking  at  Ostend, 
where  two  destroyers  were  sunk  some  four  hundred  yards  from  their 
objective.  The  whole  achievement  is  all  the  more  wonderful  from 
the  fact  that  120  long-range  guns  were  concentrated  along  the  shore 
from  Zeebrugge  to  Ostend.  Some  weeks  later,  10  May,  the  Vindictive, 
which  had  figured  so  gloriously  in  the  earlier  expedition,  was  sent,  on 
a  moonless  night,  for  a  surprise  attack  against  Ostend  and  sunk  across 
the  channel.  Nine  German  cruisers,  reported  to  be  out  on  patrol  that 
night,  never  appeared  to  frustrate  the  enterprise. 

The  Surrender  of  the  German  Fleet.  —  After  the  German  crews 
refused  to  come  out  for  a  final  desperate  effort,  the  whole  German 
High  Seas  Fleet  surrendered,  in  pursuance  of  the  terms  of  the  Armis- 
tice, to  Sir  David  Beatty  — •  Lord  Jellicoe's  successor  as  Admiral  of 
the  Grand  Fleet  —  on  21  November,  1918,  off -the  Firth  of  Forth. 
Aside  from  submarines,  9  battleships,  5  battle  cruisers,  7  light  cruisers, 
and  50  destroyers  were  given  up.  After  some  discussion  among  the 
Allies,  they  were  interned  in  Scapa  Flow,  where,  by  a  lamentable  breach 
of  faith,  most  of  them  were  scuttled  by  their  German  crews,  under  orders 
from  the  Admiral  in  charge,  21  June,  a  week  before  the  Peace  Treaty 
was  signed. 


Frank  Simonds,  The  History  of  the  World  War  (vols.  I-IV,  1919).  Wm.  L. 
McPherson,  The  Strategy  of  the  Great  War  (1919).  R.  G.  Usher,  The  Story 
of  the  Great  War  (1920).  C.  J.  H.  Hayes,  A  Brief  History  of  the  Great  War 
(1920).  A.  F.  Pollard,  A  Short  History  of  the  Great  War  (1920).  F.  W. 
Halsey,  ed.,  Literary  Digest  History  of  the  War  (10  vols.,  1920).  Sir  F. 
Maurice,  The  Last  Four  Months:  How  the  War  was  Won  (1919).  J. 
H.  Boraston,  Sir  Douglas  H aig's  Despatches  (1919).  Sir  A.  Conan  Doyle, 
History  of  the  Great  War  (vols.  I-V,  1916  ftv). 

For  England's  effort:  Andre  Chevrillon,  England,  and  the  War,  1914- 
1915  (1917);  Mary  A.  Ward  (Mrs.  Humphrey  Ward),  England's  Effort 
(1916) ;  Towards  the  Goal  (1917)  and  Fields  of  Victory  (1919) ;  Mr.  Punch's 
History  of  the  Great  War  (1919) ;  Sir  George  Arthur,  Life  of  Lord  Kitchener. 


864      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

Naval.  A.  P.  Pollen,  The  British  Navy  in  Battle  (1919).  A.  S.  Kurd 
and  H.  H.  Bashford,  The  Heroic  Record  of  the  British  Navy,  1914-1918 
(1919).  Admiral  Viscount  Jellicoe,  The  Grand  Fleet,  its  Creation,  Develop- 
ment and  Work  (1919).  Sir  Henry  Newbolt,  Submarine  and  Anti-Submarine 
(1919). 

For  German  accounts,  see :  A.  von  Tirpitz,  My  Memoirs  (Eng.  tr. 
1919) ;  E.  von  Falkenhayn,  The  German  General  Staff  and  its  Decisions, 
1914-1916  (Eng.  tr.  1920) ;  and  Ludendorfs  Own  Story,  August,  1914- 
November,  1918  (1919). 


CHAPTER  LX 

BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR 

(1914-1918) 

PART  II 

The  British  Government  on  the  Eve  of  the  War.  —  Having  consid- 
ered the  British  military  and  naval  effort  in  the  World  War,  it  is  now 
necessary  to  see  how  they  worked  behind  the  lines,  and  how  pro- 
foundly —  for  the  time  being  at  least  —  British  life  and  institutions 
were  transformed  by  the  war-making  machinery  devised.  Since  1905 
a  Liberal  Ministry  had  been  in  power,  interested  primarily  in  improv- 
ing domestic  conditions,  pacific  and  inclined  to  concession  in  foreign 
policy,  opposed  to  a  big  army  or  compulsory  military  training,  and 
only  reluctantly  agreeing  to  occasional  increases  in  the  Navy.  At  the 
outbreak  of  the  War  there  were  three  leading  figures  in  the  Cabinet : 
the  Premier,  Mr.  Asquith,  a  great  reconciler,  who  favored  allowing 
everyone  to  have  his  say  in  counsel  and  debate  and  whose  policy  was 
"  wait  and  see  " ;  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer, 
mainly  bent  on  saving  money  on  armaments  in  order  to  apply  it  to 
his  projects  for  the  betterment  of  the  masses ;  and  Sir  Edward  Grey, 
the  Foreign  Secretary,  who,  while  far  from  oblivious  to  threatening 
situations  on  the  Continent,  hoped  to  avert  trouble  by  conciliatory 
negotiation  rather  than  by  armed  preparedness.  The  British  people 
in  general  were  unmilitary,  distrustful  of  change,  of  system,  of  Gov- 
ernment encroachment  on  their  individual  liberty,  and  prone  to 
muddle  through  difficulties.  Largely  unconcerned  with  foreign  affairs, 
they  had  plenty  of  disquieting  problems  at  home  to  occupy  their 
attention.  Organized  labor  was  striving  further  to  better  its  position 
by  frequent  strikes,  the  militant  suffragettes  were  still  on  the  rampage 
and  the  Irish  situation  was  acute.  In  spite  of  the  earnest  pleas  of 
Lord  Roberts  for  a  more  adequate  army,  and  the  solemn  warnings  of 
Sir  Percy  Scott  that  the  submarine  would  destroy  their  vaunted  naval 
superiority,  the  great  majority  of  the  British  people  felt  complacently 
secure  in  their  island  fastness  and,  even  after  the  War  broke  out, 
continued  for  a  time  to  nourish  the  delusion  that  they  could  do  their 
3K  865 


866      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

part  to  meet  the  German  menace  with  a  small  expeditionary  force  in 
addition  to  their  fleet,  and  the  resources  of  the  Empire  which  they  could 
contribute.  Gradually  they  awoke  to  the  situation,  which  the  leaders 
of  the  dominant  party  were  all  too  tardy  in  disclosing  to  them  in  its 
full  gravity ;  there  was  much  faltering  and  bungling,  but  their  ultimate 
achievement  in  meeting  the  crisis  was  marvelous.  Most  amazing 
of  all  was  the  readiness  with  which  they  cast  aside  their  old  prejudices 
and  cherished  individual  rights,  and  submitted  to  a  degree  of  Govern- 
ment regulation  which,  hitherto,  no  one  would  have  believed  possible. 

Cabinet  and  Parties  in  the  First  Year  of  the  War.  —  The  first 
innovation  in  the  Cabinet  was  to  appoint  as  Secretary  for  War  Lord 
Kitchener  who,  next  to  the  aged  Lord  Roberts,  was  England's  great- 
est living  military  hero.  Kitchener  showed  great  foresight  in  insisting, 
against  the  prevailing  opinion,  that  the  War  would  last  at  least  three 
years ;  he  achieved  much  in  the  way  of  recruiting  and  equipment ; 
but  he  made  the  mistake  of  trying  to  do  too  much  himself,  and  of  try- 
ing to  manage,  from  the  hide-bound  and  torpid  War  Office,  a  vast 
complex  organization  that  needed  the  cooperation  of  the  best  civilian 
administrative  and  business  brains  of  the  country.  The  selection 
of  a  non-party  Secretary  for  War  was  quickly  followed  by  a  party 
truce,  so  that  for  a  while  the  Government  had  a  free  hand,  except 
for  the  obstruction  of  pacifists  and  a  few  free  lances.  Moreover, 
various  restrictions  which  hampered  the  expeditious  action  of  the 
executive  were  done  away  with.1  Yet,  in  spite  of  the  party  truce, 
dissatisfaction  began  increasingly  to  manifest  itself  with  the  lack  of 
energy,  decision,  and  stability  displayed  by  the  Government.  The 
authorities  were  confronted  with  a  stupendous  task  —  to  raise  an  army 
of  millions  which  had  to  be  equipped  and  munitioned  forthwith,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  to  provide  for  the  civilian  and  check  soaring  prices, 
to  say  nothing  of  helping  to  supply  and  finance  the  Allies;  and  the 
innate  tendency  of  the  British  openly  to  air  their  grievances,  to  sub- 
mit all  Governmental  policy  or  lack  of  policy  to  "  pitiless  publicity  " 
had  no  little  effect  in  puzzling  and  misleading  neutral  countries  where 
they  were  seeking  to  combat  German  propaganda. 

The  First  Cabinet  Crisis  (May,  1915).  —  The  first  crisis  came  in 
May,  1915,  and  was  brought  to  a  head  by  two  facts.  One  was  the 
resignation  of  Lord  Fisher,  First  Sea  Loi=d,  in  consequence  of  sharp 

1  The  right  of  private  members  to  introduce  bills  in  Parliament  was  suspended 
and  the  whole  time  was  given  to  the  Government ;  Ministers  accepting  new  offices 
were  exempted  from  the  necessity  of  resigning  and  standing  for  reelection ;  also  the 
life  of  the  existing  Parliament,  which,  by  the  Quinquennial  Act  of  1911,  expired  in 
1916,  was  continued  by  successive  measures  until  the  autumn  of  1918. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    867 

differences  with  Mr.  Winston  Churchill,  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty, 
over  the  ill-fated  Gallipoli  expedition;  the  other  was  the  ominous 
outcry  against  the  notorious  lack  of  munitions  which  was  so  seriously 
hampering  Marshal  French  on  the  western  front.1  Since  the  Union- 
ists refused  to  refrain  further  from  party  criticism,  the  Cabinet  was 
reconstituted,  and  although  Mr.  Asquith  continued  as  Premier, 
eight  Unionists  and  one  Laborite  were  admitted  in  a  Cabinet  of  twenty- 
two.  Mr.  Lloyd  George  was  transferred  from  the  Exchequer  to  a  newly 
created  Ministry  of  Munitions,  where  he  achieved  wonders.  Confronted 
by  national  necessity,  and  reassured  by  the  admission  of  a  substan- 
tial number  of  their  own  party  into  the  Cabinet,  the  Conservative 
opposition  was  once  more  stayed  for  a  time.  Yet,  while  the  new  ar- 
rangement was  far  more  effective  than  the  old  Liberal  regime,  it  too 
proved  unequal  to  the  situation.  A  Cabinet  of  twenty-two  proved 
too  large  and  too  unwieldy,  while  the  Prime  Minister  continued  to  be 
too  indecisive  in  action.  It  is  true  that  the  determining  of  significant 
questions  of  strategy  came  to  be  delegated  to  a  War  Committee  con- 
sisting of  half  a  dozen  members  of  the  Cabinet  including  the  Prime 
Minister,  and  that  some  fifty  other  Government  committees,  re- 
enforced  by  business  men  from  the  outside,  had  been  set  up  to  deal  with 
various  phases  of  war  activity.  However,  there  was  lack  of  coordina- 
tion, and  sometimes  the  War  Committee  did  not  meet  for  days  together. 
The  Lloyd  George  War  Cabinet  and  Ministry  (December,  1916).  — 
Although  the  Coalition  Cabinet  hung  on  for  eighteen  months,  acute 
and  growing  differences  developed  over  conscription,  then,  after  that 
was  carried,  over  the  most  effective  utilization  of  man  power ;  over 
the  withdrawal  from  Gallipoli;  over  aid  to  Serbia  and  pressure  on 
Greece.  Conditions  at  home  and  abroad  grew  darker  and  darker: 
the  stringency  of  the  food  situation;  the  shipping  problem;  the 
rebellion  in  Ireland ;  the  limited  success  of  the  Somme  campaign ; 
the  collapse  of  Rumania;  and  the  increasing  pro-Germanism  and 
defeatism  in  Russian  governmental  circles.  In  the  face  of  all  these 
difficulties  there  was  an  insistent  demand,  led  by  Lord  Northcliffe 
of  the  London  Times,  for  "  a  better  machine  for  running  the  War." 
Mr.  Lloyd  George,  who  had  done  so  much  to  speed  up  munition  pro- 
duction, became  convinced  that  it  was  beyond  the  power  of  any  single 
man  to  perform  at  once  the  threefold  task  of  acting  as  Prime  Minister, 
leading  the  House  of  Commons  and  acting  as  Chairman  of  the  War 
Committee.  Feeling  that  he  was  best  fitted  for  the  latter  work,  he 

1  It  was  later  (December,  1915)  revealed  in  a  notable  speech  by  Mr.  Lloyd  George 
that,  while  the  Germans,  with  a  huge  reserve  on  hand,  were  making  250,000  high 
explosive  shells  a  day,  the  British  were  making  2500,  and  13,000  shrapnel. 


868      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

made  various  proposals,  after  consultation  with  leading  Conservatives, 
aiming  to  secure  for  himself  the  active  management  of  the  Cabinet 
war  policy.  When,  at  the  close  of  hurried  and  complicated  negotia- 
tions, Mr.  Asquith  finally  refused  to  assent  to  an  arrangement  which 
seemed  to  him  to  efface  himself,  Mr.  Lloyd  George  resigned.  The 
Prune  Minister,  certain  that  he  could  not  get  on  without  him,  there- 
upon resigned  also.  After  Mr.  Bonar  Law,  the  Unionist  leader, 
failed  to  form  a  Government,  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  on  6  December, 
1916,  was  invited  to  assume  the  Premiership. 

The  Government  which  he  formed  was  marked  by  many  striking 
innovations.  In  place  of  the  old  Cabinet  of  twenty-two  he  created 
a  special  War  Cabinet  of  five.  Of  these  he  himself  was  the  only  Lib- 
eral, and,  originally  a  Radical,  he  had  come  'to  identify  himself  with 
the  Conservatives  in  many  respects.  Another  represented  Labor. 
Three  were  Unionists,  one  of  whom,  Mr.  Bonar  Law,  became  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Exchequer  and  Leader  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Ex- 
clusive of  the  Premier  and  the  Leader  of  the  Commons,  the  members 
of  the  new  Cabinet  had  no  ministerial  duties,  the  object  being  to  free 
them  from  administrative  routine,  in  order  that  they  might  devote 
their  whole  time  and  energy  to  the  War.  A  few  changes  were  subse- 
quently made,  one  of  the  most  notable  being  the  admission  of  General 
Smuts,  one  of  the  ex-Boer  leaders  and  a  member  of  the  South  African 
Cabinet.  However,  the  total  number  was  never  increased  beyond 
six  or  seven,  though  Ministers  and  experts  of  all  sorts  were  constantly 
called  in  for  information  and  advice.  Among  the  other  new  depar- 
tures was  the  appointment  of  a  secretary  to  keep  official  records  of  the 
meetings.  The  Ministry,  or  outer  circle  of  heads  of  departments, 
was  enlarged  eventually  to  eighty-eight ;  in  addition  to  the  Ministry 
for  Munitions,  Ministries  were  created  for  Blockade,  Pensions,  Labor, 
Food  Control,  Shipping  Control,  National  Service  and  Reconstruc- 
tion. Outside  the  Cabinet  new  boards  and  committees  were  con- 
stantly added,  until,  before  the  close  of  the  War,  there  were  over  400. 
Inevitably  there  was  much  overlapping  and  confusion ;  but  the  new 
system  provided  a  much  more  effective  engine  for  the  immediate  work 
on  hand  than  any  hitherto  devised. 

Conscription.  —  For  more  than  a  year,  the  British  Government 
relied  on  voluntary  enlistments  for  supplementing  its  small  expedi- 
tionary force.  In  spite  of  a  showing  that  was,  on  the  whole,  most 
gratifying  —  indeed  nearly  5,000,000  enlisted  from  the  various  parts 
of  the  British  Empire  by  May,  1916  —  the  need  was  soon  realized  for  a 
better  organized  and  more  equable  system.  Stimulated  by  posters, 
by  public  exhortation  and  private  persuasion,  pressure  of  employers 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    869 

and  even  insult,  high-spirited  skilled  workers  left  essential  industries 
to  go  to  the  trenches,  while  unconscientious  and  unsensitive  slackers, 
who  were  of  no  use  at  home,  often  refused  or  evaded  enlistment. 
Accordingly,  a  Bill  was  introduced,  which  became  law,  15  July,  1915, 
providing  for  a  National  Registration  of  persons  between  16  and  65, 
with  a  view  to  finding  what  each  was  able  and  willing  to  do.  After 
a  further  trial  of  the  voluntary  system  under  a  Director  General  of 
Recruiting,  a  Military  Service  Bill  was  carried,  which  went  into  effect 
10  February,  1916,  imposing  compulsory  service  —  with  specified 
exceptions  and  exemptions,  particularly  for  men  in  essential  occupa- 
tions—  on  all  male  British  subjects,  between  18  and  41,  who  were 
unmarried  or  widowers  without  dependent  children.  By  a  second 
Bill,  which  went  into  operation  24  June,  compulsion  to  serve  was 
extended  to  married  men  between  these  ages.  Still  a  third  Bill  of  9 
April,  1918,  raised  the  age  limit  to  50  and  instituted  a  more  drastic 
combing  process  of  persons  hitherto  exempted  on  the  ground  of  physical 
disability  or  occupation  in  essential  industries.  Furthermore,  the 
King  was  authorized,  if  need  arose,  to  call  on  men  up  to  56  years  of 
age,  and  to  extend  conscription  to  Ireland. 

Control  of  Industry.  —  By  means  of  legislation,  —  for  example,  by 
successive  Defense  of  the  Realm  Acts  (popularly  known  as"  Doras  ")  — 
by  royal  proclamations,  by  Orders  in  Council,  the  Government  assumed 
an  increasing  control  of  transportation  and  communication,  industry, 
property,  and  man  power  in  both  military  and  civil  occupations. 
The  general  principles  guiding  the  Government  action  were  set  forth 
in  a  Defense  of  the  Realm  Manual  in  which  it  was  declared  in  sub- 
stance that :  "  the  ordinary  avocations  and  the  enjoyment  of  property 
will  be  interfered  with  as  little  as  may  be  permitted  by  the  exigencies 
of  the  measures  to  be  taken  for  securing  the  public  safety  and  the 
defense  of  the  Realm."  Whereas,  in  ordinary  times,  the  British  had 
been  prone  to  safeguard  individual  rights  even  at  the  expense  of 
governmental  efficiency,  now,  in  the  face  of  a  crisis  greater  than  the 
world  had  ever  seen,  the  individual  had  in  many  cases  to  be  sacrificed. 
Hence  the  censorship  of  the  mails,  the  control  of  lights  and  sounds, 
of  intoxicants,  and  places  of  amusement,  internment  of  suspected 
persons  as  well  as  regulation  of  prices,  transportation,  occupations, 
and  financial  transactions.  Perforce,  there  was  much  vexation  and 
ineffectual  meddling ;  but,  on  the  whole,  the  new  system  accomplished 
its  purpose  uncommonly  well.  Existing  plants  were  hastily  extended 
for  war  work,  others  were  transformed  and  coordinated,  while  new  ones 
were  constantly  built.  Not  only  railways  and  shipping  but  various 
industries  and  commodities  were  taken  under  Government  control 


870      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

or  subjected  to  Governmental  regulation.  Profits  were  restricted, 
wages  adjusted;  Trades  Unions  were  brought  to  suspend  their 
rules ;  skilled  labor  was  diluted  by  unskilled ;  and  women,  in  increasing 
numbers,  were  employed  in  occupations  hitherto  reserved  for  men. 
While  attempts  were  made  to  check  profiteering,1  on  the  other  hand, 
minimum  prices  for  various  foodstuffs  were  guaranteed  to  encourage 
production.  Rationing  of  a  few  staples  such  as  sugar  and  meat  was 
ultimately  adopted,  but,  long  before,  distribution  was  carefully  regu- 
lated as  to  price  arid  quantity. 

Extension  of  Government  Control.  —  The  need  for  moving  supplies 
and  troops  led  to  the  taking  over  of  the  railroads  very  early  in  the 
war,  though  the  management  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  regular 
officials,  working  under  Government  orders.  Later,  the  canals,  unable 
to  meet  the  competition  of  the  State-aided  railroads,  were  taken  over, 
i  January,  1917.  Export  of  coal,  together  with  steel,  was  soon  pro- 
hibited except  by  license,  while  priority  in  filling  orders  with  preference 
to  munition  plants  was  established.  Various  attempts  were  made  to 
regulate  prices;  but  serious  strikes  forced  the  Government  to  take 
over,  first  the  southern  Welsh  coal  mines  and  finally,  March,  1917, 
all  the  coal  mines  of  the  country,  and  a  rationing  system  was  practically 
adopted.  Petrol  was  among  the  other  necessary  products  over  which 
the  Government  found  that  it  must]  assume  control.  Speculative 
trading  in  copper,  lead  and  iron  was  prohibited.  Moreover,  the  pur- 
chase of  wool,  flax  and  certain  leathers  was  carefully  regulated,  with 
priority  of  military  and  national  over  private  civilian  needs.  "  At 
the  end  of  1917  it  may  be  said  that  the  whole  industry  of  the  country, 
production,  transport  and  manufacture,  had  been  brought  more  or 
less  under  Government  control.  The  degree  of  control  varied  from 
complete  ownership,  as  with  the  national  munition  factories  and  na- 
tional shipyards,  to  the  fixing  of  the  maximum  output,  as  in  brewing, 
or,  as  in  the  cases  of  farming,  the  enforced  transfer  to  public  control 
in  case  of  inefficient  production." 

Munitions.  —  Naturally,  one  of  the  first  essentials  was  to  provide 
war  materials.  Orders  were  placed  in  the  United  States,  as  well  as 
at  home,  and  the  navy  was  utilized  with  great  effect  to  keep  the  ocean 

1  The  regulation  of  prices  was  a  most  complex  and  delicate  matter  with  which 
to  deal.  There  was  much  outcry  against  profiteering  and  some  justification  for 
the  complaint ;  but  numerous  other  causes  were  operative.  There  were  40,000,000 
men  drawn  from  productive  work  who  were  still  consumers;  the  Germans  had 
occupied  and  devastated  Belgium  and  the  mineral  and  industrial  regions  of  France ; 
there  was  a  tremendous  diversion  to  war  needs  and  a  frightful  destruction  of 
cargoes.  Prices  were  inflated  by  borrowing  and  paper  money;  increased  wages 
to  meet  the  high  cost  of  living  sent  up  prices  still  further. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    871 

lines  open,  so  that  these  sinews  of  war  could  be  delivered  to  Great 
Britain  and  Allied  countries.  During  the  pre-war  days  the  British 
had  concentrated  chiefly  on  naval  armaments ;  indeed,  there  were 
only  three  Government  factories  for  manufacture  of  army  ordnance, 
while  munitions  of  war  were  largely  furnished  on  contract  by  about 
a  dozen  large  concerns.  During  the  winter  of  1914-1915  sub-con- 
tracts were  let  to  2500  or  3000  establishments  which  undertook  to 
transform  their  works  into  munition  plants.  As  time  went  on,  it  was 
found  necessary  to  take  more  energetic  steps  to  mobilize  materials, 
machinery  and  labor.  In  the  spring  of  1915,  under  Mr.  Lloyd  George 
—  then  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  —  as  chairman,  local  committees 
were  organized  and  the  country  was  mapped  out  into  districts  to  in- 
clude "  every  available  factory  and  workshop  "  no  matter  what  it 
had  manufactured  in  the  past.1  Both  strikes  and  profiteering  were 
among  the  problems  that  had  to  be  faced.  Increased  cost  of  living 
had  aroused  widespread  resentment  among  the  workmen,  they  were 
jealous  of  their  dearly  won  privileges,  most  of  them  had  not  come  to 
realize  the  danger  to  which  their  country  was  exposed,  and  not  a  few 
were  inclined  to  drink  and  idleness.  It  was  necessary  to  arouse  them 
and  at  the  same  time  to  win  their  good  will  by  a  limitation  of  employers' 
profits.  On  17  March,  1915,  a  momentous  conference,  the  so-called 
"  Treasury  Conference,"  was  held  between  the  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer and  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  on  the  one  hand,  and 
representatives  of  thirty-five  Trade-Unions  on  the  other,  at  which, 
in  return  for  a  promise  to  restrict  profits,  the  Government  secured  an 
agreement,  known  as  the  "  Treasury  Agreement,"  that  during  the  war 
there  should  be  no  strikes  on  Government  work,  that  Trades  Union 
rules  hampering  output  —  such  as  forbidding  the  use  of  automatic  ma- 
chines, the  admission  of  semi-skilled  and  feminine  labor  —  should  be 
suspended,  on  condition  that  the  wage  scale  should  not  be  adversely 
affected.  This  was  a  tremendous  gain,  though  some  refused  to  be 
bound  and  strikes  by  no  means  ceased.  The  terms  of  the  Agreement, 
somewhat  extended,  were  embodied  in  a  Munitions  of  War  Act  in 
July.  Strikes  could  be  declared  illegal  and  strikers  could  be  arrested. 
Further  steps  were  taken,  with  by  no  means  complete  success,  to  regu- 
late the  drink  problem.2  In  certain  areas  public  houses  were  closed, 

1  For  example,  "In  one  area  alone,"  after  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  on  becoming 
Minister  of  Munitions  in  May,  1915,  divided  the  country  into  districts,  "  shell 
bodies  or  the  components  of  shells  were  being  made  by  a  music  manufacturer,  an 
infants'  food  maker,  a  candle  maker,  a  flour  miller,  a  tobacco  merchant,  an  adver- 
tising agent,  several  brewers,  a  jobmaster,  a  glazier,  and  a  siphon  manufacturer." 

2  For  the  sake  of  example  the  Royal  Family,  Lord  Kitchener,  and  others  in  high 
places  became  abstainers  during  the  period  of  the  War.     One  of  the  most  interesting 


872      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and,  later,  hours  for  the  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages  were  limited 
throughout  the  country.  Most  men  naturally  resented  the  imputation 
of  drunkenness,  and,  while  there  was  all  too  much  heavy  drinking,  the 
majority  of  workmen  speeded  up,  some  from  real  patriotism,  others 
under  the  goad  of  public  opinion.  Though  there  were  much  discon- 
tent1 and  more  than  one  serious  strike,  occasioned  by  misunderstand- 
ings, by  claims  that  the  Government  evaded  its  promises,  by  resentment 
at  soaring  prices,  and  insistent  suspicion  —  not  wholly  unfounded  —  of 
profiteering,  nevertheless,  the  extension  of  war  production  was  mar- 
velous. By  the  summer  of  1918  about  2,500,000  men  and  1,000,000 
women  were  working  in  munition  factories,  while,  altogether,  4,500,000 
were  engaged  in  the  production  of  war  material.  The  three  Govern- 
ment munition  factories  had  increased  to  over  200,  exclusive  of  more 
than  5000  Government  controlled  and  over  20,000  privately  controlled 
factories  and  workshops.  Every  two  weeks  they  were  producing 
as  many  shells  as  they  had  produced  during  the  whole  first  year  of 
the  War,  while  the  output  of  machine  guns  was  forty  times,  and  that  of 
medium  guns  and  howitzers  was  seventy  times  as  great  in  the  fourth 
as  it  was  in  the  first  year  of  the  War. 

Ships  and  Shipping.  —  Dependent  as  the  British  were  on  ocean 
traffic  for  supplying  their  own  needs  and  those  of  the  Allies,  the  ship- 
ping problem  was,  from  the  first,  of  supreme  importance.  A  shortage 
in  the  world's  tonnage  was  felt  at  once;  for  Germany  and  Austria 
had  supplied  14  per  cent,  and  Great  Britain  had  supplied  about  half 
the  rest.  Immediately,  the  Army  and  Navy  requisitioned  20  per  cent, 
while  10  per  cent  was  diverted  to  the  use  of  the  Allies.  Before  the 
close  of  1915,  all  insulated  or  refrigerating  spaces  for  meats  were  taken 
over,  transatlantic  liners  were  required  to  devote  50  to  75  per  cent 
of  their  freight  capacity  to  the  carriage  of  foodstuffs,  vessels  of  over 
500  tons  were  compelled  to  have  a  license  to  trade,  and  the  importation 
of  all  "  bulky,  non-essential  articles  was  gradually  prohibited."  At 
length,  in  one  way  or  another,  90  per  cent  of  all  British  shipping  was 
more  or  less  under  Government  control.  What  with  shortage  of  labor 

steps  taken  in  connection  with  the  Royal  Family  during  the  War  was  the  signing 
by  the  King,  17  July,  1917,  of  a  Proclamation  announcing  that  for  the  future  the 
Royal  House  and  Family  should  be  known  as  the  "House  of  Windsor"  instead  of 
Guelph,  and  that  the  use  of  all  German  dignities  and  titles  would  henceforth  be 
relinquished  and  discontinued. 

1  One  serious  cause  of  friction  arose  over  leaving  certificates,  instituted  to  pre- 
vent competing  employers  from  drawing  workmen  from  one  plant  to  another  by 
promise  of  higher  wages.  They  were  finally  abolished  in  October,  1917,  and,  from 
time  to  time,  other  concessions  were  made,  in  the  shape  of  war  bonuses  and  in- 
creased wages. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    873 

and  with  the  increased  submarine  sinkings  and  the  increased  naval 
and  other  Government  needs,  the  amount  of  tonnage  available  for 
trade  purposes  steadily  shrank.  For  two  years  the  Board  of  Trade 
continued  nominally  in  control  of  the  shipping  policy ;  but  its  work 
was  hampered  by  various  newly  created  and  overlapping  committees 
as  well  as  by  the  conflicting  demands  of  the  Admiralty  and  the  War 
Office.  The  creation  of  a  new  department,  under  a  Ship  Controller, 
after  the  advent  of  the  War  Cabinet  in  December,  1916,  did  much  to 
speed  up  construction  and  to  straighten  out  complexities,  though  the 
previous  regime  deserve  much  credit  for  their  handling  of  a  vast  and 
baffling  problem.  The  bravery  of  the  seamen  in  the  British  merchant 
marine  was  one  of  the  most  splendid  features  of  the  War.  Undaunted 
by  submarine  or  mine  they  continued  steadily  at  their  appointed  tasks, 
supplying  food,  coal,  and  other  material  to  their  Allies.  Of  the  im- 
ports to  France  and  Italy  alone,  45  per  cent  were  carried  in  British 
ships,  and  50  per  cent  of  their  coal  was  supplied  by  Britain  in  British 
ships,  to  say  nothing  of  vast  quantities  of  steel.  • 

Food  Control.  —  Since,  at  the  beginning  of  the  War,  Great  Britain 
imported  about  40  per  cent  of  her  meat  and  70  to  80  per  cent  of  her 
cereals,  the  question  of  food  shortage  offered  the  prospect  of  a  grave 
menace.  With  a  steadily  decreasing  tonnage,  it  was  felt  necessary  to 
insure  economy  in  the  use  of  foodstuffs  and  to  increase  the  production 
as  well.  The  effort  in  the  latter  direction  was  of  course  greatly  com- 
plicated by  the  demand  for  fighting  men  and  for  workers  in  the  manu- 
facture of  war  materials.  In  order,  under  these  circumstances,  to  se- 
cure sufficient  food  for  the  army  and  the  civilian  population  all  sorts 
of  devices  were  tried.  Importation  was  encouraged  and  exports 
discouraged;  the  Government  undertook  the  purchase  and  control 
of  certain  food  staples ;  prices  were  fixed ;  and  regulations  were  framed 
as  to  the  kinds  and  quality  of  food  that  might  be  used.  Only  after 
various  experiments  and  much  hesitation  was  a  limited  system  of 
compulsory  rationing  adopted.  Early  in  the  War,  price  fixing  was  in- 
troduced in  the  case  of  many  commodities,  and  the  State  undertook  to 
purchase  sugar J  and  wheat  and  to  sell  to  the  British  consumer.  In  the 
case  of  wheat,  however,  the  practice  was  stopped  in  April,  1915,  since 
it  tended  to  restrict  neutral  trade.  Early  in  1917,  however,  a  Wheat 
Supplies  Royal  Commission  was  set  up  for  the  control  of  grain  supplies. 
Meantime,  toward  the  end  of  1915,  the  policy  of  requisitioning  ship- 
ping for  the  carriage  of  foodstuffs  had  been  begun,  and,  in  the  follow- 
ing January,  a  joint  international  committee  for  Great  Britain,  France 

1  Normally,  two  thirds  of  the  sugar,  made  from  beet  root,  came  from  Germany 
and  Austria. 


874      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

and  Italy  was  created  to  purchase  wheat,  flour,  and  maize.  As 
was  the  case  in  other  fields  of  activity,  numerous  committees  came  into 
being  with  conflicting  proposals  and  conflicting  jurisdictions.  There 
were  regulations  to  secure  a  higher  percentage  of  flour  from  wheat, 
for  the  prohibition  of  wheat  in  brewing,  and  for  restricting  the  number 
of  courses  of  meals  in  public  eating-houses.  Then,  December,  1916, 
a  Food  Controller  was  appointed  "  to  regulate  the  supply  and  consump- 
tion of  food  in  such  manner  as  he  thinks  best  for  maintaining  a  proper 
supply  of  food."  Under  Lord  Devonport,  the  first  Controller,  a  sur- 
vey of  stocks  on  hand  and  of  the  uncultivated  acreage  of  arable  land 
in  England  was  undertaken.  This  was  follow;d  by  requisitions  of 
stocks,  restriction  on  use,  and  more  price  fixing.  In  February,  1917, 
voluntary  rationing  of  bread,  meat  and  sugar  was  enjoined,  and,  in 
April,  the  Government  took  over  all  the  flour  mills.  However,  there 
was  an  increasing  shortage  of  certain  staples  such  as  sugar,  potatoes 
and  margarine,  and  "  lines  of  purchasers  formed  in  front  of  dealers' 
premises  to  secure  .limited  allowances."  Early  in  this  same  year, 
1917,  a  campaign  of  education  was  undertaken  by  war  savings  com- 
mittees. Yet,  in  spite  of  this  work  and  a  royal  proclamation  urging 
economy,  the  net  result  was  disappointing,  for  the  efforts  of  the  con- 
scientious were  neutralized,  in  no  small  degree,  by  the  lavishness  of 
profiteers  and  of  laborers  receiving  wages  higher  than  those  to  which 
they  had  been  accustomed.  In  June  Lord  Devonport  was  replaced 
by  Lord  Rhondda,  whose  policy  was  comprehended  under  three  main 
heads :  (i)  Elimination  of  speculation  in  food  by  means  of  maximum 
prices,  restriction  of  profits,  and,  in  a  few  necessary  cases,  by  Govern- 
ment subsidies.1  (2)  Transference  from  central  administrative  de- 
partments to  local  authorities  of  much  of  the  work  in  connection  with 
the  regulation  of  prices  and  distribution  of  food.  (3)  Compulsory  ra- 
tioning, first,  in  certain  specified  districts,  of  one  or  two  commodities, 
which  by  the  spring  of  1918  was  extended  to  the  whole  country  for 
tea,  meat,  butter,  fats  and  sugar.  This  belated  but  necessary  step 
caused  little  irritation  and  eased  the  situation  greatly.  Surplus  food, 
sent  from  the  United  States,  was  a  great  help,  and  British  gratitude 
was  profound  when  they  learned  that  these  supplies  were  the  result 
of  voluntary  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Americans. 

Agriculture.  —  All  this,  however,  needed  careful  adjustment  in 
order  not  to  hamper  the  work  of  the  Board  of  Agriculture  in  encour- 
aging the  farmer  to  increase  his  production.  Various  devices  were 

1  For  example,  the  price  of  bread  and  potatoes  was  kept  down  by  means  of  a 
Government  subsidy.  A  standard  loaf  was  sold  for  gd.,  a  sum  less  than  it  cost,  the 
difference  being  supplied  from  public  funds. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD   WAR     875 

employed.  Waste  lands,  some  of  which  it  did  not  pay  to  till  in  ordi- 
nary times,  were  brought  under  cultivation.  Fertilizers  and  agricul- 
tural machinery  were  freely  supplied,  war  gardens  were  started  and 
worked,  in  early  morning  and  during  the  long  summer  evenings,  by 
persons  otherwise  occupied  during  the  day.  City  folk  were  recruited 
to  spend  their  vacations  in  the  country  during  the  harvest  season. 
Women,  college  students,  school  children,  boy  scouts,  Belgian  and 
Serbian  refugees,  wounded  soldiers,  and  German  prisoners  (these 
latter  with  no  conspicuous  success)  were  all  pressed  into  service.  By 
a  Bill,  which  became  law  in  August,  1917,  minimum  prices,  in  the  case 
of  certain  agricultural  products,  were  guaranteed  for  five  years,  an 
Agricultural  Wages  Board  was  set  up  to  adjust  minimum  wages  for 
laborers,  and  "  powers  of  entry  upon  land  "  were  authorized,  "  to 
secure  better  cultivation  "  if  necessary.  While  there  was  inevitable 
friction  the  results  were  wonderful.  In  spite  of  shortage  of  regular 
hands,  due  to  military  requirements,  4,000,000  acres  were  brought 
under  tillage  during  the  period  of  the  War ;  i  ,400,000  war  gardens  came 
into  being,  and  a  grain  supply  for  forty  weeks  was  raised  in  1918,  as 
against  a  twelve  weeks'  supply  in  the  previous  year. 

Britain's  Financial  Effort.  —  Britain's  colossal  financial  effort  has 
already  been  touched  upon  in  another  connection.  As  nearly  as  it 
can  be  estimated,  she  contributed  over  £8,000,000,000  or  one  fifth 
the  total  amount  expended  by  the  allied  and  associated  Powers,  of 
which  more  than  £170,000,000  was  loaned  to  the  Dominions  and  over 
£1,500,000,000  to  her  Allies.  By  raising  the  normal  income  tax,  and 
imposing  heavily  graduated  super-taxes  on  the  great  incomes ;  by  in- 
creasing excess  profit  taxes  first  to  60  and  then  to  80  per  cent ;  by 
doubling  and  then  quadrupling  customs  and  excises,  and  by  intro- 
ducing various  new  indirect  taxes  the  revenue  receipts,  which  were 
about  £200,000,000  in  1914,  were  brought  up  to  over  £800,000,000  in 
1918-1919;  but,  while  the  annual  revenue  was  increased  fourfold,  the 
annual  expenditure  was  thirteen  times  in  1918  what  it  had  been  in  the 
last  year  before  the  War ;  and  since  three  fourths  of  the  amount  had 
to  be  raised  by  borrowing,  the  British  national  debt  mounted  from 
£700,000,000  to  over  £7,000,000,000,  —  in  other  words,  it  was  swelled 
tenfold.  While  the  British  people,  in  spite  of  heavy  burdens,  loyally 
contributed  to  succeeding  loans  as  they  were  issued,  very  considerable 
sums  had  to  be  raised  in  the  United  States,  and  American  securities, 
held  by  British  subjects,  were  taken  for  collateral,  the  holders  being 
compensated  with  British  Government  certificates  of  indebtedness. 
Of  all  the  European  Powers  involved  in  the  War,  Great  Britain  is  the 
only  one  paying  from  taxes  the  interest  —  and  indeed  something  more 


876      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

—  on  her  debt.  In  view  of  the  crushing  war  taxes  and  the  fact  that 
prices  nearly  doubled  during  the  War,  the  British  contributions  to 
all  sorts  of  war  charities,  including  some  £10,000,000  to  the  Red  Cross, 
are  wonderfully  gratifying. 

The  Labor  Problem.  —  Until  recently  the  British  Trade-Unions 
have  been  —  since  their  legal  recognition  in  the  seventies  —  the  out- 
standing labor  leaders,  gaining  as  the  results  of  a  long  struggle :  rights 
of  collective  bargaining,  peaceful  picketing,  shorter  hours  and  higher 
wages.  The  chief  gains  have  been  secured  by  the  organized  skilled 
workers,  who,  indeed,  with  the  aim  of  preserving  their  preeminence 
over  the  semi-skilled  and  unskilled,  have,  in  the  past,  stood  out  against 
the  introduction  of  automatic  labor-saving  devices.  Formerly  the 
great  mass  of  this  rather  exclusive  circle  held  distrustfully  aloof 
from  the  Independent  Labor  Party  with  Socialistic  tendencies,  from 
the  out-and-out  Socialists  advocating  State  ownership  and  control, 
and  also  from  the  Syndicalists  whose  slogan  has  been  ownership  and 
control  of  industry  by  the  workers  themselves.  While  the  unskilled 
and  unorganized  have  been  the  chief  sufferers  from  grinding  poverty, 
deplorable  living  conditions,  sweating,  and  inability  to  improve  their 
conditions,  the  more  favored  have  also  not  been  without  their  griev- 
ances :  they  saw  their  higher  wages  neutralized  by  the  steadily  soar- 
ing cost  of  living,  though  they  were  by  no  means  the  only  sufferers ; 
many  chafed  at  the  monotony  of  their  daily  tasks  —  an  inevitable 
result  of  modern  industrial  development  —  and  contrasted  their  lot 
with  ostentatious  extravagances  of  the  idle  rich;  and  complained  of 
bad  housing  and  other  unpleasant  and  unsanitary  conditions.  While 
those  who  stayed  at  home  suffered  far  less  hardships,  to  say  nothing 
of  dangers,  than  those  who  went  to  the  trenches,  the  granting  of  their 
demands  to  meet  emergencies  whetted  their  appetites  for  more.  Then 
the  concessions  of  the  Trade-Union  leaders  in  the  Treasury  Agreement 
and  the  Munitions  Act  caused  many  to  lose  confidence  in  and  to  re- 
pudiate their  leaders.  Some  were  material,  no  doubt ;  others  were 
idealistic  and  began  to  have  visions  of  a  better  and  fairer  world  if  the 
capitalist  were  eliminated  and  the  workers  or  the  State  controlled 
the  mines,  the  railways  and  the  factories;  moreover,  they  came  to 
think  that  the  interests  of  the  plain  people  all  over  the  world  were  one, 
and  that  wars  would  cease  so  soon  as  plain  people  were  in  the  saddle. 
They  began  to  feel  that  the  existing  system  of  political  representation 
gave  no  adequate  voice  to  labor  as  such ;  not  a  few  began  to  look 
toward  the  Soviet  for  the  control  of  affairs  domestic  and  foreign. 
More  and  more,  the  strike,  or  direct  action,  extended  its  appeal  as  an 
immediate  means  of  gaining  what  they  wanted.  As  to  the  ultimate 


877 

industrial  solution,  views  were  vague  and  conflicting ;  but  there  was 
an  increasing  agreement  that  what  numbers  regarded  as  industrial 
slavery  should  cease,  that,  while  reduction  of  hours  and  increase  of 
wages  were  an  essential,  the  great  industries  should  be  nationalized, 
and  labor  should  have  a  voice  in  management. 

The  so-called  national  guild  system  whereby  the  State  should  fur- 
nish the  material,  and  organized  labor  should  control  its  production 
and  distribution,  has  been  strenuously  advocated  by  not  a  few.  Two 
years  before  the  War  was  over,  many  sought  to.  realize  this  second  aim 
immediately  by  an  extension  of  the  so-called  shop  steward  movement. 
Repudiating  the  Trade-Union  leaders,  partly  because  they  resented 
the  tying  of  the  hands  of  labor  by  the  Treasury  Agreement  of  1915, 
particularly  the  suspension  of  the  right  to  strike,  and  partly  because 
they  felt  that  the  Trade-Unions  did  not  go  far  enough,  even  in  normal 
times  when  their  rules  were  operative,  they  undertook  by  direct  action 
to  secure  recognition  of  the  shop  steward  system.  The  first  big  move 
was  a  munition  strike  at  Coventry  in  November,  1917,  and  was  fol- 
lowed, during  the  next  year,  by  more  strikes  in  munition  and  aeroplane 
plants.  While  the  Trade-Unions  aimed  to  control  a  particular  in- 
dustry and  to  secure  thei,r  general  policies  by  legislation,  the  shop 
steward  advocates  planned  to  control  each  plant  by  a  committee, 
all  industries,  grouped  into  districts,  by  a  representative  committee 
of  the  district,  and  all  the  industries  of  the  land  by  a  representative 
national  committee.  In  short,  they  aimed  at  an  industrial  political 
Soviet  system,  arguing  that  "  modern  representative  government  " 
was  "  merely  middle-class  government  masquerading  as  democracy," 
and  that,  even  if  workmen  were  better  paid,  fed  and  housed,  they  were 
no  better  than  industrial  slaves. 

The  Report  of  the  British  Labor  Committee.  —  In  order  the  better 
to  voice  the  demands  of  the  industrial  classes,  the  British  Labor  Party 
appointed,  before  the  close  of  1917,  a  committee  on  reconstruction. 
The  momentous  report  which  it  issued,  together  with  an  authorita- 
tive little  book  on  The  Aims  of  Labor  by  Mr.  Arthur  Henderson,  Secre- 
tary of  the  Labor  Party,  and  for  some  months  a  member  of  the  War 
Cabinet,  indicates  the  extreme  lengths  to  which  the  Party  had  pro- 
gressed during  the  War.  In  general,  Labor  now  seeks  :  "  to  establish 
democratic  control  over  all  the  machinery  of  State,"  and  of  "  all  activi- 
ties of  society  ";  to  create  a  "  nation-wide  political  organization  ...  in 
which  the  members  will  be  enrolled  both  as  workers  and  as  citizens  " ; 
and  to  include  women  as  well  as  men,  moreover,  workers  with  the  brain 
as  well  as  hand.  Their  purpose  is  to  do  away  with  the  individualistic 
capitalistic  system,  substituting  for  it,  so  far  as  possible,  common 


878      SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

ownership  of  land  and  capital.  As  steps  to  this  end  they  insist  that 
the  great  industries  and  services  —  such  as  the  mines  and  the  railroads 
—  which  had  been  taken  from  the  hands  of  private  capitalists  during 
the  War  should  be  retained  under  Government  control.  Among  their 
other  specific  proposals  are  further  provisions  against  unemployment, 
accident,  and  industrial  disease,  measures  to  secure  a  reasonable  amount 
of  leisure  and  an  adequate  minimum  wage  for  all  workers ; l  an  in- 
creasing share  in  the  management  of  factories;  taxation  on  luxuries 
and  excess  profits,2  with  the  provision  that  the  money  thus  secured 
should  be  spent  on  public  objects,  such  as  education,  museums  and 
the  like.  Finally,  they  urge  that,  since  wars  affect  the  common  people 
more  than  any  other  class,  the  Foreign  Office  and  other  administra- 
tive departments  should  be  brought  more  directly  under  the  control 
of  Parliament  "  to  give  the  people's  representatives  larger  powers  of 
criticism  in  regard  to  foreign  policy."  Among  their  ideals  in  Imperial 
and  Foreign  policy  are  "  Home  Rule  all  round  "  including  Ireland, 
Egypt,  and  India;  no  increase  of  territory,  no  economic  wars  or 
protective  tariffs,  abolition  of  secret  diplomacy  and  the  creation  of  a 
League  of  Nations,  with  the  ultimate  aim  of  securing  a  new  social 
order  based  not  on  fighting  but  on  fraternity. 

The  Government  and  the  Labor  Problem.  —  Meantime,  with  the 
advent  of  Lloyd  George's  Cabinet  in  December,  1916,  a  Ministry  of 
Labor  had  been  set  up ;  but,  with  the  pressing  problem  of  employing 
all  possible  resources  of  man  power  and  material  toward  the  winning 
of  the  War,  its  activities  were  necessarily  hampered.  Very  early  in 
the  War,  committees  were  created  to  consider  the  various  problems 
of  reconstruction  to  be  dealt  with  —  some  necessarily  at  the  close  of 
the  conflict  —  such  problems  as  agricultural  policy,  coal  conservation, 
relations  between  employers  and  employed,  demobilization,  education, 
housing,  unemployment,  public  health,  post-war  trade,  supply  of  raw 
materials,  and  various  other  needs'  In  July,  1917,  the  whole  work 
was  put  in  charge  of  a  newly  created  Minister  of  Reconstruction. 

One  sub-committee  —  which  continued  its  work  under  the  new 
Ministry  —  was  appointed  for  "  looking  toward  a  more  complete 
program  of  representation  and  cooperation  on  the  part  of  Labor 
and  Capital  "  in  industry.  Its  report,  known  as  the  Whitley  Report, 
from  the  name  of  the  chairman,  the  Right  Hon.  J.  H.  Whitley,  M.  P., 

1  They  were  especially  insistent  on  some  scheme  being  devised  to  protect  the 
workers  against  unemployment  and  decrease  of  wages  with  the  demobilization  of 
the  Army  and  the  shutting  down  of  the  munition  plants  at  the  close  of  the  War. 

2  In  addition  to  heavy  income  and  death  duties  they  declared  that  it  might  be 
necessary  to  levy  on  capital  to  pay  the  War  debt 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     879 

\ 

recommended  joint  industrial  councils  in  industries  and  trades  —  one 
for  each  plant  and  factory,  one  for  each  district,  and  one  for  the  whole 
nation,  each  containing  representatives  of  employers  and  workmen. 
This  was  only  one  of  various  committees  appointed  to  survey  the 
situation.  However,  the  British  Labor  Party,  with  their  demand  for 
nationalization  of  industry  and  ultimate  abolition  of  private  capital, 
have  gone  beyond  what  these  committees  have  to  offer,  and  it  remains 
to  be  seen  whether  extreme  or  moderate  views  will  prevail  in  the  ulti- 
mate settlement.  \s 

The  Education  Bill.  —  One  result  of  the  War  and  the  movement 
for  reconstruction  was  to  precipitate  an  excellent  Education  Bill.1 
In  the  Lloyd  George  Ministry,  a  novel  step  was  taken  when  the  posi- 
tion of  President  of  the  Board  of  Education  was  filled  not  by  a  polit- 
ical leader  but  by  a  professional  teacher,  —  Mr.  H.  A.  L.  Fisher,  one 
of  England's  foremost  historians,  successively  tutor  at  Oxford  and 
Vice-Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Sheffield.  His  final  Bill  —  em- 
bodying some  of  the  recommendations  of  a  committee  appointed  by 
the  Board  of  Education  as  early  as  April,  1916  —  which  became  law 
in  1918,  was  one  of  the  few  plans  of  reconstruction  brought  to  a  head 
before  the  close  of  the  War.  Reforms  had  been  considered  and  dis- 
cussed for  years,  and,  among  other  organizations,  a  Workmen's  Edu- 
cational Association  had  been  active  in  emphasizing  the  value  not 
only  of  special  technical  instruction  but  of  liberal  studies  for  the  chil- 
dren of  working  folk.  There  was  much  in  the  existing  situation  that 
cried  for  betterment :  recent  reports  of  the  chief  medical  officer  to  the 
Board  of  Education  revealed  the  alarming  facts  that  out  of  6,000,000 
in  school,  600,000  were  unclean ;  about  the  same  proportion  were  in- 
sufficiently fed;  3,000,000  suffered  from  bad  teeth,  and  500,000  from 
weak  sight.  The  conditions  relating  to  employment  of  children  of 

1  The  immediate  effect  was  greatly  to  disturb  the  normal  educational  life  of 
the  country.  The  higher  institutions  of  learning  were  depleted  to  a  striking  degree. 
Within  two  years  it  was  estimated  that,  from  the  54  universities  in  the  Empire, 
70,000  students  were  in  service.  Oxford,  the  most  ancient  and  famous,  was  reduced 
from  3181  in  1914,  to  491  in  1917.  And  the  depletion  extended  to  the  secondary 
schools,  among  girls  as  well  as  boys.  So  great  were  the  needs  for  agriculture  and 
other  forms  of  war  work  that  the  Board  of  Education,  12  March,  1915,  issued  a 
circular,  authorizing  the  suspension  of  the  by-laws  enforcing  compulsory  attend- 
ance; while  a  few  large  cities  declined  to  act  on  this  authorization,  the  number  of 
children  under  14  who  were  employed  in  some  form  of  work  increased  from  500,000 
to  1,100,000  in  three  years  of  the  War.  Necessary  occupation  of  school  buildings 
for  public  purposes  also  had  an  effect  on  the  normal  course  of  teaching.  Among 
the  earliest  attempts  to  counteract  juvenile  unrest  and  delinquency  was  the  ex- 
tension of  the  Boy  Scouts  and  Girl  Brigades,  but  various  committees  were  soon  at 
work  on  the  whole  problem. 


88o      SHORTER   HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

school  age  were  equally  disquieting.  Of  those  under  14,  35,000  put 
in  only  half  time  at  school  and  250,000  were  casually  employed  from 
10  to  40  hours  outside  school  time.  Out  of  3,000,000  between  14  and 
1 8,  some  2,000,000  received  no  systematic  instruction.  In  some  dis- 
tricts great  improvements  were  effected  through  the  "  efforts  of  en- 
lightened school  authorities  and  medical  officers  "  ;  in  others  the  cen- 
tral authorities  were  hampered  by  obstruction.  By  the  terms  of  the 
new  Bill,  the  expenses  were  divided  equally  between  the  central  and 
local  governments ;  all  children  between  5  and  14  were  compelled  to 
attend  school  and  none  under  1 2  were  to  be  employed  for  wages ; 
children  between  12  and  14  could  only  work  outside  school  hours,  but 
not  after  8  P.M.  or  before  6  A.M.  Day  continuation  schools  were 
provided  for  all  who  should  leave  the  regular  schools  before  the  age 
of  1 6,  while,  after  seven  years'  time,  the  age  was  to  be  extended  to  18 ; 
one  reason  for  the  delay  being  the  inability  to  secure  at  once  a  sufficient 
number  of  trained  teachers.  Provision  was  made  for  better  salaries ; 
for  nursery  schools  for  children  under  6 ;  for  special  schools  for  defec- 
tives ;  and  for  adequate  medical  inspection,  school  playgrounds,  baths 
and  physical  training  for  all.  Moreover,  the  instruction  was  not  to 
be  vocational  in  the  narrower  sense. 

The  Franchise  Act.  —  One  of  the  most  significant  reforms  during 
the  War  period  was  the  Franchise  Act  of  February,  1918.  As  the  re- 
sult of  previous  legislation,  all  male  subjects  with  a  fixed  abode  had 
secured  the  vote  except  domestic  servants,  and  bachelors,  lodging  with 
their  parents,  who  paid  less  than  £10  annual  rent.  Nevertheless, 
complexities  of  registration  and  qualification  still  existed  which  ex- 
cluded many,  while  the  survival  of  plural  voting  gave  a  substantial 
advantage  to  property.  Moreover,  women  were  still  denied  the  vote. 
Although,  for  a  decade  previous  to  the  War,  the  militant  suffragette 
group  had  played  into  the  hands  of  the  conservatives  and  discredited 
the  cause  by  their  extreme  violence,  they  had  the  wisdom  and  patriot- 
ism, once  the  conflict  opened,  to  throw  themselves  unreservedly  into 
war  work.  More  than  a  million  went  into  munition  factories ;  but 
all  sorts  of  occupations,  at  the  front  and  at  home,  were  filled  with  busy 
and  effective  workers;  they  served  not  only  as  nurses,  but  as  post- 
men, drivers  of  omnibuses  and  coal  teams,  as  policemen,  and  as  agri- 
cultural laborers.  The  Prime  Minister  recognized  their  indispensable 
services  with  a  warm  tribute  of  gratitude,  the  British  Labor  party  in- 
cluded the  enfranchisement  of  women  in  their  platform;  indeed, 
there  was  a  general  turn  of  the  current  of  public  opinion  strong  enough 
to  include  them  in  the  Franchise  Act.  By  the  terms  of  the  Act,  the 
right  to  vote  was  extended  to  all  men  over  21,  having  a  fixed  residence 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD   WAR     88l 

or  occupation  of  business  premises  for  six  months ;  also  to  all  women 
over  30,  hitherto  entitled  to  vote  in  local  elections  or  the  wives  of 
men  so  entitled.1  Thus  8,000,000  voters,  including  6,000,000  women, 
were  enfranchised,  and  where  i  in  24  of  the  population  could  vote  in 
1832,  now  the  proportion  is  i  in  3.  Plural  voting  was  practically  done 
away  with,  though  in  a  few  cases,  notably  graduates  of  certain  uni- 
versities, two  votes  are  allowed.  The  House  of  Commons  was -en- 
larged from  670  to  707,  of  which  number  England  has  492,  Wales  36, 
Scotland  74,  and  Ireland  105. 

The  General  Election  (December,  1918).  —  In  the  autumn  of  1918 
Mr.  Lloyd  George  appealed  to  the  country  on  the  following  main 
issues :  that  the  Coalition  had  won  the  War  and  deserved  to  be  trusted 
to  deal  with  the  problems  of  peace  to  follow ;  that  the  Kaiser  and  others 
responsible  for  the  War  and  its  accompanying  atrocities  should  be 
called  to  account ;  that  Germany  should  be  made  to  pay  for  the  havoc 
she  had  created ;  that  industries  essential  to  national  security  should 
be  protected ;  that  dumping  goods  produced  by  foreign  cheap  labor 
should  be  prevented ;  that  a  policy  of  Colonial  preference  should  be 
adopted ;  that  the  land  system  should  be  reformed ;  that  the  principle 
of  a  minimum  wage  should  be  established ;  that  housing  and  labor 
conditions  should  be  improved ;  and  that,  in  the  settlement  of  the  Irish 
question,  there  should  be  no  coercion  of  Ulster.  The  old  party  lines 
were  practically  re-formed,  and  the  main  fight  was  between  the  Coali- 
tion of  the  former  Conservatives  (or  Unionists  as  they  were  generally 
called)  and  Liberals  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Labor  Party  on  the 
other.  The  final  step  in  ending  the  party  truce,  which  nominally  pre- 
vailed during  the  War,  was  taken  when,  by  a  vote  of  2,117,000  to 
810,000,  the  latter  definitely  withdrew  from  the  Coalition,  though 
eight  of  their  leaders  refused  to  go  with  them  and  the  head  of  the  Mer- 
chant Seamen's  League  made  a  ringing  appeal  to  patriotic  labor 
against  Bolshevist,  defeatist  and  pacifistic  influences.  In  an  elec- 
tion manifesto  entitled  "  Labour's  Call  to  the  People,"  the  majority 
flung  "  a  challenge  to  reaction  " ;  for  the  Coalition  policy  was  far  from 
going  to  the  lengths  they  desired.  They  demanded  a  peace  of  "  in- 
ternational cooperation  "  ;  declared  against  secret  diplomacy  and  any 
form  of  economic  war,  and  insisted,  as  an  essential  part  of  the  Peace 
Treaty,  on  an  International  Labor  Charter  "  incorporated  in  the 
very  structure  of  the  League  of  Nations."  They  warned  the  Coali- 
tion that  opposition  to  the  "  young  democracies  of  Europe  "  and  in- 
tervention on  the  side  of  European  reaction  would  be  disastrous. 

1  This  was  a  six  months'  ownership  or  tenancy  of  land  or  premises,  lodgers  in 
furnished  rooms  not  included. 


882      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

They  called  for  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  Allied  forces  from  Russia, 
for  freedom  for  Ireland  and  India,  and  the  extension  to  all  subject 
peoples  of  the  right  of  self-determination  within  the  British  Common- 
wealth of  Free  Nations.  They  stood  for  the  destruction  of  all  war- 
time measures  in  restraint  of  civil  and  individual  liberty;  the  com- 
plete abolition  of  conscription,  and  the  release  of  all  political  prisoners. 
They  demanded  land  nationalization;  a  substantial  and  permanent 
improvement  in  the  housing  of  the  whole  people,  with  at  least  one  mil- 
lion new  homes  built  at  the  State  expense  and  let  at  a  fair  rent.  They 
insisted  on  a  really  compulsory  Health  Act.  They  stood  for  free 
trade,  and  denounced  protective  tariffs  and  attempts  to  levy  burdens 
on  the  poor  by  indirect  taxes.  In  paying  the  War  debt  they  were  for 
placing  the  weight  "  on  the  broadest  backs,"  by  a  special  tax  on  capi- 
tal, i.e.,  heavy  graduated  direct  taxes,  with  a  raising  of  the  exemption 
limit.  They  contemplated  an  "  industrial  democracy,"  with  im- 
mediate nationalization  and  democratic  control  of  "  vital  public  serv- 
ices," such  as  mines,  railroads,  shipping,  armaments,  and  electric 
power.  Further,  they  called  for  the  doing  away  with  the  menace  of 
unemployment ;  the  recognition  of  the  universal  right  to  work ;  better 
pay ;  the  legal  limitation  of  the  hours  of  labor,  and  drastic  amendment 
of  the  Acts  dealing  with  factory  conditions,  safety  of  the  employed, 
and  workingmen's  compensation ;  equal  rights  and  equal  pay  for  both 
sexes ;  and  the  organization  of  both  men  and  women  in  one  Trade-Union 
movement.  Such  was  their  sweeping  program.  The  two  great 
surprises  in  the  election  of  December,  1918,  were  the  overwhelming 
victoryof  the  Coalition  over  the  Labor  party,  467  to  63,*  and  the  swamp- 
ing of  the  Irish  Nationalists  by  the  Sinn  Feiners,  73  to  5.  Very  likely 
the  Labor  Party  is  bound  to  grow  stronger ;  much  Government  regu- 
lation that  was  fashioned  to  meet  the  War  emergency  has  come  to 
stay,  more  may  follow,  but  whether,  in  the  long  run,  the  liberty-loving 
Briton  is  going  to  tolerate  State  socialism,  with  all  the  restrictions  on 
individual  initiative  which  it  involves,  is  a  question  as  uncertain  as 
it  is  momentous. 

The  Irish  Problem  Again.  —  The  Home  Rule  Bill  which  for  the 
third  time  passed  the  Commons  in  May,  1914,  was  formally  placed  on 
the  Statute  Book  following  the  signature  by  the  King,  17  September, 
1914;  but  successive  suspending  bills  postponed  its  operation  until 
the  conclusion  of  the  War.  Moreover,  the  Ulster  minority,  which 
bitterly  opposed  being  included  in  its  provisions,  were  promised  an 
amending  bill  by  Mr.  Asquith,  to  offset  which,  John  Redmond  — 

1  Outside  the  Coalition,  23  Unionists  and  28  Liberals,  exclusive  of  25  Irish 
Unionists,  were  elected. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     883 

who  actively  promoted  voluntary  recruiting  —  secured  a  promise  that 
the  Registration  and  Military  Service  Acts  should  not  be  extended 
to  Ireland.  All  together,  some  170,000  Irishmen  volunteered;  while 
small  in  point  of  numbers  as  compared  with  the  other  parts  of  the 
Empire,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  nearly  half  of  the  recruits 
were  Ulstermen,  the  Nationalist  contingents  fought  with  notable  gal- 
lantry. But  seeds  of  trouble  began  to  germinate  rapidly.  Already 
on  the  last  Sunday  in  July,  1914  —  nine  days  before  Great  Britain 
entered  the  War  —  an  attempt,  on  the  part  of  the  Irish  Nationalist 
Volunteers,  to  repeat  the  Ulsterite  gun-running  activities  of  the  pre- 
vious spring  resulted  in  an  unfortunate  collision  with  the  British 
troops  in  which  three  civilians  were  killed.  German  intrigue,  backed 
by  Irish  extremists  in  the  United  States,  began  to  work  effectively 
on  a  fertile  soil.  The  experience  of  crises  in  the  past  and  the  strategic 
importance  of  the  country  were  well  calculated  to  arouse  the  gravest 
apprehension.  Ireland  in  enemy  hands,  in  the  event  of  a  war  with 
Germany,  offered  a  serious  menace  to  British  security  —  as  abase  from 
which  cruisers  and  submarines  could  be  employed  with  deadly  effect 
to  intercept  or  destroy  sea-going  commerce  on  which  Great  Britain's 
very  existence  depended. 

The  Elements  of  Discontent.  —  As  early  as  1906,  the  military  corre- 
spondent of  the  London  Times  pointed  out  the  danger  of  an  "  exposed 
coast,  a  watchful  enemy  and  such  smoldering  elements  of  discontent 
as  might  always  be  found  to  exist  in  certain  parts  of  Ireland."  Chief 
among  these  elements  was  an  organization  which  took  the  name  of 
Sinn  Fein,  meaning  literally  "  Ourselves  alone,"  an  organization  that 
aimed  to  cut  loose  from  all  connection  with  England.  Founded  about 
1905  by  Mr.  Arthur  Griffith,  it  repudiated  the  parliamentary  methods 
of  the  Nationalists,  and  ultimately  an  extreme  group,  like  the  earlier 
Fenians,  set  as  their  goal  an  Irish  republic  to  be  established  by  direct 
action.1  Also  there  was  the  Gaelic  League,  which,  although  originally 
established  (in  1892)  by  Dr.  Douglas  Hyde  for  the  revival  of  the  ancient 
Irish  language  and  literature,  gradually  became  dominated  by  Sinn 
Fein  and  came  to  nourish  separatist  ambitions.  A  third  center  of 
disaffection  was  to  be  found  among  the  labor  agitators  and  their  fol- 
lowers in  Dublin.  Their  grievances,  substantial  enough  —  miserable 
housing  conditions,  insufficient  wages  and  frequent  unemployment  — 
were  largely  economic.  Not  only  did  they  have  nothing  in  common 
with  the  Nationalist  parliamentary  party,  whom  they  regarded  as 
capitalistic  iri  sympathy,  but  they  were  not  recognized  by  the  orthodox 
Trade-Unionists  because  of  their  radical  syndicalistic  views.  For 

1  The  Irish  Republican  Brotherhood  came  to  comprise  the  most  extreme  element 


SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

some  years  their  most  effective  leader  was  James  Larkin,  an  uncom- 
promising foe  of  capital,  who  organized  a  formidable  transport  strike 
and  an  armed  force  known  as  the  Citizen  Army,  but  who  subsequently 
went  to  America.  While  wedded  to  Marxian  internationalism  which 
aims  at  the  ultimate  ascendancy  of  labor  throughout  the  world,  many 
of  this  labor  element  curiously  enough  joined  forces  with  Sinn  Fein 
whose  primary  aims  were  political  and  national. 

Sir  Roger  Casement.  —  By  the  autumn  of  1914  the  crisis  began  to 
develop  and  the  play  of  German  intrigue  on  Irish  grievances  began 
to  bear  fruit.  An  active  agent  in  fomenting  strife  was  Sir  Roger  Case- 
ment, a  north  of  Ireland  man  and  a  retired  official  in  the  British  con- 
sular service  who  had  earlier  distinguished  himself  in  exposing  the 
rubber  scandals  in  the  Belgian  Congo  and  in  Putomayo.  Already 
in  ip  1 3  he  was  prominent  in  the  councils  of  the  Irish  Nationalist  Vol- 
unteers; in  1914,  before  the  outbreak  of  the  War,  he  went  to  the 
United  States,  and,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  in  receipt  of  a 
British  pension,  identified  himself  closely  with  the  Clan-na-Gael,  the 
physical  force  party  of  the  Irish- American  Nationalists,  and  entered 
into  a  close  working  alliance  with  the  German  agencies  operating  in 
the  United  States.  As  early  as  August,  1914,  he  began  a  series  of 
letters  to  Irish  papers  protesting  against  Redmond's  recruiting  Irish- 
men for  the  British  army  and  advocating  Ireland's  entrance  into  the 
War  on  the  German  side.  In  November,  1914,  as  self-styled  "  Irish 
Ambassador,"  he  proceeded  to  Germany  by  way  of  Scandinavia,  and, 
under  the  aegis  of  the  German  Foreign  Office,  sought  to  recruit  an 
Irish  Brigade  from  the  German  prison  camps.  It  should  be  said, 
however,  that  his  efforts  were  usually  scornfully  repulsed  and  that 
he  gained  few  adherents. 

The  Crisis  Draws  to  a  Head.  —  Meantime,  the  postponement  in 
putting  the  Home  Rule  Bill  into  force,  and  resentment  against  the 
recruiting  campaign  of  the  Nationalist  leaders,  had  resulted,  during 
the  autumn  of  1914,  in  a  secession  of  the  Sinn  Fein  extremists  from 
the  ranks  of  the  Irish  National  Volunteers  over  whom  the  Redmond 
influence  was  strong.  The  seceders  took  the  name  of  the  Irish 
Volunteers,  and  with  them  the  Citizen's  Army  joined  forces  in  the 
spring  of  1915.  Those  who  remained  in  the  old  organization  took 
the  name  of  the  National  Volunteers.  Various  causes  contributed 
further  to  inflame  the  extremists.  War  taxes  were  greatly  increased 
beyond  the  expenses  incurred  by  Ireland,  and  there  was  a  cry  that 
the  surplus  was  going  into  the  pockets  of  the  munition  manufacturers, 
though  Irish  farmers  soon  began  to  reap  rich  profits  from  soaring 
prices.  Moreover,  the  arch-enemy  of  the  Nationalists,  Sir  Edward 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER   BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD   WAR     885 

Carson,  who  had  once  defied  the  British  Government,  was  taken  into 
the  Coalition  Cabinet  in  the  spring  of  1915 ;  though  here  it  should 
be  said  that  Redmond  might  have  had  a  seat  had  he  chosen.  There 
were  now  four  main  parties  in  Ireland :  the  Unionists,  concentrated 
chiefly  in  Ulster,  but  with  a  sprinkling  in  the  three  other  provinces, 
stanchly  insistent  on  the  maintenance  of  the  English  connection ;  the 
old  Nationalists,  or  parliamentary  Home  Rule  party,  steadily  losing 
ground ;  the  Sinn  Feiners  looking  toward  separation ;  and  the  Dublin 
Labor  party  which  had  thrown  in  its  lot  with  the  Sinn  Feiners,  though 
the  combined  forces  of  the  extremists  remained  in  a  minority  until 
the  summer  of  1916.  Most  disquieting  was  the  fact  that  each  of  the 
four  parties  was  organized  into  an  army.  While  it  must  be  admitted 
that  the  Ulster  Volunteers  had  set  the  perilous  example  of  creating 
an  army  and  gun-running  in  defiance  of  the  law,  their  action  was 
taken  in  the  interest  of  maintaining  Imperial  unity,  and,  what  is  more 
to  the  point,  when  Great  Britain  was  threatened  by  no  external  danger. 
German  intrigue  continued  busily,  and  a  still  small  body  of  extremists 
saw  in  Great  Britain's  absorption  in  the  furious  struggle  on  the  Con- 
tinent what  seemed  to  them  a  providential  opportunity  to  strike  a 
decisive  blow  for  Irish  independence.  The  activity  of  Redmond  and 
other  prominent  Nationalists  in  recruiting  despite  the  fact  that  the 
prospect  of  securing  Home  Rule  seemed  as  far  off  as  ever,  the  suspicions 
that  Ulster  was  receiving  undue  consideration,  the  grievances  of  labor 
and  the  dreams  of  a  few  enthusiasts  for  a  revival  of  Ireland's  ancient 
glories  in  language  and  literature  —  though  no  obstacles  were  put 
in  the  way  of  its  teaching  in  the  schools  —  all  contributed  to  precipi- 
tate a  crisis.  Drilling  and  arming  among  opposing  factions  proceeded 
unchecked,  and  lawlessness  increased  alarmingly.  The  Government, 
confronted  by  a  world  menace  of  unparalleled  magnitude,  took  no 
steps  to  hasten  a  settlement  which  would  have  to  reckon  with  the 
resolute  opposition  of  Ulster,  while  its  Irish  representative,  the  Chief 
Secretary,  from  undue  optimism  or  lack  of  decision,  hesitated  to  inter- 
vene and  put  down  the  bodies  of  armed  men  "  openly  declaring  their 
hostility  to  the  British  Government  and  their  readiness  to  welcome 
and  assist  England's  enemies."  His  hesitation  was  natural,  but  con- 
cession or  firm  suppression  were  the  only  alternatives.  For  failing 
to  do  one  or  the  other  the  authorities  paid  the  penalty.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Irish  missed  a  great  opportunity.  To  be  sure,  only  the  seces- 
sionist minority  were  actually  disloyal ;  but,  though  it  was  much  to 
expect,  if  the  great  majority  had  responded  more  generally  and  en- 
thusiastically to  assist  the  Allies  in  defending  the  cause  of  civilization 
they  would  have  won  such  claim  to  gratitude  that  world  opinion,  to- 


886      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

gether  with  the  English  sense  of  justice  and  fair  play,  would  have  de- 
manded a  speedy  settlement  of  their  problem  at  the  close  of  the  War. 
Thus  was. the  magnificent  loyalty  of  the  militants  rewarded  by  the 
granting  of  women's  suffrage. 

The  Sinn  Fein  Rebellion  (April,  1916).  —  While  the  Government 
delayed  to  frame  a  policy  of  concession  and  at  the  same  time  regarded 
it  as  "  safer  and  more  expedient  "  to  leave  the  law  against  bearing 
arms  "  in  abeyance,"  and  while  the  Royal  Irish  constabulary  vainly 
sought  to  keep  order,  the  Sinn  Fein  and  other  extremists,  financed  to 
considerable  degree  by  Germans  and  a  radical  element  of  Irish 
Americans,1  through  vehement  speaking  and  an  active  distribu- 
tion of  propagandist  literature  contributed  considerably  to  check 
Redmond's  campaign  of  recruiting,  which  at  first  had  met  with  reason- 
ably enthusiastic  response.  All  the  while,  the  Irish  Volunteers  and 
the  Citizen  Army  were  entering  into  closer  communication  with  Ger- 
many and  preparing  to  revolt.  Their  plan  was  to  proclaim  a  general 
rising  throughout  Ireland,  and,  while  the  British  troops  quartered  in 
the  country  were  occupied  in  attempting  its  suppression,  to  seize  Dub- 
lin. To  assist  the  rising,  the  Germans  were  to  land  arms  and  muni- 
tions in  Ireland  and  to  send  an  expedition  to  attack  the  east  coast  of 
England.  Practically  all  these  plans  miscarried.  Casement,  with 
two  companions,  was  conveyed  by  submarine  to  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Kerry  coast,  and,  in  a  small  boat,  effected  a  landing  on  Good 
Friday,  21  April,  1916.  Casement  and  one  of  his  companions,  Bailey 
by  name,  were  promptly  discovered  and  taken  into  custody.  Also, 
a  steamer,  with  arms  and  munitions,  sent  from  Wilhelmshaven  disguised 
as  a  Norwegian  trader  was  intercepted  by  the  British  and  blown  up  by 
its  own  crew  who  took  to  their  life  boats  and  surrendered.  The  con- 
templated German  attack  on  the  English  coast  amounted  to  no  more 
than  a  fleeting  and  belated  raid  by  swift  cruisers  after  reinforcements 
of  British  troops  had  already  been  sent  to  Ireland.  The  general  rising 
which  had  been  planned  to  include  the  whole  Irish  countryside  and 
timed  to  take  place  on  Easter  Eve  (22  April)  was  prematurely  exposed 
by  the  capture  of  Casement,  and  confined,  by  prompt  and  resolute 
action  of  the  British  troops,  to  a  few  sporadic  though  ugly  outbreaks 
and  put  down  within  a  week. 

The  attempt  to  seize  Dublin  proved  to  be  the  most  formidable  fea- 
ture of  the  whole  rebellion.  Professor  John  MacNeill,  the  nominal 
commander  of  the  Irish  Volunteers,  disappointed  in  his  expectation 
that  a  German  contingent  of  at  least  40,000  men  would  be  dispatched 

1  Though  the  great  majority  in  the  United  States  were  extremely  loyal  to  the 
Allied  cause. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD   WAR     887 

to  aid  the  insurgents  and  discouraged  by  the  news  of  Casement's  arrest, 
sought  to  draw  back  at  the  last  moment,  and,  late  Saturday  night, 
issued  an  order  that  there  should  be  "no  parades,  marches,  or  other 
movements  "  on  Easter  Sunday.  But  bolder  spirits  took  the  control 
from  his  hands,  among  them  James  Connolly  the  commander  of  the 
Citizen  Army,  the  Countess  Markiewicz,  the  Irish  wife  of  a  Polish 
nobleman,  and  Padraic  Pearse,  the  founder  and  principal  of  St.  Enda's 
School.  An  Irish  Republic  was  proclaimed,  and  Pearse,1  who  an- 
nounced himself  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  of  the  Irish  Re- 
public and  President  of  the  Provisional  Government,  boasted  that  they 
"  had  written  with  fire  and  steel  the  most  glorious  chapter  in  the  history 
of  Ireland."  The  insurgents  seized  the  general  post  office  and  various 
public  buildings  and  barricaded  the  streets,  and  much  loo  ting,  shooting, 
and  bloodshed  followed.  The  unarmed  Dublin  police  were  forced 
to  withdraw,  troops  were  rushed  in  from  neighboring  garrisons,  by 
Monday  night  reinforcements  began  to  arrive  from  England,  on 
Tuesday  martial  law  was  proclaimed ;  but  it  was  Saturday  (29  April) 
before  Pearse  and  Connolly  surrendered,  and  i  May  before  the  formal 
announcement  was  issued  that  "  all  the  rebels  in  Dublin  have  surren- 
dered and  the  city  is  reported  to  be  quiet."  Efforts  to  put  down  the 
insurrection  without  unnecessary  destruction  of  life  and  property 
were  complicated  by  the  difficulty  of  distinguishing  actual  insurgents 
from  the  mass  of  the  population,2  and  by  various  fires  due  to  malice 
or  carelessness,  which  the  firemen  were  hampered  by  snipers  in  ex- 
tinguishing.3 

The  Bitter  Aftermath.  —  About  1000  prisoners  were  taken,  fully 
half  of  whom  were  sent  to  detention  camps  in  England.4  After  speedy 
trials  all  seven  of  the  signatories  to  the  rebellion  manifesto,  including 
Pearse  and  Connolly,  together  with  seven  others  who  participated 
in  the  rebellion,  were  convicted  and  shot.  Fifty-five  more,  the  Coun- 
tess Markiewicz  among  them,  were  sentenced  to  death ;  but  the  sen- 
tence was  commuted  to  life  imprisonment  or  penal  servitude  for 
shorter  periods.  On  1 5  May,  Sir  Roger  Casement  was  tried  and  con- 
victed, in  London,  for  traitorously  adhering  to  the  country's  enemies 

1  Though  he  too  might  not  have  gone  to  the  extreme  limits  had  he  not  been 
pressed  by  rasher  spirits. 

2  There  was  much  looting  by  the  poor  and  miserable  who  were  not  actually 
insurgents. 

3  One  regrettable  incident  was  the  fate  of  Francis  Sheehy  Skeffington,  an  ad- 
herent of  the  Irish  Republic  but  a  pacifist  opposed  to  violence,  who,  while  at- 
tempting to  stop  looting,  was  shot  by  an  officer  later  proved  at  a  court  martial  to 
be  insane. 

4  Many  of  the  interned  were  released  at  Christmas. 


SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

beyond  the  seas  in  time  of  open  and  public  war.1  His  execution,  and 
those  of  the  other  Sinn  Fein  leaders  as  well,  were  furiously  resented 
by  the  majority  of  the  Irish  people.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that, 
while  hatred  "  and  distrust  of  the  British  connection  "  was  widespread, 
the  rebellion  —  or,  as  they  chose  to  put  it,  the  effort  to  "  expel  a  foreign 
Power  (England)  with  aid  of  gallant  Allies  in  Europe  (Germany)  and 
exiled  children  in  America  "  —  was  the  work  of  a  violent  and  wrong- 
headed  minority.  Indeed,  the  fact  that  the  bulk  of  the  citizens  were 
against  the  Sinn  Feiners  materially  hastened  the  collapse  of  the  rising. 
Redmond  denounced  the  whole  enterprise  as  insane  and  unpatriotic. 
Many  of  the  less  extreme  Nationalist  Volunteers  loyally  supported  the 
Government,  regarding  an  outbreak  so  ill-timed  as  an  insult  to  the 
Irish  fighting  abroad,  while  the  unexampled  prosperity  which  the 
farmers  were  enjoying  was  no  doubt  a  factor  in  holding  many  to  their 
allegiance.  The  executions  and  the  establishment  of  military  law 
produced  the  sudden  reversal  of  opinion;  but  certainly  a  combina- 
tion with  "  gallant  Allies  "  who  were  menacing  the  existence  of  civil- 
ization, and  at  the  very  moment  that  France  was  being  "  bled  white  " 
from  the  Verdun  drive,  deserved  exemplary  punishment  of  those 
responsible  for  it,  and,  while  the  War  lasted,  military  precautions  were 
necessary.  A  legend  grew  up  that  "  a  few  harmless  idealists,  fighting 
heroically  for  their  ideal,  had  been  butchered  in  cold  blood  by  an  over- 
whelming and  vindictive  army  "  ;  but  it  is  largely  a  legend.  Ireland 
deserves  such  a  settlement  as  will  enable  her  to  realize  her  best  political 
and  economic  ambitions ;  but  it  should  come  in  spite  of  the  intrigues 
of  Casement  and  the  extremists. 

The  Convention  and  Conscription.  —  As  the  War  progressed,  dis- 
content and  lawlessness  increased  in  Ireland  to  an  alarming  extent ; 
indeed,  so  bitter  was  the  feeling  that  even  American  soldiers  and  sailors 
were  hooted  and  pelted  by  some  of  the  more  unruly,  apparently,  to 
some  extent,  because  they  appeared  in  uniform  as  allies  of  Great 
Britain.  The  Home  Rule  Bill,  the  putting  into  operation  of  which 
had  been  so  long  delayed  by  the  inability  of  Sir  Edward  Carson  and 
Redmond  to  come  to  terms  over  the  exclusion  of  the  Ulster  counties, 
had  ceased  to  satisfy  the  great  majority,  and  finally,  16  May,  1917, 
Mr.  Lloyd  George  sent  a  letter  to  the  Nationalists  and  Unionists 
proposing,  as  one  of  two  possibilities,  a  convention  of  representa- 
tives of  the  various  Irish  parties  and  interests  to  frame  a  plan  of 
adjustment.  This  Convention  sat  from  July,  1917,  to  April,  1918, 
under  the  able  presidency  of  Sir  Horace  Plunkett;  but  the  Sinn 

1  Bailey,  who  testified  against  Casement,  was  acquitted  on  his  plea  that  he  had 
only  accompanied  him  to  escape  from  a  German  prison  camp. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER   BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD   WAR 

Feiners,  who  soon  came  to  call  themselves  the  Irish  Republican 
party,  refused  to  send  delegates,  on  the  ground  that  the  Convention 
was  summoned  by  the  British  Government  and  was  to  consider  only 
a  form  of  "  constitution  for  the  future  government  of  Ireland  within 
the  Empire,"  thus  excluding  any  discussion  of  Ireland's  independ- 
ence. Although  the  Ulster  Unionists  sent  delegates,  they  were  almost 
equally  uncompromising  at  the  other  extreme.  The  delegates  were 
empowered  only  to  consider  proposals,  and  those  who  sent  them 
had  a  pledge  from  the  Government  that  no  settlement  would  be  forced 
on  them  without  their  consent ;  apparently  they  were  unwilling  to  go 
further  than  Home  Rule  with  the  exclusion  of  Ulster  or  possibly  some 
form  of  ultimate  federation  of  the  United  Kingdom.  The  Southern 
Unionists,  one  wing  of  the  Nationalists,  and  the  Labor  representatives 
were  willing  to  agree  on  a  modified  Dominion  system  which  might 
be  adjusted  to  an  eventual  federation  of  the  British  Isles,  while  the 
extremer  Nationalists  wanted  to  go  to  the  length  of  a  full  Dominion 
status  enjoyed  by  the  Self-governing  Dominions  beyond  the  seas,  a 
system  which  involved  complete  control  of  taxes,  tariffs  and  armies, 
and  withdrawal  of  Irish  representatives  from  the  Parliament  at  West- 
minster. The  majority  of  the  Nationalists  were  willing  to  concede 
at  least  temporary  control  of  the  army,  to  continue  membership  in 
the  Parliament  of  the  United  Kingdom,  and  to  guarantee  free  trade 
with  England ;  the  Southern  Unionists  were  willing  to  allow  Irish  con- 
trol of  direct  taxes,  but  balked  on  the  question  of  the  customs  duties. 
At  that  point  the  Prime  Minister  intervened,  delegates  from  the  Con- 
vention held  a  conference  with  the  Cabinet  in  February,  1918,  as  a  re- 
sult of  which  it  agreed  that  the  question  of  the  customs  would  be  post- 
poned until  after  the  War.  The  Convention  came  to  an  end  in  March, 
and  in  April  its  Report  appeared.  But  the  scheme  of  government 
which  the  majority  sought  was  practically  still  born ;  for  the  British 
Government  insisted  on  imposing  conscription  as  a  condition  of  prom- 
ising legislation  of  a  nature  recommended  in  the  Report. 

The  Problem.  —  The  situation  bristled  with  difficulties.  The  Ul- 
sterites  could  contend  that  the  Nationalists  had  increased  their  de- 
mands beyond  the  Home  Rule  Bill  of  1914,  while  the  latter  could  point 
to  the  sudden  growth  of  Sinn  Fein,  with  its  demand  for  an  independent 
republic,  and  argue  that  some  concession  was  necessary  to  meet  these 
increased  demands.  The  majority  had  favored  recruiting  and  con- 
demned the  rebellion ;  they  had  failed  to  get  their  Home  Rule  into  op- 
eration, and  now  there  were  few  whom  it  would  satisfy,  while  they  were 
at  last  threatened  with  conscription  from  which  they  had  been  prom- 
ised exemption.  The  British  Government  had  this  justification,  that, 


890      SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

in  the  spring  of  1918,  the  Germans  had  launched  the  most  formidable 
drive  in  their  whole  terrible  series,  every  available  man  was  needed, 
the  age  limit  in  the  rest  of  the  United  Kingdom  had  been  raised  to 
fifty,  with  a  provision  for  going  to  fifty-six,  and  there  were  ominous 
murmurings  in  England,  Wales,  and  Scotland  against  the  apparent 
favor  shown  to  Ireland.  Moreover,  Protestant  progressive  Ulster 
was  set  against  being  cast  adrift  with  a  majority  of  Roman  Catholic 
agriculturists,  safeguarded  only  by  guarantees  in  which  they  had  scant 
confidence.  Even  a  modified  Dominion  system  involved  possibilities 
of  control  over  taxes  and  commercial  policy,  to  say  nothing  of  religion 
and  military  forces,  which  aroused  their  gravest  apprehensions.  On 
the  other  hand,  aspirations  for  independence,  the  legend  of  the  Sinn 
Fein  martyrs,  and  labor  unrsst,  had  drawn  the  most  diverse  elements 
together  —  including  pacifists,  conscientious  objectors  and  increasing 
numbers  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy.  This  formidable  if  ill-assorted 
alliance  shattered  the  Nationalists,  and  —  though  conscription  was 
never  enforced  in  Ireland  —  swept  the  country  in  the  autumn  election 
of  1918.  Meantime,  a  provisional  Republic  had  been  organized,  with 
De  Valera  —  a  man  of  Spanish  origin  and  American  birth  and  a  par- 
ticipant in  the  Rebellion  —  as  President.  Refusing  to  attend  the 
Parliament  at  Westminster  to  which  they  had  been  elected,  the  Sinn 
Fein  representatives  proceeded  to  set  up  an  assembly  in  Dublin,  known 
as  the  Dail  Eireann,  which  for  some  months  the  British  allowed  to 
sit  undisturbed.  All  the  while,  discontent  and  disorder  and  terrorism 
goes  on  increasing,  and  the  situation  clamors  for  some  form  of  settle- 
ment, but  what?  Out  of  five  possible  forms  three  may  be  dismissed 
forthwith.  Home  Rule  apparently  is  obsolete  as  a  possible  solution, 
so  is  a  federation  of  the  various  Self-governing  Dominions  of  the  Brit- 
ish Empire  —  Ireland  included  —  and  apparently  few  would  go  to 
the  lengths  of  an  independent  Irish  Republic.  Many  of  those  who 
voted  for  the  Sinn  Feiners  in  the  last  election  would  no  doubt  be  con- 
tent with  a  less  radical  departure.  The  choice  seems  to  lie  between 
a  modified  Dominion  system  and  a  federation  of  the  British  Isles.  It 
may  be  necessary  to  concede  the  former,  though,  owing  to  the  close- 
ness of  Ireland's  situation  to  England  and  the  conflicting  interests  of 
her  agricultural  and  commercial  classes,  difficulties  concerning  the 
army  and  commercial  policy  are  bound  to  arise;  while  the  attitude 
of  the  Ulster  Unionists  is  a  serious  obstacle.  Could  the  separatists 
forget  their  animosities,  a  federation  with  one  or  more  Parliaments 
for  England,  Ireland,  Scotland,  and  Wales,  and  one  Parliament  for 
matters  of  common  concern  would  seem  to  be  an  experiment  decidedly 
worth  trying. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE   WORLD   WAR     891 

The  Dominions  in  the  Wat.  —  Counting  not  only  on  the  split  in 
Ireland  but  on  disaffection  in  India  and  Egypt  and  racial  discord  in 
Canada  and  South  Africa,  Germany  "  had  hoped  to  disrupt  the  British 
Empire."  Conditions  seemed  favorable  for  striking  vital  blows  at 
many  points.  There  was  no  Imperial  Army,  and,  while  small  con- 
tingents of  British  troops  were  quartered  in  India  and  Egypt,  they 
were  outnumbered  by  native  troops ;  and,  except  for  South  Africa, 
there  had  been  no  British  armies  in  the  Self-governing  Dominions  for 
years.  Even  the  Crown  Colonies  were  very  scantily  supplied  with 
British  troops;  for  the  Mother  Country  relied  mainly  on  the  fleet 
for  the  protection  of  the  Empire.  Nor  was  there  any  common  mili- 
tary policy ;  since  the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defense  established  in 
1894  and  reorganized  in  1904  *  was  a  purely  advisory  body.  Each 
Dominion  met  the  problem  in  its  own  way.  Canada,  which  had  ceased 
to  fear  military  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  and  was 
only  remotely  apprehensive  of  far-off  Japan,  was  content  with  a  small 
militia  force,  and,  owing  to  political  differences,  had  failed  to  pass,  in 
1913,  the  Borden  Naval  Bill  to  build  three  Dreadnoughts  for  the  Im- 
perial Navy.  On  the  other  hand,  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  lying 
in  an  exposed  position  and  fearful  of  the  yellow  peril,  had  recently 
adopted  compulsory  military  service :  the  former  country  had  begun 
to  build  a  fleet,  while  the  latter  had  presented  one  ship  to  the  Mother 
Country.  Also  South  Africa,  where  the  whites  were  so  greatly  out- 
numbered by  the  blacks,  had  resorted  to  compulsory  registration  to 
supply  a  possible  lack  —  which  had  never  occurred  —  of  volunteers 
for  military  training.  In  lieu  of  constructing  ships,  the  South  African 
Government  had  contributed  annually  toward  the  upkeep  of  the  Im- 
perial Navy. 

Thus  there  were  great  differences  of  method  and  policy  in  various 
parts  of  the  Empire,  and  nothing  could  be  done  without  the  consent 
of  Governments  responsible  to  the  people  in  the  various  Dominions ; 
moreover,  there  had  been  a  general  desire  for  a  free  hand  in  military 
policy,  lest  a  common  army  and  navy  might  involve  them  in  enterprises 
of  which  one  or  another  might  not  approve.  Nevertheless,  the  out- 
break of  the  War  fired  them  with  a  common  purpose  and  a  high  resolve 
to  prevent  the  Empire  from  being  burst  asunder.  The  offers  of  the 
Self-governing  Dominions  to  place  their  lives  and  their  resources  at 
the  disposal  of  the  common  cause  were  prompt  and  spontaneous,  while 
men  and  money  poured  in  from  British  colonies  and  possessions  in 

1  It  was  under  the  presidency  of  the  British  Premier  and  included  various  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet,  together  with  naval  and  military  experts,  as  well  as  certain 
high  officials  from  the  Dominions  who  were  occasionally  called  in  consultation. 


892      SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER   BRITAIN 

every  part  of  the  globe.  One  Basuto  chieftain  cried  :  "  Why  stand  we 
idle,"  and  theCayman  Islands  gave  according  to  their  capacity — £210. 
Truly  King  George  could  declare :  "  I  am  proud  to  be  able  to  show  to 
the  world  that  my  people  overseas  are  as  determined  as  the  people  of 
the  United  Kingdom  to  prosecute  a  just  cause  to  a  successful  end." 

Canada.  —  The  British  declaration  of  war  found  Canada  with  a 
permanent  militia  —  in  training  all  the  year  —  of  270  officers  and 
2700  men,  reenforced  by  a  so-called  active  militia  —  in  training  about 
two  weeks  annually  —  of  a  nominal  strength  of  3850  officers  and 
44,500  men.  Straightway  the  Government  offered  20,000  men,  at 
the  same  time  placing  her  two  cruisers  at  the  disposal  of  the  Admiralty 
for  commerce  protection.  Before  instructions  could  be  issued  by  the 
military  department  for  the  first  contingent,  100,000  had  volunteered. 
Foodstuffs  and  provender,  including  i  ,000,000  bags  of  flour,  were  among 
the  earliest  contributions.  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,  leader  of  the  Opposi- 
tion, gave  assurances  of  support  from  the  Liberal  party,  and,  except 
for  a  group  of  French  nationalist  extremists,  the  unanimity  was  striking. 
As  the  Duke  of  Connaught,  then  Governor  General,  announced : 
"  Canada  stands  united  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Atlantic  in  her  deter- 
mination to  uphold  the  honor  and  tradition  of  our  Empire."  By 
the  end  of  September,  the  first  contingent  of  the  Canadian  expedi- 
tionary force —  31,500  men  and  7500  horses  —  was  transported  to 
England,  and,  after  a  course  of  training  there,  gave  a  magnificent  ac- 
count of  themselves  in  the  Western  Campaign  of  1915.  About  60 
per  cent  were  British  or  Irish  born,  but  it  is  curious  to  note  that,  so 
late  as  March,  1916,  out  of  a  total  of  350,000  volunteers  only  16,000 
were  French  Canadians.  This  aloofness  was  due  partly  to  anti-Eng- 
lish feeling  and  political  opposition  to  the  party  in  power,  partly  to 
religious  animosity  to  France  for  her  anti-clerical  legislation  a  few 
years  previous  to  the  War.  Ultimately,  however,  wise  and  far-sighted 
bishops  prevailed  on  zealous  and  prejudiced  priests  to  cease  obstruc- 
tion on  the  latter  ground.  In  order  to  distribute'  the  burden  of  service 
effectively  and  fairly,  Sir  Robert  Borden,  in  the  spring  of  1917,  came 
out  for  conscription.  In  the  election  fought  on  that  issue,  the  Unionist 
or  Coalition  Government  was  victorious  and  proceeded  to  the  draft. 
Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  original  enthusiasm  had  gradually 
spent  its  force,  448,063  had  volunteered  by  the  time  the  new  Parliament 
had  met — 18  March,  1918.  Laurier,  in  spite  of  his  assurances  of 
support  at  the  beginning  of  the  War,  opposed  the  Military  Service 
Act  —  passed  as  a  result  of  the  Unionist  victory  —  on  the  ground  that 
to  approve  it  would  destroy  his  influence  in  Quebec  and  possibly  lead 
to  a  revolution  of  the  extremists.  As  a  matter  of  fact  there  were 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    893 

riots  in  that  Province,  during  the  spring  of  1918,  against  enforcing  the 
draft ;  but  they  never  attained  serious  dimensions.  Food  regulation 
was  difficult  for  many  reasons  —  the  great  extent  of  the  country  and 
the  sparse  population  in  many  areas,  together  with  the  impatience  of 
control  felt  by  a  young  self-reliant  people.  Apparent  plenty,  suspicion 
at  first  that  the  aim  was  to  reduce  the  cost  of  living  rather  than  to 
save  food,  as  well  as  the  difficulties  of  distribution  in  the  thinly  popu- 
lated districts  helped  explain  why  no  rationing  system  was  adopted ; 
but  various  measures  were  taken  in  1918  to  control  the  food  supply  — 
among  them  licensing  of  wholesale  and  retail  dealers,  and  an  Order 
in  Council,  supplementing  existing  Provincial  legislation,  prohibiting 
the  manufacture  of  intoxicants,  in  the  interest  of  food  economy.  All 
together,  Canada 1  like  all  the  Self-governing  Dominions 2  made  a 
splendid  showing. 

Australia.  —  Formerly,  like  most  folk  of  English  stock,  Australians 
and  New  Zealanders  felt  that  "  compulsory  service  was  a  form  of 
slavery  unworthy  of  free  Britons."  The  outcome  of  the  Russo-Jap- 
anese War,  however,  opened  their  eyes,  and,  for  reasons  already 
stated,  led  to  its  adoption.  On  the  outbreak  of  the  Great  War  this 
Dominion,  too,  was  swift  to  demonstrate  its  loyalty  to  the  Empire. 
Her  army  consisted  of  a  citizen  force  of  50,000  and  85,000  cadets ;  but, 
since  her  Defense  Acts  made  no  provision  for  service  abroad,  volunteers 
were  necessary,  and  they  were  quickly  forthcoming.  For  the  first 
expeditionary  force  20,000  were  called  for ;  but,  by  November,  1914, 
165,000  were  under  arms.  Before  the  year  was  over,  Australian  and 
New  Zealand  forces  had  assisted  in  the  capture  of  various  German 
possessions  in  the  Pacific;  but  the  bulk  of  the  Anzacs  were  sent  to 
Egypt  for  training.  Owing  to  the  free  life  to  which  they  had  been 
accustomed,  they  were  inclined  to  be  restive  under  restraint ;  but  at 
Gallipoli  and  on  the  Western  front,  they  showed  the  splendid  stuff  of 
which  they  were  made.  In  spite  of  the  fine  spirit  manifested  by  the 
volunteers,  it  ultimately  became  clear  to  the  Government  that  regular 
supply  of  wastage  and  fairness  in  distribution  of  burdens  required 
conscription.3  Yet,  when  the  issue  was  referred  to  the  people  in  a 

1  The  total  in  arms  furnished  by  Canada,  including  those  conscribed,  was  640,886 
out  of  a  population  of  not  much  more  than  8,000,000  all  told ;   casualties  have 
been  estimated  at  205,675,  including  55,175  killed.     Canada's  direct  war  expenses 
amounted  to  about  £335,000,000,  raised  by  taxes  and  loans. 

2  Newfoundland,  where  the  population  was  only  250,000,  very  soon  had  12,000 
volunteers.     Finally  a  legislature  which  met  23  April,  1918,  passed  a  conscription 
bill  which  was  signed  by  the  Governor,  1 1  May. 

3  Following  the  lead  of  New  Zealand  they  had  already  adopted  compulsory 
registration,  for  all  between  17  and  60,  in  September,  1915. 


SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

referendum,  it  was  decisively  defeated  28  October,  1916.  In  May, 
1917,  a  coalition  of  the  Liberals  and  National  Laborites  was  elected, 
not  on  the  conscription  issue,  but  with  an  assurance  on  the  part  of  the 
leaders  that,  in  case  of  necessity,  another  referendum  on  the  subject 
would  be  taken.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  question  was  once  more 
referred  to  the  country  and  was  again  defeated,  largely  through  the 
efforts  of  the  extreme  labor  element  of  the  I.  W.  W.  type,  the  Sinn 
Feiners  and  the  conscientious  objectors.  It  is  true  that  the  Labor 
Party  have  had  some  legitimate  grounds  for  criticizing  the  Government ; 
yet,  while  this  may  explain,  it  by  no  means  excuses  the  obstructive 
tactics  of  the  extremists  while  their  country  was  striving  to  put  its 
full  weight  in  the  War.  Nevertheless,  after  all  has  been  said,  Aus- 
tralia can  be  proud  of  her  record.1 

New  Zealand.  —  When  the  declaration  of  war  came,  New  Zealand 
was  just  recovering  from  a  syndicalist  strike  which  began  in  October, 
1913,  and  was  only  practically  broken  in  February,  1914.  Yet  she 
nobly  fulfilled  her  promise  that  she  was  "  prepared  to  make  any  sacri- 
fice to  maintain  her  heritage  and  her  birthright."  As  early  as  10  June, 
1916,  a  bill  for  compulsory  overseas  service  had  been  passed,  and  some 
220,000  were  recruited,  91,000  of  whom  were  volunteers,  and  this  out 
of  a  population  of  less  than  400,000  males  over  15  years  of  age.  She 
lost  56,886  in  casualties  and  expended  nearly  £80,000,000  for  war 
purposes. 

South  Africa.  —  Like  Canada,  South  Africa  had  to  contend  with  a 
race  problem  from  which  Australia  and  New  Zealand  were  free.  There 
was  a  strong  Dutch  Nationalist  element,  led  by  General  Hertzog,  in 
Parliament,  who  complained  that  the  Crown  Government  discrimi- 
nated against  the  Boers  in  administrative  appointments  as  well  as  in 
various  other  ways,  and  who,  adopting  as  their  motto  "  South  Africa 
first,"  vociferously  opposed  all  contributions  for  Imperial  purposes. 
In  spite  of  their  attitude,  in  spite  of  unsettled  labor  conditions,  and 
the  fact  that  the  blacks  so  overwhelmingly  outnumbered  the  whites, 
General  Botha,  the  Premier,  and  his  Cabinet  colleague,  General  Smuts, 
at  once  offered  to  assume  the  defense  of  South  Africa,  which  set  free 
6,000  regular  troops  for  active  service.  Here  was  a  great  opportunity 
for  malcontents :  Hertzog  himself  was  not  prepared  to  go  the  length 
of  armed  revolt ;  but  there  were  rasher  spirits.  Chief  among  them  were 
two  veterans  of  the  Boer  War  —  Beyers,  a  Commander  of  the  Active 
Citizen  Force  created  by  the  Defense  Act  of  1912,  and  the  famous 

1  She  raised,  paid  and  equipped  an  armed  force  of  416,809  men,  she  suffered 
casualties  aggregating  209,951,  and,  up  to  June,  1918,  she  had  expended  —  ex- 
clusive of  £10,000,000  raised  for  various  patriotic  funds  —  nearly  £250,000,000. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR    895 

guerilla  leader  De  Wet.  The  most  sinister  figure,  however,  was 
Colonel  Maritz,  who  had  fought  on  the  Boer  side,  had  later  served  with 
the  Germans,  and  who  subsequently  took  a  command  under  Beyers 
on  the  South  African  border. 

The  South  African  Rebellion.  —  Existing  elements  of  discontent 
were  sedulously  played  upon  by  German  propaganda,  and  in  October, 
1914,  a  revolt  of  the  disaffected  broke  out  which  threatened  serious 
consequences.  The  immediate  occasion  for  the  rebellion  was  an  order 
to  invade  German  Southwest  Africa.  Many  who  insisted  that  they 
were  not  pro-German  were  certainly  ignorant  or  willfully  regardless 
of  the  German  militaristic  designs  in  Africa,  and  declared  that  they 
were  averse  to  mixing  in  European  quarrels  in  which  they  had  no  con- 
cern. The  signal  of  revolt  was  an  ultimatum  from  Maritz  who  had  been 
in  communication  with  the  Germans  for  weeks.  The  Government 
acted  promptly,  martial  law  was  proclaimed,  and,  26  October,  Maritz 
was  defeated  and  forced  to  flee  across  the  border.  Meantime,  Beyers 
had  risen  in  the  Transvaal  and  De  Wet  in  Orange  River  Free  State. 
The  backbone  of  the  rebellion  was  broken  before  the  end  of  the  month ; 
but  the  two  Boer  leaders  were  not  disposed  of  for  some  weeks  to  come. 
De  Wet  was  finally  captured,  i  December,  and  was  later  tried  and 
sentenced  to  six  years'  imprisonment.  Beyers  was  drowned  in  attempt- 
ing to  escape  after  defeat.  The  last  episode  in  the  rebellion  was 
an  unsuccessful  attempt  at  invasion  from  German  Southwest  Africa, 
24  January,  1915. 

The  Conquest  of  German  Southwest  Africa.  —  Under  the  personal 
command  of  General  Botha  the  conquest  of  German  Southwest 
Africa  was  seriously  undertaken  directly  the  end  of  the  Boer  rebellion 
was  in  sight.  The  territory  to  be  invaded  —  barren  and  inaccessible 
—  had  been  regarded  as  under  British  influence  until  1882  ;  two  years 
later,  following  sudden  activity  of  a  horde  of  German  missionaries 
and  traders,  it  was  formally  annexed  by  Germany,  except  Walfisch 
Bay,  the  only  good  harbor  on  the  coast.  According  to  Botha's  plan, 
attacks  were  made  both  from  the  west  by  sea  and  by  land  forces 
marching  across  the  South  African  border  from  the  east  and  south- 
east. In  the  final  attacks  the  Premier  commanded  the  sea  contingents 
and  his  colleague  General  Smuts  the  land  forces,  and,  before  the  close 
of  spring,  the  conquest  was  practically  complete,  though  the  last  Ger- 
man force  did  not  surrender  till  9  July,  1915.  South  Africa  was  never 
free  from  race  dissension  and  nationalistic  obstruction  throughout 
the  War,  yet  never  again  was  there  serious  danger  of  armed  revolt.1 

German  East  Africa.  —  German  East  Africa,  the  largest  and  most 
1  Her  contributions  for  war  expenses  have  amounted  to  over  £60,000,000. 


896      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

important  of  Germany's  overseas  possessions,  proved  the  most  diffi- 
cult to  overcome.  Here  Colonel  von  Lettow-Vorbeck,  who  by  Octo- 
ber, 1914,  had  an  army  of  4000  whites  and  30,000  natives,  more  than 
held  his  own  for  a  year  and  a  half.  The  Allied  initiative  was  taken  in 
the  autumn  of  1914  by  an  Anglo-Indian  force,  and  the  coast  was  block- 
aded in  the  following  February.  Early  in  February,  1916,  an  expedi- 
tionary force  from  South  Africa  arrived,  under  General  Smuts,  who  was 
placed  in  supreme  command.  At  the  time  of  his  arrival  the  enemy 
not  only  held  all  of  German  East  Africa  practically  intact  but  was  in 
possession  of  a  bit  of  British  East  Africa  as  well.  The  Allies  had  a 
difficult  problem.  In  a  trying  climate,  with  a  very  defective  system  of 
transportation,  they  had  to  maintain  long  lines  of  communications 
and  to  coordinate  forces  cooperating  at  widely  separated  points  — 
the  main  force  working  down  from  the  north,  Congo  negroes  under 
Belgian  officers  pushing  in  from  the  west,  and  a  Rhodesian  contingent 
starting  from  the  south.  Before  General  Smuts  was  called  to  England, 
January,  1917,  he  had  achieved  about  two  thirds  of  the  conquest,  which 
was  only  slowly  completed  by  his  successors.  In  November,  1917, 
Lettow-Vorbeck  was  driven  to  take  refuge  in  Portuguese  East  Africa, 
whence  he  subsequently  recrossed  the  border  and  finally  retreated  to 
northern  Rhodesia,  where  he  surrendered,  14  November,  1918. 

The  Other  German  Possessions.  —  Meantime,  Germany  had  lost 
all  her  other  colonial  possessions,  most  of  them,  indeed,  before  the  close 
of  the  first  year  of  the  war.  In  Africa,  Togoland  was  conquered  with- 
in three  weeks,  before  the  close  of  August,  1914,  by  Anglo-French  and 
Belgian  forces,  while  the  Kamerunfell  to  the  French  and  Belgians.  Both 
sides  used  native  negroes  in  the  fighting.  In  the  Pacific,  Japan  played 
a  large  part  in  the  conquest  of  the  islands  north  of  the  equator,  and, 
November,  1914,  took  Tsingtau  and  Kiao-chau  in  the  Chinese  Shan- 
tung peninsula. 

Egypt  in  the  Early  Stages  of  the  War.  —  In  spite  of  the  achievements 
of  the  British  administration  in  Egypt,  there  were  abundant  elements 
of  discord  for  enemy  intrigue  to  work  on.  The  Turkish  Sultan  was 
under  German  control,  and  the  Khedive,  his  nominal  vassal,  who  had 
been  educated  in  Vienna,  was  in  sympathy  with  the  Central  Powers ; 
certainly  he  had  been  very  restive  under  British  advisers,  particularly 
Lord  Cromer.  There  was  a  group  of  educated  Nationalists  who  were 
demanding  enlarged  powers  of  self-government ;  the  student  body  was 
truculent  and  dissatisfied ;  the  moneyed  class  resented  the  checks  on 
graft  and  oppression  which  the  British  imposed ;  the  lower  urban  ele- 
ment were  poorly  off  and  uneasy,  the  Bedouins  were  lawless,  while  the 
peasantry,  who  had  profited  so  greatly  under  the  British  regime,  were 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     8g7 

ignorant  and  apathetic.1  On  the  eve  of  the  War,  landlords  were  hit 
by  the  failure  to  finance  the  cotton  crop,  industries  were  dislocated  — 
with  consequent  unemployment  which  gave  splendid  opportunities 
for  German,  Turkish,  and  Nationalistic  agitators ;  and  the  Ministry 
of  Finance  was  slow  in  rising  to  the  situation.  In  the  interests  of  the 
masses  and  the  security  of  the  Empire,  the  British  Government,  re- 
gardless of  the  strict  letter  of  the  law,  took  possession.  The  army  of 
occupation  was  replaced  by  detachments  from  the  Indian  Expedition- 
ary force,  and,  in  November  and  December,  Anzacs  began  to  arrive. 
The  Khedive,  who  was  in  Constantinople  when  the  War  broke  out, 
was  advised  not  to  return ;  enemy  aliens  were  registered,  and  deported 
or  placed  in  concentration  camps ;  and  ships,  which  refused  to  leave 
the  Suez  Canal,  were  removed  outside  the  three-mile  limit  and  taken 
possession  of  there.  Finally,  5  November,  1914,  war  was  declared  on 
Turkey,  and  19  December,  since  the  Turks  were  massing  troops  in 
Syria,  and  since  the  Khedive  was  stirring  up  the  Senussi  —  a  reformed 
Mohammedan  sect  on  the  western  border  —  the  British  proclaimed  a 
protectorate,  which  was  the  only  alternative  to  annexation  or  inde- 
pendence.2 No  military  aid  was  required  of  the  Egyptians. 

Turco-German  Attacks  on  Egypt.  —  It  was  clear  that  the  Turks, 
under  German  direction,  would  strike  an  early  blow  at  Egypt ;  conse- 
quently, British  ships  busily  patrolled  the  coast  and  the  Suez  Canal 
was  speedily  blocked  and  fortified.  The  first  Turkish  advance,  which 
started  in  January,  191 5,  across  the  Sinai  peninsula,  was  quickly  re- 
pulsed in  February;  indeed,  the  invaders  fled  so  precipitately  that 
few  prisoners  were  taken  in  the  counter-attack  which  followed.  While 
the  enemy  were  engaged  in  preparing  to  try  again,  Egypt  was  exposed 
to  danger  from  a  new  quarter.  The  Senussi,  whose  apprehensions 
against  the  territorial  advances  in  northern  Africa  of  the  French  and 
the  Italians  —  British  allies  —  had  been  cleverly  worked  upon,  rose 
in  revolt  and,  late  in  1915,  invaded  western  Egypt,  where  they  were 
joined  by  some  Bedouin  tribes.  By  the  summer  of  1916  the  British 
had  the  situation  well  in  hand,  though  the  Senussi  remained  a  factor 
to  be  reckoned  with,  if  not  a  very  serious  one.  In  August,  the  Turks 
made  their  second  unsuccessful  attack  on  the  Suez  Canal. 

The  Syrian-Palestine  Campaign.  —  After  the  second  repulse  of  the 
Turks,  the  British  finally  took  the  offensive,  and,  during  the  interval 

1  According  to  the  estimate  of  an  Oriental,  rather  more  than  10  per  cent  of  the 
population  were  actively  for  the  British,  rather  less  than  10  per  cent  opposed,  and 
about  80  per  cent  were  indifferent,  so  long  as  they  and  their  religion  were  left  alone. 

2  Hussein  Kamil,  uncle  of  the  deposed  Khedive,  was  set  up  as  Sultan.     He  died, 
October,  1917,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Ahmed  Faud. 

3M 


SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

from  December,  1916,  to  February,  1917,  succeeded  in  clearing  the 
Sinai  peninsula  of  the  enemy.  The  Commander-in-Chief,  General 
Murray,  next  planned  to  conquer  southern  Palestine,  but  receiving 
decisive  checks,  was  replaced  by  General  (now  Field  Marshal)  Allenby, 
who,  in  October,  1917,  opened  a  strong  offensive,  broke  through  the 
Turkish  lines  from  Gaza  to  Beersheba,  and  took  Jerusalem,  n  Decem- 
ber. Meantime,  he  had  obtained  a  powerful  ally  in  Hussein,  Sherif 
of  Mecca.  Hussein,  who  claimed  descent  from  Mohammed,  had  in 
June,  1916,  declared  himself  independent  of  the  Sultan,  under  whom 
he  had  served  as  Governor  and,  in  November,  took  the  title  of  King 
of  the  Hedjaz  —  from  a  strip  of  country  skirting  the  Red  Sea.  Cooper- 
ating with  an  Arab  army  led  by  one  of  the  sons  of  the  Sherif  with 
whom  he  advanced  in  parallel  columns,  Allenby  swept  from  victory 
to  victory.  By  the  capture  of  Jericho,  21  February,  1918,  he  com- 
pleted the  conquest  of  Southern  Palestine.  Then,  with  reinforcements 
of  infantry,  cavalry,  airplanes  and  armored  cars,  he  started  a  final 
stage  of  the  campaign,  18  September,  1918,  and  within  two  weeks  had 
forced  the  collapse  of  an  army  of  110,000  Turks  and  15,000  Germans. 
By  26  October  the  conquest  of  Syria  was  complete.  The  achieve- 
ments of  Allenby  and  the  army  of  the  King  of  the  Hedjaz,  together 
with  the  advance  of  the  Allied  Balkan  army  toward  the  Turkish  front 
near  Adrianople,  as  well  as  of  another  British  force  under  General 
Marshall  in  Upper  Mesopotamia,  resulted  in  the  collapse  of  Turkey, 
who  entered  into  an  armistice,  30  October. 

The  Mesopotamian  Campaign. — The  British,  who  had  been  estab- 
lished for  three  centuries  in  the  Persian  Gulf ,  undertook  very  early  in  the 
War,  a  campaign  in  Mesopotamia  fora  combination  of  strategic,  politi- 
cal, and  economic  reasons;  namely,  in  order  to  cooperate  with  the 
Russians  coming  down  from  the  Caucasus,  to  divert  the  threatened 
Turkish  concentration  against  Egypt  and  to  guard  against  a  possible 
menace  to  India;  to  block  the  completion  of  the  German  Bagdad 
railway  project ; l  to  guard  the  Persian  oil  wells  and  to  oust  the  Turks 
from  the  valleys  of  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  where  they  had  turned 
an  ancient  paradise  into  a  desert.  Operating  from  the  Persian  Gulf 
they  occupied  Basra,  14  November,  1914,  whence,  by  December,  they 
had  penetrated  fifty  miles  inland,  to  the  junction  of  the  Tigris  and  the 
Euphrates.  In  April,  1915,  General  Sir  John  Nixon  was  placed  in 
command,  and  in  May,  under  the  immediate  command  of  General 
Townshend,  a  fan-shaped  drive  was  launched  into  Mesopotamia,  the 
cradle  of  civilization.  After  a  brilliant  engagement,  one  of  Townshend 's 
columns  captured,  29  September,  Kut-el-Amara,  a  Turkish  stronghold 

'This  was  a  war  measure. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     899 


on  the  Tigris.  Next,  against  his  better  judgment,  Townshend  was 
obliged  to  execute  an  order  to  advance  to  Bagdad.  The  stakes  were 
the  moral  effect  of  capturing  the  capital  of  the  Khalifs  and  securing 
an  important  base  against  the  Turks ;  but,  with  insufficient  forces  and 
equipment  and  a  perilous  line  of  communications,  it  was  a  hazardous 
proceeding.  On  22  November  the  invaders  were  repulsed  at  Ctesiphon 
and  had  to  retrreat  to  Kut  where,  besieged  by  a  strong  force  of  Turks, 
Townshend  held  out  for  five  months,  and  only  surrendered,  April, 
1916,  after  three  attempts  to  relieve  him  had  failed.  The  disaster 
was  rendered  all  the  more  deplorable  by  the  woeful  defectiveness  of 
the  British  artillery,  transport,  and  medical  supplies,  deficiencies  so 
serious  that  a  Royal  Commission  of  investigation  was  appointed. 


THE  BRITISH  ADVANCE  IN  ASIATIC  TURKEY,  1918. 

However,  contrary  to  their  policy  after  the  Gallipoli  failure,  the 
British  persisted.  During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1916  they  re- 
organized their  transport  system,  and  started  again,  under  the  effect- 
ive leadership  of  General  Maude,  who,  24  February,  1917,  recaptured 
Kut,  and,  n  March,  penetrated  into  Bagdad.  The  pressure  of  Allen- 
by's  campaign  farther  west  prevented  the  Turks  this  time  from  under- 
taking a  serious  counter-attack.  Unhappily,  General  Maude  died 
suddenly  of  cholera,  19  November,  1917;  but  the  command  passed 
to  the  competent  hands  of  General  Sir  William  Marshall,  while  the 
work  of  civil  administration  was  ably  carried  on  by  Sir  Percy  Cox. 
The  late  General  Maude,  on  the  capture  of  Bagdad,  had  issued  a  proc- 
lamation expressing  sympathy  with  the  national  aspirations  of  the 
natives,  and  various  efforts  were  made  to  gain  their  confidence,  efforts 
which  had  at  first  been  hampered  by  the  military  reverses  of  the  British, 


900      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

though  the  work  of  the  redemption  of  the  country  had  begun  with  the 
occupation  of  Basra  in  the  autumn  of  1914.  In  the  work  of  winning 
over  the  Arabs  —  many  of  whom  were  already  anti-Turkish  —  the 
British  were  greatly  aided  by  the  new  Sultan  of  Egypt,  so  long  as  he 
lived,  and  by  the  King  of  the  Hedjaz,  while  the  process  was  greatly 
fostered  by  the  extensive  material  improvements  introduced  by  the 
new  regime.  Railroads  were  extended,  new  lines  of  steamers  were 
started,  new  irrigation  projects  were  launched,  fair  rents  were  adjusted 
and  new  markets  were  set  up,1  and  the  lawless  tribes  of  the  marshes 
were  conciliated.  Nevertheless,  the  whole  situation  in  the  Near  East 
is  not  without  very  disquieting  features.  The  problem  of  adjusting 
the  conquered  areas  of  Syria  and  Palestine  to  the  satisfaction  of  France 
and  Great  Britain,  while,  at  the  same  time,  giving  due  recognition  to 
the  nationalistic  aspirations  in  those  territories  and  in  the  new  king- 
dom of  the  Hedjaz,  is  a  complicated  and  baffling  one.2  Furthermore, 
the  War  aims  of  the  Allies,  particularly  Mr.  Wilson's  emphasis  on 
democracy  and  self-determination,  the  example  of  Bolshevist  Russia, 
the  scarcity  and  high  cost  of  food,  together  with  the  agitation  on  the 
part  of  Nationalists,  supported  by  the  unruly  city  elements  and  the 
lawless  Bedouins,  have  led  to  grave  disturbances  in  Egypt,  and  in 
India  as  well,  where  many  of  the  same  causes  have  been  operative. 

India  in  the  War.  —  India's  first  reaction  to  the  British  declaration 
of  war  was  one  of  intense  loyalty,  greatly  to  the  disappointment  of 
Germany,  who  had  counted  on  fomenting  rebellion  there.  For  the 
moment,  seditious  native  agitators  and  German  propagandists  were 
inundated  in  a  general  wave  of  enthusiasm  for  the  Allied  cause.  Num- 
bers of  native  rulers  freely  and  spontaneously  contributed  troops, 
treasure,  and  private  jewels,  while  not  a  few  volunteered  personally 
to  go  to  the  front.  Indeed,  all  sorts  of  associations,  classes,  and  creeds 
eagerly  offered  help.  Stocky  Gurkha  riflemen,  Hindus  who  set  little 
store  by  caste ;  tall,  clean-cut  bearded  Sikhs,  the  backbone  of  the  In- 
dian army;  Marathas;  high-caste  Brahmans  and  Rajputs;  various 
Mussulman  folk,  Punjabi  and  Pathans  from  the  Northwest  Provinces 
among  them,  were  hurried  into  action  and  rendered  valiant  service 
on  every  front.  All  together,  exclusive  of  239,561  troops  in  the  Indian 
army  at  the  outbreak  of  the  hostilities,  1,161,789  were  recruited  dur- 

1  Bagdad,  for  instance,  was  quite  transformed  by  June,  1918,  what  with  a  police 
system,  a  fire  department,  schools,  and  electric  lights. 

2  Moreover,  a  recent  agreement  between  Great  Britain  and  Persia,  by  which 
the  former  guarantees  a  large  loan  and  undertakes  the  training  of  the  latter's  army 
and  police,  has  aroused  a  strong  suspicion  in  many  quarters  that  the  British  have  an 
eye  on  the  Persian  oil  fields.     Early  in  1918  Trotzky  announced  the  repudiation  of 
the  Anglo-Russian  agreement  of  1907  respecting  Persia,  see  above  pp.  793,  808. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER   BRITAIN   IN  THE  WORLD   WAR     gOI 

ing  the  War,  though  these  huge  numbers  were  only  a  small  proportion 
of  her  teeming  population  of  315,000,000.  More  striking,  considering 
the  poverty  of  the  country,  were  the  generous  subscriptions  to  War 
loans,  her  total  contribution  to  the  War  expenses  amounting  to  over 
£ 1 20,000,000.  Thus  the  effective,  honest  administration  of  the  British 
had  borne  good  fruit. 

Manifestations  of  Discontent.  —  Nevertheless,  as  the  first  wave  of 
enthusiasm  spent  its  force,  evidences  of  unrest  began  to  manifest  them- 
selves here  and  there.  In  a  laudable  but  perhaps  mistaken  attempt 
to  keep  the  country  contented,  Great  Britain  had  failed  to  call  forth 
India's  best  efforts,  and  the  ardor  of  many  volunteers  was  dampened 
which  might  have  been  kept  afire  by  continued  sacrifice.  The  small 
group  of  educated  malcontents,  working  hand  in  hand  with  German 
intriguers,  began  to  raise  their  heads  once  more.  Revolutionary  doc- 
trines were  persistently  preached  by  well-organized  bands  of  plotters 
operating  from  various  centers  [  —  California,  Japan,  China,  Manila, 
Siam,  Burma,  and  even  Berlin.  As  a  result,  there  occurred  murders 
and  dacoities  (organized  lootings)  in  Bengal  and  the  Punjab,  and  even 
a  few  armed  risings,  of  which  one  that  broke  out  15  February,  1915,  at 
Singapore  created  the  greatest  stir. 

The  Grievances.  —  Much  of  the  money  alleged  to  have  been 
"  drained  "  from  India  has  gone  to  pay  the  interest  on  foreign  capital 
necessary  to  develop  the  country.  Excessive  rents  have  been  held 
in  check  by  Government  intervention,  and,  if  unsanitary  conditions 
are  all  too  prevalent  and  illiteracy  is  lamentably  high,  the  cost,  and  the 
opposition  of  many  of  the  natives  themselves,  present  formidable 
obstacles  to  rapid  improvement.2  Moreover,  the  transition  to  indus- 
trialism presents  new  complications.  Whatever  the  cause,  misery, 
poverty,  and  disease  are  grim  and  appalling  realities  —  the  cities  are 
congested  and  masses  of  operatives  are  worked  long  hours  and  scantily 
paid ;  yet,  whether  conditions  can  be  improved  under  another  system 
is  questionable ;  for  the  British  officials  are  honest  and  generally  com- 
petent, and  strive  valiantly  to  administer  a  poor  country,  to  introduce 
western  improvements  with  Oriental  revenues.  On  the  other  hand 

1  Much  capital  was  made  of  the  discrimination  against  the  coolies  in  South 
Africa  —  which  as  a  matter  of  fact  had  called  forth  protests  from  the  Viceroy, 
Lord  Hardinge  —  and  of  the  turning  back  of  a  shipload  of  Hindus  from  British 
Columbia  just  before  the  War.     Then  agitators  like  Lajpat  Rai  have  written  books 
in  which  they  pictured,  fondly  but  erroneously,  a  golden  age  existing  before  the 
British  occupation. 

2  Complaints  are  often  heard,  too,  of  the  disproportionate  expense  for  military 
establishments ;  but  the  danger,  first  from  Russia  and  then  from  Germany,  justify 
what  has  been  done. 


902       SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

they  are  too  prone  to  hold  aloof  from  the  natives  and  to  underestimate 
the  aspirations  of  the  intellectuals,  even  though  the  latter  do  not  realize 
the  difficulties  of  thrusting  Home  Rule  on  a  vast,  inert  population, 
held  back  by  prejudice,  ignorance  and  caste.  While  it  is  true  that 
the  Indian  National  Congress  and  the  All  India  Moslem  League  have 
made  demands  beyond  what  is  practicable,  it  became  clear  early  in  the 
War  that  more  would  have  to  be  conceded  in  the  way  of  self-govern- 
ment. The  Morley-Minto  reforms,  of  1909,  by  which  two  Indians 
were  appointed  to  the  Secretary's  Council  in  England,  and  one  Indian 
to  the  Viceroy's  Executive  Council  in  India,  and  by  which  the  natives 
were  given  enlarged  representation  in  the  Legislative  Councils,  both 
central  and  provincial,  had  ceased  to  satisfy.  The  franchise  was  on  a 
narrow  basis,  the  elections  were  indirect;  furthermore,  the  official 
appointed  members  outnumbered  the  elected,  who,  while  they  had 
opportunities  for  discussion  and  criticism,  had  no  real  power  and  re- 
sponsibility. They  could  carry  through  nothing  which  the  Govern- 
ment might  be  pleased  to  oppose,  nor  could  they  stop  supplies.  Lord 
Hardinge,  who  was  Viceroy  from  1910  to  1916,  advocated  provincial 
autonomy  and  increased  devolution  of  powers  from  the  central  Govern- 
ment ;  but  the  Secretary  of  State  for  India  failed  to  indorse  his  pro- 
posals. As  time  went  on,  an  advanced  section  of  the  "  Young  " 
Mohammedans  drew  closer  to  the  Hindus,  in  spite  of  the  many  points 
of  friction  that  had  hitherto  kept  them  at  odds.  British  support  of 
the  French  in  Tunis  and  Morocco,  of  the  Italians  in  Tripoli,  the  Anglo- 
Russian  agreement,  and  the  pressure  on  Turkey  for  reform  led  the 
Mohammedans  to  assume  the  existence  of  a  growing  hostility  to  those 
of  their  faith,  suspicions  that  were  diligently  fostered  by  the  "  Young  " 
Turks  and  the  German.  Nevertheless,  the  land-owning  and  other 
conservative  elements  were  soberly  distrustful  of  this  alliance,  resting 
on  no  common  ground  except  opposition  to  the  British  regime. 

The  Demand  for  Home  Rule.  — While  moderate  loyal  counsels 
prevailed  in  the  1914  session  of  the  Indian  National  Congress,  the 
radical  element  had  grown  decidedly  stronger  by  the  following  year. 
Lord  Chelmsford,  who  arrived  in  India,  4  April,  1916,  as  Lord  Hardinge's 
successor,  was,  as  events  proved,  inclined  to  concession;  but  the 
military  crisis  in  Mesopotamia  and  the  need  of  acting  in  harmony  with 
the  Home  Government  led  him  to  ignore  a  project  of  reform  sub- 
mitted by  nineteen  "  elected  "  members  of  the  Legislative  Council. 
This  gave  a  handle  to  the  extremists,  who  captured  the  Indian  National 
Congress  at  its  Christmas  session  of  1916,  and  under  the  lead  of  Mrs. 
Besant,  a.restless  visionary,  and  Mr.  Tilak,  a  seditious  journalist,  de- 
manded large  powers  of  self-government.  In  conjunction  with  the 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     903 

All  India  Moslem  League  they  drafted  a  scheme  calling  for  control 
over  financial,  legislative,  and  administrative  affairs.  Further  en- 
couraged by  the  Russian  Revolution  and  the  evidence  disclosed  of  the 
British  inefficiency  against  the  Turks  in  Mesopotamia,  they  sent  a 
delegation  to  present  their  draft  to  Mr.  E.  S.  Montagu,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded to  the  office  of  Secretary  for  India1  in  July,  1917.  About  this 
time  Mrs.  Besant  and  Mohammed  Ali,  the  leading  Moslem  agitator, 
were  interned  for  inflammatory  utterances.  Mrs.  Besant,  who  was 
subsequently  released,  was  elected  President  of  the  Indian  National 
Congress  for  1917 ;  Mohammed  Ali  was  chosen  to  the  same  office  by 
the  Moslem  League,  a  mere  demonstration  of  their  attitude  as  it  proved, 
since,  refusing  to  give  requisite  assurances,  he  was  held  in  confinement. 
Yet,  in  spite  of  disorders,  of  German  intrigue,  and  the  vociferousness 
of  the  extremists,  the  majority  continued  loyally  to  support  the  War, 
and,  what  with  good  rains  and  a  fine  market  for  Indian  wares,  there 
was  a  relative  degree  of  prosperity.  Very  wisely  the  Government, 
while  determined  to  put  down  all  sedition  and  to  refuse  all  imprac- 
ticable demands,  decided  to  offer  a  far-reaching  concession. 

The  Montagu-Chelmsford  Report.  —  On  20  August,  1917,  the  mo- 
mentous announcement  was  made  in  the  House  of  Commons  of  a  defi- 
nite policy  "  of  the  increasing  association  of  Indians  in  every  branch 
of  the  administration,  and  the  gradual  development  of  self-governing 
institutions  with  a  view  to  the  progressive  realization  of  responsible 
government  in  India  as  an  integral  part  of  the  British  Empire."  In 
spite  of  the  distraction  of  the  War,  Mr.  Montagu  went  to  India,  and, 
with  Lord  Chelmsford,  made  an  exhaustive  investigation  lasting  six 
months,  the  result  of  which  was  a  report  of  300  octavo  pages,  which  was 
signed  by  the  Secretary  and  the  Viceroy,  22  April,  1918,  and  shortly 
afterwards  presented  to  Parliament.  ' '  The  proposals  include  a  great  ex- 
tension of  local  self-government,  so  as  to  train  the  extended  electorates, 
a  substantial  measure  of  self-government  in  the  Provinces;  develop- 
ments for  better  representation  of  Indian  needs  and  desires  in  the 
Government  of  India  and  an  all-India  Legislature ;  machinery  for 
fuller  knowledge  in  Parliament ;  and  means  for  continuously  enlarging, 
in  the  light  of  experience  and  at  regular  stages,  the  element  of  respon- 
sibility to  the  Indian  electorate. ' '  In  submitting  the  report ,  the  Govern- 
ment invited  reasoned  "  criticism  both  in  England  and  in  India,  official 
and  unofficial  alike."  It  announced  that  in  the  place  of  the  old  system 

1  Under  his  predecessor  two  important  steps  in  advance  had  been  taken.  Three 
members  for  India,  two  of  them  natives,  were  called  to  the  Imperial  War  Conference 
which  assembled  in  March,  1917,  and,  early  in  the  summer,  a  third  native  member 
was  admitted  to  the  Secretary's  Council. 


904      SHORTER  HISTORY   OF  ENGLAND   AND    GREATER  BRITAIN 

of  "  benevolent  despotism  (tempered  by  a  remote  and  only  occasionally 
vigilant  democracy  in  England)  "  the  British  Government  had  "  de- 
cided on  a  new  policy  of  marching  by  successive  stages,  as  fitness  de- 
velops, to  Indian  self-government  within  the  Empire."  At  the  same 
time,  it  declared  its  disapproval  of  the  scheme  of  the  National  Congress 
and  the  Moslem  League,  which  was  based  on  executive  responsibility 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  and  legislative  responsibility  to  the  elector- 
ate, on  the  ground  that  it  involved  an  unworkable  authority.1  In 
general,  the  Montagu-Chelmsford  plan  contemplates,  "  the  eventual 

1  The  Report,  published  6  July,  1918,  grouped  its  proposals  under  four  main 
heads.  I.  With  the  aim  of  insuring  as  much  Provincial  autonomy  as  was  con- 
sistent with  efficiency,  the  Provincial  executive  was  to  consist  of  two  Councils : 

(a)  the  Governor  and  an  Executive  Council  of  two  (one  European  and  one  Indian) 
to  deal  with  "reserved  subjects,"  i.e.  those  reserved  from  legislative  control; 

(b)  the  Governor  and  one  or  more  members  chosen  by  him  from  the  elected  members 
of  the  Provincial  Council,  to  hold  office  during  the  lifetime  of  the  Legislative  Coun- 
cil, and  to  deal  with  subjects  "transferred"  to  legislative  control.     The  right  of 
deciding  whether  a  subject  was  reserved  or  not  was  vested  in  the  Governor.     The 
Provincial  Legislature  was  to  be  elected  on  a  broad  franchise  and  by  direct  elec- 
tion, except  for  a  few  appointed  members  and  some  community  representatives  to 
protect  the  rights  of  minorities.     II.  In  matters  of  finance  the  demands  of  all 
India  should  be  the  first  charge;  except  for  this,  and  for  "reserved"  subjects,  the 
Legislature  would  control  the  Provincial  budget.     III.  The  Indian  central  Gov- 
ernment should  remain  wholly  responsible  to  Parliament;     but  the  Legislative 
Council  was  to  be  enlarged  and  made  more  representative  "and  its  opportunities 
for  influencing  the  Government  increased."     To  this  end,  the  old  body  was  to  be 
made  over  into  two  new  ones.     One,  called  the  Legislative  Assembly,  was  to  con- 
sist of  100  members,  of  whom  two  thirds  should  be  elected,  and  one  third  nominated 
by  the  Viceroy,  of  the  latter  only  one  third  could  be  officials  and  another  third 
should  represent  special  interests,  European,  commercial  and  land-owning.     The 
other,  called  the  Council  of  State,  was  to  consist  of  fifty  members  —  exclusive  of 
the  Viceroy  —  of  whom  29  were  to  be  nominated,  21  elected.     Each  body  was  to 
be  chosen  for  five  years,  though  the  power  to  dissolve  at  any  time  was  lodged  in 
the  Viceroy.     Moreover,  the  Council  of  State  was  to  have  final  legislative  authority 
in  matters  which  the  Government  might  regard  as  essential ;  thus  certain  matters 
could  be  passed  in  spite  of  the  Assembly.     Finally,  to  the  Viceroy's  Executive 
Council  one  new  Indian  member  was  to  be  added.     Two  new  bodies  were  set  up : 
an  Indian  Privy  Council  for  advisory  purposes,  to  which  appointments  were  to  be 
made  by  the  King-Emperor  for  life;  and  a  Council  of  Princes,  a  permanent  con- 
sultative body  to  consider  questions  affecting  Native  States  generally.     IV.  In 
proportion  as  the  foregoing  changes  take  effect,  the  control  of  Parliament  over  the 
Government  of  India  and  the  Provincial  Governments  must  be  relaxed.     Meantime, 
in  each  session  of  the  House  of  Commons,  a  select  committee  on  Indian  affairs  is 
to  be  chosen  to  give  special  attention  to  this  important  subject.     In  five  years  the 
Government  of  India  is  to  consider  proposals  from  the  Provincial  Governments  or 
the  Provincial  Legislatures  for  a  modification  of  the  list  of  reserved  and  transferred 
subjects,  while,  in  ten  years,  a  committee  is  to  be  appointed  to  re-survey  the  whole 
existing  system  of  government.    Thus  the  aim  is  to  attain  complete  responsi- 
bility where  possible  and  as  early  as  possible. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD   WAR     905 

future  of  India  to  be  a  sisterhood  of  States,  self-governing  in  all  matters 
of  purely  Provincial  interest  and  presided  over  by  a  central  Govern- 
ment, increasingly  representative  of,  and  responsible  to  the  people  of 
all  of  them,  dealing  with  matters,  both  internal  and  external,  of  com- 
mon interest  to  the  whole  of  India." 

The  Situation  at  the  Close  of  the  War.  —  At  first,  the  extremists 
were  inclined  to  reject  these  moderate  proposals  forthwith,  while  the 
special  interests,  European  and  others,  were  disquieted  that  they  went 
as  far  as  they  did.  Moreover,  the  triumph  of  the  Allies,  who  had  been 
professedly  fighting  for  self-determination  —  though  that  did  not 
apply  to  internal  arrangements  in  the  countries  of  their  constituent 
members  —  the  ravages  of  influenza  and  other  diseases,  the  scarcity 
of  food,  and  the  general  high  cost  of  living  have  led  to  serious  rioting, 
further  accentuated  by  the  so-called  Rowlatt  Bills,  providing  drastic 
means  for  suppressing  and  punishing  sedition.  However,  while  the 
Government  aims  to  hold  down  anarchy  with  a  strong  hand,  there 
are  hopeful  indications  that  its  reasonable  concessions  are  to  be  con- 
sidered on  their  merits.1 

The  Dominions  and  Great  Britain.  —  While  the  Self-governing 
Dominions  for  some  years  have  had  practically  complete  control  of 
their  internal  affairs,  even  to  the  extent  of  controlling  their  own  trade 
and  tariffs,  their  defense  and  their  immigration,  and  while  —  after 
laissez-faire  had  been  followed  by  a  new  enthusiasm  for  Empire  — 
their  desire  for  closer  cooperation  in  matters  of  common  Imperial 
concern  has  been  partially  realized  through  periodic  Conferences, 
nevertheless,  the  Government  of  the  United  Kingdom,  responsible 
only  to  the  electorate  of  the  British  Isles,  continued,  even  so  late  as 
the  first  months  of  the  third  year  of  the  War,  to  regulate  the  foreign 
and  military  policy  of  the  Empire.  To  be  sure,  there  had  been,  since 
1904,  a  Committee  of  Imperial  Defense,  to  which  officials  from  the 
Dominions  had  been  summoned  on  occasion,  but  its  functions  were 
solely  advisory.  There  were  various  reasons  why  the  Self-governing 
Dominions  were,  on  the  whole,  content  to  acquiesce  in  this  continu- 
ance of  British  control.2  Each  had  its  peculiar  problems  and  did  not 
want  to  be  entangled  in  European  complications,  and,  at  least  before 
the  world  menace  was  fully  realized,  they  were  reluctant  to  assume 
the  burden  of  a  great  Imperial  armament.  Yet,  when  the  crisis  came, 

1  A  Government  of  India  Act  based  on  the  Montagu-Chelmsford  Report  re- 
ceived the  Royal  assent  in  December,  1919. 

2  It  should  not  be  forgotten,  however,  that  one  step  in  advance  had  been  taken 
in  191 1,  when  it  was  announced  that  henceforth  the  Dominions  would  be  consulted 
"automatically"  as  far  as  possible  in  international  agreements  which  affected  their 
interests. 


906      SHORTER  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

in  spite  of  Prussia's  unsubstantial  dream  of  lack  of  cohesion  among 
the  Dominions,  one  and  all  took  up  the  struggle  in  which  Great  Brit- 
ain had  become  involved  as  their  own,  and  bent  their  best  efforts  to 
maintain  the  integrity  of  the  Empire.  Gradually,  however,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  Gallipoli  campaign  —  in  which  the  Anzacs  paid  such 
a  heavy  toll  —  and,  among  other  things,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
higher  commands,  even  over  the  Colonial  troops  were  intrusted  to 
British  officers,1  the  feeling  grew  stronger  and  stronger  that  Dominions 
should  have  a  voice  in  the  conduct  of  Imperial  war  policy.2 

The  Imperial  War  Conference  and  War  Cabinet.  —  Little  by  little, 
the  Government  began  to  see  the  light.  In  July,  1915,  Sir  Robert 
Borden  attended  a  meeting  of  the  Cabinet,  and  Mr.  W.  M.  Hughes, 
Premier  of  Australia,  did  the  like  in  March,  1916 ;  but  the  first  decisive 
step  came  25  December,  1916,  when  Mr.  Lloyd  George  invited  the 
Dominion  Prime  Ministers  and  other  delegates  to  a  special  War  Con- 
ference of  the  Empire.  Of  more  immediate  importance,  however, 
was  the  fact  that  the  overseas  delegates  began,  almost  directly  on  their 
arrival,  2  March,  1917,  to  hold  meetings  with  the  British  War  Cabinet, 
presumably  for  the  discussion  of  problems  of  pressing  military  and 
naval  importance,  though  naturally,  the  deliberations  of  this  Imperial 
War  Cabinet  —  which  came  to  supersede  the  Committee  of  Imperial 
Defense  —  have  not  been  disclosed.  On  21  March,  the  Imperial  War 
Conference,  for  dealing  with  questions  reaching  far  beyond  those  of 
the  immediate  conduct  of  the  War,  was  formally  opened.  Hence- 
forth, the  bodies  met  usually  on  alternate  days.  Aside  from  the  na- 
ture of  the  business  transacted,  the  Cabinet  and  the  Conference  dif- 
fered in  more  than  one  respect.  The  former  was  an  executive  body 
and  its  proceedings  were  secret,  while  the  latter  was  an  advisory  body 
and  its  proceedings  were  published.  Moreover,  at  the  Imperial  War 
Conference  the  Secretary  for  the  Colonies  presided,  and  the  Premier 
and  the  War  Cabinet  did  not,  as  a  rule,  attend.  In  addition  to  various 
officials  of  the  British  Government,  there  were  present  from  overseas, 
the  Premiers  from  three  self-governing  Dominions  —  Canada,  New- 
foundland, and  New  Zealand,  together  with  two  additional  delegates 
from  Canada  and  one  from  New  Zealand.  The  Secretary  of  State 
for  India  appeared  in  behalf  of  that  great  dependency,  accompanied 

1  Since  then,  Canadians  and  Australians  have  been  placed  in  command  of  their 
respective  aontingents. 

2  A  suggestion  to  this  effect  was  made  in  1915,  when  the  next  Imperial  Con- 
ference was  due  to  meet;  but  the  Secretary  for  the  Colonies,  who  could  or  would 
not  distinguish  between  such  a  special  and  a  normal  meeting,  waved  aside  the 
proposal,  on  the  ground  that  the  British  Government  was  too  preoccupied  to  hold 
a  regular  Conference. 


BRITAIN  AND   GREATER  BRITAIN  IN  THE  WORLD  WAR     907 

by  three  advisers  from  India  itself,  two  of  them  natives.  General 
Botha,  the  Premier  of  South  Africa,  was  represented  by  General  Smuts, 
who,  in  June,  was  invited  to  remain  in  England  as  a  member  of  the 
War  Cabinet.  Australia,  in  the  throes  of  a  general  election,  sent  no 
delegates.  The  result  of  a  series  of  meetings  of  the  War  Conference, 
concluded  i  May,  was  embodied  in  a  series  of  resolutions  which 
recommended  that:  (i)  an  Imperial  Cabinet  should  be  held  every 
year,  consisting  of  the  Premier  of  the  United  Kingdom  and  such  of 
his  colleagues  as  deal  specifically  with  Imperial  affairs,  of  the  Premiers 
of  the  Dominions,  or  of  some  specially  accredited  alternatives,  and  of 
a  representative  from  India ;  (2)  a  special  conference  should  be  sum- 
moned after  the  War  for  readjusting  the  Constitutional  relations  of 
the  Empire ;  (3)  a  principle  of  reciprocity  of  treatment  of  Indians  in 
the  Self-governing  Dominions  should  be  adopted ;  (4)  the  Admiralty 
work  out  a  scheme  of  Imperial  Naval  defense,  and  special  considera- 
tion be  given  to  the  production  of  naval  and  military  materials  in  all 
parts  of  the  Empire ;  (5)  special  encouragement  be  given  to  the  de- 
velopment of  Imperial  resources  in  respect  to  food  supplies,  raw  ma- 
terials and  essential  industries. 

In  accordance  with  the  first  resolution  — proposed  by  the  Premier 
—  a  second  Imperial  War  Cabinet  was  held  in  June,  1918.  Thus  the 
Conference  of  1917  "  created  an  executive  authority  for  the  war  pur- 
poses of  the  Empire,  while  the  constitutional  issue  was  in  abeyance." 
Yet,  although  leaving  the  definitive  settlement  to  more  auspicious 
times,  the  Conference  went  so  far  as  to  recommend :  "  that  any  such 
readjustment,  while  thoroughly  preserving  all  existing  powers  of  self- 
government  and  complete  control  of  domestic  affairs,  should  be  based 
upon  a  full  recognition  of  the  Dominions  as  autonomous  nations  of 
an  Imperial  Commonwealth  and  of  India  as  an  important  portion  of 
the  same  ;  should  recognize  their  right  to  an  adequate  voice  in  foreign 
policy  and  in  foreign  relations ;  and  should  provide  effective  arrange- 
ments for  continuous  consultations  in  all  important  matters  of  common 
Imperial  concern  and  for  such  necessary  concerted  action,  founded 
on  consultation,  as  the  several  Governments  may  determine."  While 
the  final  settlement  awaits  adjustment,  this  resolution  indicates  in 
a  general  way  the  desires  of  the  Dominions  for  the  future  of  the 
British  Commonwealth  of  Nations  which  they  have  fought  so  heroically 
and  devotedly  to  preserve.1 

1  For  this  cause  the  Empire,  outside  the  British  Isles,  furnished  nearly  £1,000,- 
000,000  for  direct  war  expenditure  and  about  3,000,000  men,  of  which  the  Self- 
governing  Dominions  contributed  almost  £800,000,000  and  1,500,000  men,  not  far 
from  25  per  cent  of  their  white  male  population. 


Q08      SHORTER   HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND   AND   GREATER  BRITAIN 

FOR  ADDITIONAL  READING 

J.  A.  Fairlie,  British  War  Administration  (1918).  H.  L.  Gray,  War 
Time  Control  of  Industry  (1918).  F.  L.  McVey,  The  Financial  History  of 
Great  Britain,  1914-1918  (1918).  Joseph  R.  Smith,  The  Influence  of  the 
Great  War  on  Shipping  (1918).  E.  L.  Bogart,  Direct  and  Indirect  Costs  of 
the  Great  World  War  (1920).  A.  F.  Pollard,  The  Commonwealth  at  War 
(1918).  Sir  W.  Raleigh,  England  and  the  War  (1919).  A.  Gleason,  Inside 
the  British  Isles  (1917).  T.  W.  Wile,  Explaining  the  Britishers  (1919). 
Viscount  Bryce,  Democracy  (1919). 

Labor.  Arthur  Henderson,  The  Aims  of  Labor  (1918).  P.  W.  Kellogg 
and  Arthur  Gleason,  British  Labor  and  the  War  (1919).  S.  G.  Hobson, 
Guild  Principles  in  Peace  and  War  (1918).  A.  R.  Orage  and  S.  G.  Hobson, 
National  Guilds  (1918).  Sidney  and  Beatrice  Webb,  A  History  of  Trade 
Unionism  (new  ed.,  1919).  Bertrand  Russell,  Proposed  Roads  to  Freedom 
(1919). 

Biography.  "An  independent  Liberal, "  Lloyd  George  and  the  War  (1918). 
Walter  Roch,  Mr.  Lloyd  George  and  the  War  (1920).  H.  Spender,  The 
Prime  Minister:  an  Authoritative  Biography  (1917). 

David  Lloyd  George,  The  Great  Crusade  (1918),  a  collection  of  speeches 
during  the  War.  Jan  C.  Smuts,  War  Time  Speeches  (1917). 

Ireland.  Barker,  Turner  and  Hackett  as  above.  In  addition  to  the 
works  in  Turner's  bibliography  the  following  may  be  consulted :  James 
Connolly,  Labor  in  Irish  History  (1919) ;  George  Creel,  Ireland's  Fight  for 
Freedom  (1919) ;  F.  P.  Jones,  A  History  of  the  Sinn  Fein  Movement  and  the 
Irish  Rebellion  of  1916  (1916) ;  Sir  Horace  Plunkett,  Ireland,  in  the  New 
Century  (1904) ;  W.  B.  Wells  and  N.  Marlowe,  A  History  of  the  Irish  Con- 
vention and  Sinn  Fein  (1919) ;  Rev.  Walter  McDonald,  Some  Questions  of 
Peace  and  War  with  Special  Reference  to  Ireland  (1920)  ;  Stephen  Gwynn, 
A  History  of  John  Redmond's  Last  Years  (1919). 

For  the  Dominions  and  the  War  and  India,  see  ch.  LVIL  See  .also 
J.  C.  Hopkins,  Canada  at  War  (1919) ;  Eleanor  Egan,  The  War  in  the  Cradle 
of  the  World  (1919) ;  Edward  Daines,  The  British  Campaigns  in  the  Nearer 
East  (1919)  and  The  British  Campaigns  in  Africa  and  the  Pacific  (1919). 
The  Round  Table  is  particularly  valuable  for  war  time  conditions  in  the 
Dominions  and  throughout  the  Empire. 

The  Historical  Section  of  the  Committee  of  Imperial  Defense  has  pro- 
jected a  history  of  the  Great  War  in  all  its  phases,  based  on  official  docu- 
ments; vol.  I,  by  Sir  Julian  Corbett,  on  Naval  Operations  (to  the  Battle  of 
the  Falkland  Islands)  with  accompanying  maps,  has  already  appeared. 


INDEX 


Aberdeen,  Lord,  Foreign  Sec- 
retary and  Premier,  673,  682, 
683,  685 

Abhorrers,  the,  381 

Abjuration  Act,  the,  443 

Aboukir  Bay,  597 

Abraham,  the  Plains  of,  501 

Acadia,  see  Nova  Scotia 

Accession  Declaration  Act,  the, 
757 

Acre,  81,  597 

Adams,  John,  340 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  628 

Addington,  Henry,  Lord  Sid- 
mouth,  599,  601 

Addison,  Joseph,  559 

Addled  Parliament,  the,  292 

Admiralty,  Court  of,  708 

Admonitions  to  Parliament,  256 

Adrian  IV,  Pope,  74 

Adrian  VI,  Pope,  197,  198 

Adullamites,  the,  696 

jEthelbert,  22,  23,  31 

^thelfrith,  23 

/Ethelred,  20 

Ethelred,  the  Redeless,  35,  36 

Afghanistan,  673,  786,  787,  792 

Africa,  British  advance  in,  774 

Africa,  German  East,  896 

Africa,  German  Southwest,  895- 
896 

Africa,  see  South  Africa 

African  Slave  Trade,  578 

Agincourt,  165 

Agitators,  the,  338,  341 

Agricola,  13 

Agriculture,  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  109,  no;  in  the 
fourteenth,  142 ;  in  the  fif- 
teenth, 187,  188;  in  the 
sixteenth,  270,  271 ;  in  the 
seventeenth,  403,  404,  406; 
in  the  eighteenth,  554,  555; 
in  the  nineteenth,  616,  635, 
741-743;  during  the  World 
War,  874-873 

Ahmed  Faud,  897  note 

Aidan  (i'dan),  25 

Aids,  feudal,  59 

Aims  of  Labor,  The,  877 

Air  raids,  834  and  note 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  the  peace  of, 
489,  492 


Alabama  Claims,  the,  710 
Alabama,  the  cruiser,  692 
Alaska  boundary,  the,  766 
Albemarle,  Duke  of,  see  Monck, 

George 
Albert,  Prince  Consort,  664,  679, 

680,  691,  692 
Albert  Edward,  Prince  of  Wales, 

see  Edward  VII 
Albert,    King    of    the    Belgians, 

828,  829  note,  852 
Alberta,  province  of,  766 
Aldermen,  85,  659 
Alehouses.  50,  146,  296,  405 
Alexander  III,  King  of  Scotland, 

IIJ 

Alexander    of    Parma,  254,  257, 

259,  260 
Alexander  I,  Tsar  of  Russia,  599, 

602,  606,  612,  626 
Alexandra,  Queen,  694 
Alfred,  the  Great,  King  of  the 

West  Saxons,  30-32,  50,  51 
Algeciras  Conference,  the,  808 
Alien  Bill,  the,  584 
Ali,  Mehemet,  629,  780 
Allegiance,   oaths   of,    289,   379, 

425,  624 
Allenby,  General  (later  Marshal, 

Viscount),  898,  899 
Allotments  Acts,  742,  743 
/Viva,    Duke  of,   250,   251,   253, 

258 
Alverstone  (awl 'version),    Lord, 

767 
American  Civil  War,  the,  690- 

692,  698,  702 

American    Colonies,   the,   begin- 
nings of,  300,312;    separation 

of,  from  Great  Britain,  512  ff. 
American  Revolution,  the,  causes 

of,  512-529;    chief  events  in, 

529^541 
Americans,   in   the  World   War, 

see  United  States 
Amherst,  General,  503 
Amicable  Loan,  the,  198 
Amiens,  the  peace  of,  599 
Anesthesia,  discovery  of,  739 
Angevin  (an'jevin)  dynasty,  the, 

beginning  of,  71 
Angles,  their  invasion  of  Britain, 

21 
Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  the,  32, 

48,49 

909 


Anglo-Saxon  period,  the,  revived 
interest  in  the  study  of,  738 

Anglo-Saxons,  the,  conversion  of, 
22;  manner  of  living  among, 
42-51 

Aniline  dyes,  740 

Anjou,  69,  91 

Annapolis  (Port  Royal),  458 

Annates,  101 ;  Act  of,  208 

Anne  of  Bohemia,  Queen  of 
Richard  II,  151,  157 

Anne  of  Cleves,  217,  219 

Anne  of  Denmark,  286 

Anne,  Princess,  396,  431,  435; 
see  Anne,  Queen  of  England 

Anne,  Queen  of  England,  reign 
of,  443-461 

Annual  Parliaments,  667 

Anselm,  Saint,  62,  63,  64 

Anti-Corn  Law  Movement,  the, 
666,  668,  670 

Antiseptic  surgery,  739 

Antrim,  758 

Antwerp,  fall  of,  838 

Anzacs,  the,  841,  893 

Apology  of  the  Commons,  289 

Appeals,  Act  of,  208 

Appellant,  see  Lords  Appellant 

Apprentices,  409,  411,  706; 
statute  of,  274 

Appropriation  of  supply,  299, 
370,  426 

Arabi,  revolt  of,  781 

Arbitration,  710,  767 

Arbuthnot,  John,  442 

Architecture,  Anglo-Saxon  and 
Norman,  49;  Anglo-Norman, 
61 ;  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
107 ;  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
146,  147;  Elizabethan,  276, 
277;  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, 420 

Arc  lights,  740 

Area,  the,  of  the  British  Empire, 
761 

Areopagitira,  the,  418,  437 

Argyle,  see  Campbell 

Arimathea,  Joseph  of,  15 

Arkwright,  Richard,  550 

Aries,  Synod  of,  15 

Armada,  the  Spanish,  259-261 

Armagh  (ar'mah'),  Archbishop 
of,  380;  county  of,  758  ^ 

Armed  neutrality,  535,  598 

Argonne  Forest,  851,  852,  853 


910 


INDEX 


Armenian  massacres,  818 

Armistice,  in  the  World  War, 
852-854 

Arms,  Assize  of,  78 

Army,  the  parliamentary  and 
royal,  in  the  Civil  War,  329, 
330;  struggle  with  Parliament, 
338-340;  under  Charles  I, 
362;  reforms  in  1904,  754; 
crisis  in  Ulster,  759,  760,  see 
also  New  Model  and  Standing 
Army 

Army  Act,  the,  424 

Army  Council,  of  the  New 
Model,  338;  of  1904,  754 

Army  officers'  commissions,  707 

Army  plots,  the,  322,  323, 324 

Arnold,  Matthew,  732 

Arras,  battle  of,  848 

Art,  Anglo-Saxon,  49;  seven- 
teenth century,  420;  Vic- 
torian, 743;  see  also  Painting 

Art  of  Colonization,  the,  763 

Artevelde,  van,  Jacques,  128 

Arthur,  legendary,  British  king, 
61,  129,  148,  192 

Arthur,  Prince,  nephew  of  John, 
89,90 

Arthur,  Prince,  son  of  Henry  VII, 
186,  203 

Articles  of  Faith,  the  Ten,  213; 
the  Six,  216,  219;  the  Forty- 
two,  234;  the  Thirty -nine, 
249,  729 

Aryan  "race,"  9 

Ascham  (as'kam)  Roger,  227, 
228,  278 

Ashbourne  Act,  715 

Ashburton  boundary  treaty,  675 

Ashley,  Lord,  656,  657,  670,  see 
Cooper 

Aske,  Robert,  214 

Asiento,  459,  478 

Asquith,  Herbert  Henry,  Prime 
Minister,  755,  756,  757,  759! 
assumes  the  Secretaryship  of 
War,  760;  declaration  regard- 
ing Balkan  states,  821 ;  states 
British  War  aims,  834-835; 
his  policy,  865;  admits  Con- 
servatives to  Cabinet,  867; 
resignation  of,  867-868 

Assandun,  37 

Assize,  meaning,  77;  Courts, 
268;  the  Bloody,  387 

Assize  of  Arms,  78 

Assuan  dam,  784 

Astrology,  277 

Atheists  admitted  to  Parliament, 
712 

Athelstan,  King,  33 

Atlantic  cable,  740 

Atlantic  fisheries,  767 

Attainder,  Bills  of,  against  More 
and  Fisher,  209;  against 
Thomas  Cromwell,  217; 


against  Thomas  Seymour,  233 ; 
against  Strafford,  322 ;  against 
Fenwick,  434;  against  Boling- 
broke,  465 

Audit  of  Accounts,  134,  163, 
37°,  576 

Auerstadt,  battle  of,  602 

Augusta,  Princess,  507,  508 

Augustine,  23 

Austen,  Jane,  639 

Australia,  682,  768-771;  military 
system  of,  891;  in  the  World 
War,  856,  893-894 

Austria,  in  the  Seven  Years' 
War,  495,  496,  503,  504;  in 
the  French  Revolution,  583- 
585 ;  in  the  French  and  Napo- 
leonic wars,  588,  589,  591, 
592,  597,  598,  601,  605,  607; 
in  Italy  and  Quadruple  Alli- 
ances, 612,  613;  aids  in 
suppressing  revolutions,  626, 
627;  in  relation  to  Crimean 
War,  684,  686 ;  and  the  War 
for  Italian  unity,  688-689; 
in  the  Danish  War,  693,  694; 
defeated  by  Prussia,  700;  in 
the  League  of  the  Three 
Emperors,  800;  in  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War,  801-804;  in 
the  Triple  Alliance,  804;  seizes 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  820; 
in  the  Balkan  War  settlement, 
822-823 !  demands  of,  on 
Serbia  in  1914,  824-827;  in 
the  campaign  of  1914,  839; 
in  1915,  839-840,  843;  in 
1916,  846;  surrender  of,  843 

Austrian  Succession,  the  War  of, 
480,  482-484,  489,  490 

Austro-Prussian  War,  700 

Avice,  see  Isabel 

Avignon,  150 

Avranches,  75 

B 

Babington's  plot,  259 

Bacon,  Francis,  279,  296,  297, 
416,  737 

Bacon,  Roger,  106,  107 

Baden-Powell  (bay'den  po'ell), 
Colonel,  778 

Bagdad,  899-900;  railway,  819, 
820  and  note,  898 

Bakewell,  Robert,  555 

Balaclava  Bay,  685 

Balfe,  Michael,  744 

Balfour,  Arthur,  Irish  Secretary, 
717;  Prime  Minister,  753-755 

Balkan  Wars,  821,  822 

Ball,  John,  154,  155 

Balliol,  Edward,  King  of  Scot- 
land, 126 

Balliol,  John,  King  of  Scotland, 
"3 


Balliol  College,  106 

Bank  of  England,  436,  437,  590 

Bank  Charter  Act,  669 

Bannockburn,  122 

Barber  Surgeons,  146 

Barbon,  Nicholas,  416 

Barebones  Parliament,  349 

Baring,  Evelyn,  Lord  Cromer, 
782-784,  896 

Barnet,  battle,  of,  177 

Barons,  conflicts  with  John,  93- 
97;  with  Henry  III,  100-103; 
with  Edward  II,  121,  122 

Barrier  treaty,  459 

Barrows,  9,  n 

Batavian  Republic,  589    j 

Bate  case,  290 

Bath,  health  resort,  412 

Batta,  785 

Battle,  trial  by,  78 

Bayeux  Tapestry,  41 

Beachy  Head,  battle  of,  427 

Beaton,  Cardinal,  232,  241,  242 

Beatty  (be'ty),  Admiral  Sir 
(later  Lord  David),  858,  863 

Beaufort  (bo'fort)  Edmund, 
Duke  of  Somerset,  170,  171, 
172 

Beaufort,  Cardinal  Henry,  170 

Becket,  St.  Thomas,  72-74,  145, 
149,  215 

Bedchamber  question,  663,  664 

Bede,  the  Venerable,  26,  48 

Bedford,  Dukes  of,  see  John  and 
Russell 

Belfast,  6,  758 

Belgse,  10 

Belgium,  630,  631,  823;  British 
support  of,  against  German 
violation,  827-830,  834;  in 
the  campaign  of  1914,  835- 
839;  in  the  campaign  of 
1918,  850,  852;  in  the  Armis- 
tice, 854;  see  Ostend  and 
Zeebrugge 

Belgrade,  bombarded,  825-826 

Bell,  Andrew,  706 

Bell,  Henry,  634 

Belleau  Wood,  851 

Beilerophon,  the,  612 

Benares,  the  Raja  of,  572 

Benedictine  Order,  26 

Benefit  of  Clergy,  75 

Benevolences,  180,  267,  292,  306 

Bengal,  502,  503,  571,  788 

Bentham,  Jeremy,  636,  645,  646 

Bentinck,  Lord  George,  protec- 
tionist leader,  672 

Bentinck,  William,  Duke  of 
Portland,  570 

Bentinck,  Lord  William,  reforms 
in  India,  785 

Bentley,  Richard,  556 

Benzene,  740 

Beowulf,  48 

Berchtold,  Count,  826 


INDEX 


911 


Berkeley  (bark'ly),  George,  557 

Berlin,  Congress  of,  803 

Berlin  Decree,  602,  603 

Bernhardi,  General  von,  816 

Bernicians,  21 

Berwick  (ber'ik),  Duke  of,  534 

Besant  (Be-sant'),  Mrs.,  902,  903 

Bethmann-Hollweg,  Von,  814, 
827-829,  861 

Beyers,  General,  894-895 

Bible,  translations,  151,  132,  216, 
288;  views  of  Puritans  on,  303 

Bill  of  Rights,  381,  425 

Bishops,  method  of  appointing, 
55,  64;  character  of,  in  early 
nineteenth  century,  727 

Bishops'  War,  first  and  second, 
3iS,3i7 

Bismarck,  his  policy,  693,  700, 
709,  710,  800-803,  817;  his 
death,  723;  his  social  insur- 
ance, 746;  his  fall,  804,  805 

Black  Death,  129-131,  142,  146, 
153,  187 

Blackmore,  Richard,  737 

Black  Mountains,  5 

Black  Prince,  see  Edward 

Black  Sea,  629,  684;  neu- 
tralization of,  686;  Russian 
ships  again  admitted  in,  710 

"Black  Year,"  742 

Blake,  Admiral,  347,  352 

Blenheim,  449,  450 

Blockades,  535,  599,  603,  687; 
see  Navy,  British,  and  Sub- 
marine Warfare 

Blockade  running,  691 

Bloemfontein  (blom'fontln),  777, 
779 

Bloody  Assize,  387 

Bloody  Clavers,  see  Graham, 
John 

Blucher,  Marshal,  6n,  612 

Blue  Coat  School,  255 

"Blue  Stockings,"  568 

Boadicea  or  Boudicca,  13 

Board  schools,  706,  707 

Boccaccio,  149,  200 

Boer  War,  775-778 

Boleyn  (bunen),  Anne,  203,  208, 
212 

Bolingbroke,  see  Henry  of  Lan- 
caster and  St.  John,  Henry 

Bologna,  University  of,  77 

Bolshevists,  849,  850,  88 1 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  King  of 
Spain,  603,  604 

Bonaparte,  Napoleon,  at  Toulon, 
588;  defeats  Austrians,  590; 
in  Egypt,  592,  597;  First 
Consul,  598;  designs  in  1803, 
600;  crushes  Third  Coalition, 
601 ;  victories  at  Jena  and 
Auerstadt  and  agreement  with 
Alexander  I,  602;  his  Con- 
tinental System,  602,  603 ;  ris- 


ing in  Spain  against,  603,  604; 
victory  at  Wagram,  605; 
Russian  Campaign,  606,  607; 
first  abdication,  608;  escape 
from  Elba,  610;  Waterloo 
and  final  overthrow,  6ri- 
612;  buys  English  goods, 
633-634;  canal  project,  780 

Bonar  (bon'ner)  Law,  Andrew, 
759,  868 

Boniface  VIII,  Pope,  116 

Bonner,  Edmund,  Bishop  of 
London,  231,  239 

Book  of  Rates,  290 

Books  of  Beauty,  730 

Borden,  Sir  Robert,  891,  892, 
906 

Boroughs,  origin  and  characteris- 
tics, 43,  44;  after  the  Con- 
quest, 60;  in  the  twelfth 
and  thirteenth  centuries,  85; 
under  the  Tudors,  266;  at 
the  eve  of  the  first  Reform 
Bill,  648,  649;  franchise  in, 
under  the  Reform  Acts  of 
1832  and  1867,  683,  699; 
under  the  Municipal  Reform 
Act  of  1835,  659 

Bosnia,  801,  802,  820 

Boston,  massacre,  526;  "Tea 
Party,"  527;  Port  Bill,  528; 
siege  of,  531 

Boswell,  James,  561 

Bosworth,  battle  of,  180,  181 

Bot,  44 

Botha  (bo'ta)  General,  777,  779, 
894-895,  907 

Bothwell,  see  Hepburn,  James 

Boulogne  (booloin'),  601 

Boulton  (bol'ton),  Matthew,  522, 
553 

Bourbon,  Isle  de,  493 

Bourbons,  the,  608,  630 

Boxer  Rebellion,  807 

Boxley,  the  rood  of,  215 

"  Boy  Patriots, "  the,  480 

Boy  scouts,  778,  879  note 

Boyle,  Robert,  416 

Boyne,  battle  of  the,  427 

Brachycephalic  skulls,  9 

Braddock's  defeat,  404 

Bradlaugh  (brad 'law)  case,  712 

Braganza,  House  of,  603 

Brahmans,  788,  794 

Brandywine,  532 

Brass  money,  abominable  pro- 
ject of,  317 

Brazil,  627 

Breda,  Declaration  of,  357, 
361-363;  peace  of,  368 

Brest,  432 

Brest-Litovsk,  treaty  of,  850. 
854 

Bretigny,  peace  of,  132,  133 

Bribery,  in  Parliament,  472, 
650,  651;  in  elections,  649  _, 


Bridewell,  235 

Bridgewater  canal,  551 

Bright,  John,  668,  698,  699,  716, 
717 

"  Bright  Clauses,"  705 

Brindley,  James,  551 

Bristol,  4,  652 

Britain,  races  in,  8ff.;  extinct 
men  and  animals  of,  8,  9; 
paleolithic  and  neolithic  age 
in,  ib.;  Celtic  invaders  in, 
9  ff.;  Roman  occupation  of, 
12-18 

British  and  Foreign  School 
Society,  706 

British  Columbia,  766 

British  East  African  Co.,  774- 

British  Empire,  761-763,  795- 
797;  Dominions  of,  in  the 
World  War,  891  ff.;  present 
problems,  905-908;  see 
Australia,  Canada,  South 
Africa,  New  Zealand,  Egypt 
and  India 

British  Isles,  physical  char- 
acteristics of,  1-7 

Broad  Bottom  Ministry,  742 

Broad  churchmen,  729 

Bronte,  Charlotte,  735 

Bronze  age,  in  Britain,  10 

Brougham,  Henry,  Lord,  640 

Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  417 

Brownists,  the,  255 

Browning,  Elizabeth  Barrett, 
733 

Browning,  Robert,  733 

Bruce,  David,  King  of  Scotland, 
126 

Bruce,  Robert,  claimant  to 
Scottish  throne,  113 

Bruce,  Robert,  King  of  Scotland, 

117,  122,  126 

Brunnanburh,  33 

Brussels,  611,  630 

Brut,  Layamon's,  84 

Brythons,  the,  10 

Bucharest,  treaties  of,  822,  850, 
854 

Buckingham,  dukes  of,  see 
Villiers 

Buckle,  Thomas,  737 

Budgets,  Peel's,  668,  669;  Glad- 
stone's, 682,  689,  690;  Mr. 
Lloyd  George's,  755 

Bulgaria,  801-804,  820-822,  843, 
846,  847,  853 

Bull,  see  John  Bull 

Bull  baiting,  642 

Buller,  General,  777 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  531 

Bunyan,  John,  417 

Burgh,  de,  see  Hubert 

Burghley  (bur'ly),  Lord,  tee 
Cecil,  William 

Burgoyne,  General,  532,  533 

Burgundy,  178 


QI2 


INDEX 


Burgundy,  dukes  of,  see  John, 
Philip  and  Charles,  see  also 
Margaret  and  Mary 

Burh,  see  borough 

Burke,  Edmund,  views  on  Amer- 
ican taxation,  515;  character 
and  policy,  519,  520;  con- 
ciliation plans,  529;  work  on 
India  Bill,  572;  in  trial  of 
Hastings,  579;  attitude  to- 
ward French  Revolution,  581, 
582,  585,  586 

Burke,  Thomas  Henry,  714 

Burne- Jones,  Edward,  744 

Burney,  Fanny,  563 

Burns,  Robert,  636 

Burton,  Robert,  417 

Bury  St.  Edmunds,  93 

Bushel's  case,  437 

Bute,  Earl  of,  see  Stuart,  John 

Butler,  James,  twelfth  Earl  and 
first  Duke  of  Ormonde,  333, 
336,  345 

Butler,  James,  second  Duke  of 
Ormande,  458 

Butler,  Samuel,  418 

Butt,  Isaac,  712 

Byng  (bing),  Admiral  George, 
Viscount  Torrington,  427 

Byng,  Admiral  John,  495,  498 

Byng,  General,  853 

Byron,  Lord,  637,  638,  732 


Cabal  Ministry,  372-375 

Cabinet  system,  beginning  of, 
359,438,439,543-545;  weak- 
ness of,  under  Anne,  454; 
checked  by  George  III,  506; 
becomes  a  reality,  604 ;  changes 
in,  during  World  War,  866-868, 
906-907 

Cable,  the  Atlantic,  740 

Cabot,  John,  186,  191,  200,  272 

Cade's  rebellion,  171 

Cadiz,  expeditions  against,  262, 
304 

Csedmon,  48 

Caesar,  Julius,  his  Commentaries, 
10,  18;  his  invasions  of  Britain, 

12 

Calais,  made  a  staple,  139; 
capture  of,  128,  129;  use  of 
cannon  at,  144;  retained  in 
1453.  172;  lost  by  English, 
240,  245 

Calcutta,  402,  493,  502 

Caleb  Williams,  639 

Caledonians,  n 

Calendar,  reform  of,  491 

Calvinism,  231,  241.  242 

Cambrai,  849 

Cambrian  mountains,  5 

Cambridge,  University  of,  84, 
227,  746 


Cambridge  Platonists,  413,  414 

Camden,  Earl,  see  Pratt,  Charles 

Campbell,  Archibald,  Eighth 
Earl,  and  Marquis  of  Argyle, 
346,  386 

Campbell,  Archibald,  ninth  Earl 
of  Argyle,  386 

Campbell,  Archibald,  Marquis 
and  first  Duke  of  Argyle,  429 

Campbell,  John,  second  Duke  of 
Argyle,  465,  466 

Campbell,  Sir  Colin  (later  Lord 
Clyde),  790 

Campbell-Bannerman,  Sir  Henry, 
754,  755 

Campeggio,  Cardinal,  294 

Camperdown,  591,  592 

Campion,  Edmund,  235 

Campo  Formio,  peace  of,  591, 
592 

Camulodunum,  13 

Canada,  British  conquest  of,  501 , 
503;  cession  of,  to  British, 
509;  effect  of  cession,  514, 
515;  Quebec  Act  for  govern- 
ment of,  528;  in  War  of 
1812,  subsequent  history  of, 
763-767;  in  World  War, 
891-893 

Canal  transportation,  551 

Canning,  George,  Foreign  Sec- 
retary and  Leader  of  the  Com- 
mons, 620;  Ministry  of,  622, 
623;  foreign  policy  of,  627- 
629;  joins  in  founding  the 
Quarterly  Reiicw,  640 

Canning,  Viscount,  788,  789,  791 

Cannon,  first  use  of,  144 

Canon  law,  77 

Canterbury,  founding  of  Arch- 
bishopric of,  23;  disputed 
election,  91 

Canterbury  Tales,  149 

Canton,  674 

Cape  Breton,  509;  see  also  Louis- 
burg 

Cape  Colony,  772 

Cape  of  Good  Hope,  272,  599, 
612 

Cape  St.  Vincent,  battle  of, 
590,  591 

Capitalist  class,  rise  of,  in  Eng- 
land, 533 

Caporetto,  849 

Caracalla,  decree  of,  14 

Card  playing,  567,  568 

Cardinal's  College  (later  Christ 
Church),  196 

Carlyle,  Thomas,  731,  732 

Carmarthen,  Marquis  of,  see 
Osborne,  Sir  Thomas 

Carnarvon,  112,  121 

Carnatic,  the,  493,  503 

Carnot,  588 

Caroline  of  Anspach,  Queen  of 
George  II,  475,  476 


Caroline  of  Brunswick,  Queen  of 
George  IV,  6ig.  620 

Carpenter,  Captain,  862 

Carr,  Robert,  successively  Vis- 
count Rochester  and  Earl  of 
Somerset,  294 

Carson,  Sir  Edward,  757,  758, 
884,  885 

Cartagena,  480,  481 

Carthusians,  the,  210 

Cartwright,  Edmund,  550 

Casement,  Sir  Roger,  884,  886, 
887,  888 

Castles,  Anglo-Norman,  61 ;  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  107; 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  146, 
147 

Castlereagh  (castleray'),  Vis- 
count, later  Marquis  of  Lon- 
donderry, in  Ireland,  595,  596; 
Secretary  for  War,  604;  at 
Congress  of  Vienna,  610;  death 
and  estimate  of,  620;  foreign 
policy  of,  626,  627 

Catesby,  Robert,  288,  289 

Catharine  of  Aragon,  Queen  of 
Henry  VIII,  186,  198,  202- 
204,  208,  210 

Catharine  of  Braganza,  Queen  of 
Charles  II,  366,  379,  380 

Catharine  Howard,  Queen  of 
Henry  VIII,  219 

Catharine  Parr,  Queen  of  Henry 
VIII,  219 

Catharine  de'  Medici,  253 

Catharine  II,  Empress  of  Russia, 
535 

Catholic  Emancipation,  624-626 

Catholic  League,  the,  of  1609, 
295 

Catholics,  see  Roman  Catholic 

Cattle  Act,  Irish,  363 

"Cautionary  towns,"  the,  257 

Cavalier  Parliament,  temper  and 
work  of,  363,  364;  beginning 
of  bribery  in,  376,  377;  dis- 
solution of,  380 

Cavalier  ports,  417 

Cavaliers,  325,  353 

Cavendish,  Lord  Frederic,  714 

Cavendish,  Henry,  735 

Cavour,  Count,  688,  689 

Cawnpore,  789 

Caxton,  William,  192 

Ceawlin,  21 

Cecil,  Robert,  successively  Vis- 
count Cranborne,  and  Marquis 
of  Salisbury,  his  first  Ministry, 
715,  716;  his  second  Ministry, 
720;  third  and  last  Ministry, 
723-725;  retirement  and  death, 
753;  his  foreign  policy,  799; 
his  negotiations  in  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War,  801-802;  his 
famous  declaration,  818,  819 

Cecil,   William,   Lord    Burghley, 


INDEX 


913 


successively  Secretary  of  State 
and  Lord  Treasurer,  244,  261, 

274 

Celts,  the,  9-12,  18,  21-22 

Censorship,  see  Press 

Ceorls,  47 

Cerdic  and  Cynric,  21 

Ceylon,  599,  612 

Chaise,  Pere  la,  378 

Chalgrove  Field,  332 

Chalmers  (chah'mers)  Dr.,  730 

Chamberlain,  Joseph,  enters 
Cabinet  as  Colonial  Secretary, 
723;  advocates  tariff  reform, 
753 ;  relations  with  South 
Africa.  775,  776 

Champagne,  the,  drive,  844 

Chancellor,  the  Lord  High,  65, 
72,  100,  132,  267,  625 

Chancellor,  Richard,  271 

Chancery,  court  of,  708 

Channel  ports,  the,  838,  839,  850 

Chantries,  227,  231,  235 

Chapman,  George,  278 

Charles,  Prince,  294,  298,  299; 
see  Charles  I 

Charles  I,  King  of  England, 
character  and  problems,  301, 
302;  his  advisers,  303;  his 
first  Parliament,  303;  dis- 
solves his  second,  304;  his 
financial  exactions,  304,  305 ; 
war  with  France,  305 ;  signs 
Petition  of  Right,  306;  at- 
tempts to  collect  tonnage  and 
poundage,  307 ;  dissolves  third 
Parliament,  308;  his  eleven 
years  of  personal  government, 
308-316;  summons  Short 
Parliament,  316,  317;  further 
devices  for  raising  money, 
317;  summons  Great  Council 
and  another  Parliament,  317; 
consents  to  Stafford's  exe- 
cution, 322;  journey  to  Scot- 
land, 324;  rejects  the  Grand 
Remonstrance,  325 ;  attempts 
to  arrest  the  five  members, 
325,  326;  withdraws  from 
London  and  sets  up  standard 
at  Nottingham,  326;  as  com- 
mander of  the  royal  forces, 
329-335;  flight  after  Naseby, 
335;  intrigues  with  the  Irish, 
335,  336;  surrender  to  the 
Scots,  336;  handed  over  to 
Parliament,  337 ;  seized  by  the 
Army,  338;  his  "Engage- 
ment" with  the  Scots,  340; 
his  trial  and  execution,  341, 
342;  regulation  of  trade  and 
manufactures,  401 ;  as  an  art 
collector,  420 

Charles  II,  King  of  England,  pro- 
claimed in  Ireland  and  Scot- 
land, 345,  346;  flight  after 

3N 


Worcester,  347 ;  results  of  his 
French  policy,  352;  recall  to 
England  and  Declaration  of 
Breda,  357;  character  and 
policy,  360;  his  revenue, 
362;  failure  to  secure  tolera- 
tion, 362-366,  374;  foreign 
policy  and  marriage,  366; 
second  war  with  the  Dutch, 
366-368 ;  throws  over  Claren- 
don, 368,  369;  seeks  to  make 
himself  absolute,  372;  nego- 
tiates secret  treaty  of  Dover, 
373-374;  third  war  with  the 
Dutch,  374,  375;  turning 
point  in  his  policy,  375,  376; 
his  tortuous  foreign  policy, 
377;  attitude  toward  the 
Popish  Plot,  377-380;  vain 
effort  to  save  Danby,  380, 381 ; 
his  triumph  over  the  Whigs, 
381-383;  his  death,  383; 
compared  with  James  II, 
385;  beginning  of  bribery 
under,  649 

Charles  Edward,  the  Young 
Pretender,  484-487 

Charleston,  siege,  of,  531 

Charter,  confirmation  of,  103, 
116, 117 

Charter,  the  Great,  see  Magna 
Carta 

Charter  of  Liberties  of  Henry  I, 
63,  64,  93 

Charterhouse,  the,  210 

Chartism,  667-668,  678 

Chateau-Thierry,  851,  853 

Chatham,  Earl  of,  see  Pitt 

Chatterton,  Thomas,  564 

Chaucer,  Geoffrey,  149,  192,  200, 
277 

Chelmsford,  Lord,  902,  903 

Chester,  23,  54 

Chester  castle,  703 

Chesterfield,  Earl  of,  see  Stan- 
hope, Philip  Dormer 

Chevalier  de  St.  Georges,  see 
James  Francis  Edward 

Chichester,  Sir  Arthur,  291 

Child,  Sir  Josiah,  415 

Child  labor,  656,  657,  670 

Children  in  the  Middle  Ages,  143 

China,  opium  war  with,  673,  674; 
war  with,  in  1856,  787,  789; 
see  Boxer  Rebellion,  Kiao- 
Chau,  and  Manchuria 

Chinese  coolies,  754 

Chivalry,  144 

Christ  Church,  see  Cardinal's 
College 

Christian  LX,  King  of  Denmark, 
693.  694 

Christianity,  British,  15;  con- 
version of  Anglo-Saxons  to, 
23 

Christian  Socialism,  749 


Christmas,  Old  Father,  148 

Christ's  Hospital,  235 

Chroniclers,  see  William  of 
Malmesbury,  Geoffrey  of  Mon- 
mouth,  William  of  New- 
borough,  Matthew  Paris, 
Froissart 

Church,  the  English,  beginnings 
of,  23,24,  25;  organization  and 
extension  of,  25;  influence  of, 
26,  27,  29;  attitude  of  William 

I  to,    54,    55;     struggle    of 
William    II    against,    62,    63; 
concessions   of     Henry    I    to, 
63,     64;      gains     of,     under 
Stephen,  70;  conflicts  of  Henry 

II  with,  72-74;  secular  charac- 
ter of,  under  Henry  II,  82,  83 ; 
concessions      to,     in     Magna 
Carta,  95 ;  condition  of,  under 
Henry    III,    99,     105,     106; 
Statute  of  Mortmain  against, 
119;  declining  power  of ,  in  the 
fifteenth    century,    183,    184; 
see  Church  of  England,  Church 
of    Rome,    Reformation,    Ox- 
ford      Movement,       Anselm, 
Becket,  Wiclif,  Laud,  Wesley 

Church,  the  Scotch  Irish,  15, 
24,  2S 

Church  of  England,  separation 
from  Rome,  207-210;  sup- 
pression of  the  monasteries, 
211-212,  214-216;  articles 
of  faith  under  Henry  VIII, 
213,  216,  217;  Protestant 
excesses,  231 ;  Acts  of  Uni- 
formity and  the  Forty-two 
Articles,  231-232,  234;  coun- 
ter-Reformation under  Mary, 
237-240;  the  Elizabethan, 
245,  246,  248-250,  254-257, 
265-266;  policy  of  James  I 
toward,  287,  288,  289;  parties 
in,  under  Charles  I,  301,  303; 
Declaration  of  Charles  I,  307; 
Laudian  policy,  509-313;  split 
over  reforms  of,  323 ;  attitude 
of  Cromwell  toward,  350,  351 ; 
ceases  to  be  a  national  body, 
357;  failure  to  secure  tolera- 
tion in,  under  Charles  II,  362, 
364-366,  374-376;  aims  of 
James  II  to,  385,  386, 388-390, 
392-394;  the  clergy  of,  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  407; 
Latitudinarian  movement  in, 
413,  414;  toleration  granted, 
424,  425 ;  establishment  guar- 
anteed in  Union,  453 ;  Sachev- 
erell's  defense  of,  455,  456; 
rationalism  in,  in  the  eight- 
eenth century,  556;  reforms 
in,  under  William  IV,  660; 
disestablished  in  Ireland,  703, 
704;  control  of,  in  education, 


914 


INDEX 


705-707;    condition  of,  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  727-729 
Church  of  Rome,  introduced  into 
Kent,    23;     triumph    of,    at 
Whitby,  25;  organization  and 
extension    of,  25,  26;    English 
fear  of,  in  1850,  678-679 
Church  of  Scotland,  see  Scotland 
Church  courts,  from  William  I 
to   Henry   II,    72-73;     under 
Elizabeth,  265,  266 
Church,  rates,  compulsory,  abol- 
ished, 660 

Churchill,  John,  later  Earl  and 
Duke  of  Marlborough,  deserts 
James  II,  396;  dismissed  by 
William  III,  431;  betrays 
expedition  to  Brest,  432; 
takes  up  William's  work,  443 ; 
character  of  and  relations  to 
parties,  447-448;  his  cam- 
paigns, 448-451,  4S3-4SS,  457 ; 
gran  ted  i  Blenheim,  450;  his 
removal  and  achievements, 
457~459»  retires  temporarily 
to  Continent,  460;  mention 
of,  490 

Churchill,  Lord  Randolph,  716 
Churchill,    Winston,    814,    841, 

867 

Gibber,  Collcy,  565 
Cinque  (sink)  Ports,  108,  139 
Circulation    of    the    blood,    see 

Harvey 
Cistercians,  67 
Cities,  44 ;    see  Boroughs 
Citizen  Army,  Irish,  884,  887 
Civil  List,  of  William  III,  425, 
of     Victoria,     662,     663;      of 
Edward  VII,  753 
Civil  service,  682,  707,  792 
Civil  War,  the  American,  690- 

692 
Civil  War,  the  Great,  327-336; 

the  second,  340-341 
Clan-na-Gael,  884 
Clarence,  Duke  of,  see  George 
Clarendon  Code,  364-366 
Clarendon,  Constitutions  of,  73 
Clarendon,  Earl  of,  see  Edward, 

and  Villiers,  George 
Classes,  Presbyterian,  241 
Classicism,  revolt  against,  564 
Claudius,  Roman  Emperor,  12 
Claverhouse    (clavers)   see   Gra- 
ham, John 

Clayton-Bulwer  treaty,  768 
Clement  VII,  Pope,  198.  204,  207 
Clergy,  condition  of,  in  the  tenth 
century,  35 ;   in  the  thirteenth 
century,  105, 106;  in  the  seven- 
teenth  century,  407 ;    in    the 
eighteenth  century,  556 ;  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  727-728; 
see  also  Church 
Clergy  reserves,  764,  765 


Clericis  Laicos,  116 

Clerkenwell,  703 

Clermont,  the,  634 

Clinton,  General,  534-536 

Clive,  Robert,  later  Baron  Clive, 
493,  502-503,  571,  785 

Closetings,  the,  of  James  II,  392 

Clubs,  London,  452 

Cluniac  reforms,  35 

Clyde  River,  3,  6 

Cnut,  King  of  England,  36-38 

Coal,  401,  551;  strike,  757; 
German  and  Biritish  produc- 
tion of ,  810;  British  supply  to 
Allies,  855 ;  wartime  control  of, 
870 

Coalition,  against  France,  first, 
587-592;  second,  597,  598; 
third,  601-602 ;  Ministries,  498 
ff.,  682-685,  866  ff.,  881,  882 

"Coat  and  conduct"  money,  317 

Cobbett,  William,  617,  618 

Cobden,  Richard,  668 

Cobham,  Eleanor,  Duchess  of 
Gloucester,  170 

Cockfighting,  642 

Codrington,  Admiral,  629 

Coercion  Bills,  for  Ireland,  655, 
656,  673,  677,  713,  718,  see  also 
Ireland 

Coffeehouses,  411,  412 

Coinage,  British,  n;  under  the 
Edwards,  139 ;  debasement  of, 
224;  restoration  of,  under 
Elizabeth  and  William  III, 
270,  434,  435 ;  see  Brass  money 

Cokg^Jaii  Edwaid,-?9.s,  306 

"ColeToid  King,  148 

Coleman,  Edward,  378,  380 

Coleridge,  Samuel  Taylor,  636, 
637 

Colet,  John,  200,  226 

tollgny7  Admiral,  253 

Colley,  Sir  George,  773 

Collier  (colyer),  Jeremy,  420 

Collins,  Wilkie,  736 

Colonial  conferences,  796,  906- 
908 

Colonial  preferences,  753 

Colonies,  see  American  Colonies 

Colonies,  British,  Huskisson's 
policy  regarding,  621;  aboli- 
tion of  slavery  in,  656,  663, 
772;  Durham's  Report  on, 
772;  Disraeli's  Imperialistic 
views  concerning,  701,  799; 
England's  growing  interest 
in,  662,  719,  762;  effect  of 
inventions  on,  740,  741 ;  sys- 
tem of  government  of,  761,  762, 
905-908;  in  the  World  War, 
891-908;  see  Australia,  Canada, 
New  Zealand,  South  Africa, 
Empire,  Imperialism 

Colonies,  German,  774,  805,  807, 
856 


Colonies,  Portuguese,  627,  774 

Colonies,  see  also  under  Dutch, 
France,  Germany,  Portugal, 
Spain 

Columba,  Saint,  25 

Columbia  River,  675 

Columbus,  Christopher,  200 

Comet,  the,  634 

Comites,  20 

Commander-in-Chief,  of  the 
British  Army,  office  of,  686,  754 

Commerce,  see  Trade 

Commercial  treaties,  see  Bur- 
gundy, France,  Ireland,  and 
Intercursus  Magnus 

Commissioner,  Lord  High,  see 
Durham 

Committee  of  Both  Kingdoms, 
329,  334 

Committee  of  Imperial  Defense, 
see  Imperial  Defense 

Committee  of  Safety,  the,  in  the 
Civil  War,  329 

Common  Law,  the,  77 

Common  law  courts,  see  Courts 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of,  216, 
231,  232;  revisions  of,  234, 
24S,  364 

Common  Sense,  Paine's,  531 

Commons,  House  of,  first  sep- 
arate session  of,  115;  initia- 
tive in  legislation,  137 ;  money 
grants  originate  in,  163;  com- 
position of,  under  Henry  VIII, 
222,  223;  Roman  Catholics 
excluded,  249;  Elizabeth's 
control  of,  266;  privileges 
gained  under  James  I,  289, 
290,  297-299,  330;  gains  in 
appropriation  of  supply,  audit 
of  accounts,  and  recognition  of 
sole  right  to  initiate  money 
grants,  370;  struggle  over  ex- 
clusion of  Wilkes,  510-512, 
522;  theory  and  practice  of 
representation  in,  512,  513; 
Grenville  Act  relating  to  dis- 
puted elections  and  struggle 
over  reporting  debates  in, 
525,526;  contractors  excluded 
from,  537;  condition  of,  on 
eve  of  first  Reform  Bill,  647- 
651;  reform  of,  by  Bill  of 
1832,  653;  by  Bill  of  1867, 
699-700;  by  Bill  of  1885,  714- 
715;  by  Bill  of  1918,  880-881; 
Jews  admitted  to,  688;  prop- 
erty qualification  for,  abol- 
ished, ib.;  atheists  admitted 
to,  712;  increase  of  powers  of, 
and  payment  of  members  of, 
in  1911,  756;  see  Corrupt 
Practices  Act,  Quinquennial 
Act 

Commonwealth  of  Australia,  770, 
77i 


INDEX 


915 


Commonwealth,     the     English, 

344-349 

Communion  in  both  kinds,  216 
Comperts,  211 

Compound  householders,  699 
Compton,   Spencer,   successively 

Marquis    of    Hartington    and 

Duke  of  Devonshire,  717,  723, 

753 

Comus,  Milton's,  418 
Confederacy,  the  Southern,  691 
Conferences,    see    Colonial    and 

Imperial 

Confirmatio  Cartarum,  see  Char- 
ters 
Congregation,  Lords  of  the,  242, 

246 

Congregationalists,  255,  350 
Congresses,  European,  613,  626, 

627 

Connaught,  Duke  of,  892 
Connaught,    Irish    Province    of, 

316 

Connolly,  James,  887 
Conscription,     British,    in     the 

World  War,  868-869,  883,  889, 

890,  892,  893  and  note 
Conservative    party,    654,    701, 

710,  711;  see  Unionists 
Consolidated  fund,  Pitt's,  576 
Consols,  81.5  note 
Conspiracies  to  Murder  Bill,  688 
Constable,  John,  640-641 
Constantine,  king  of  the  Greeks, 

843 

Constantinople,  199,  821 
Constitutional  Information,  Eng- 
lish Society  for,  583 
Constitutional  royalists,  the,  320, 

32S 
Constitutions  of  Clarendon,  see 

Clarendon 

Consubstantiation,  151 
"Contemptible  little  army,"  the 

World  War,  836,  838,  846 
Continental  Congress,  528,  530 
Continental  system,  Napoleon's, 

602-603,  606,  608,  615,  633 
Continuous  voyage,  doctrine  of, 

859 

Contraband,  535,  687,  859 
Conventicle  Act,  365 
Convention,  the  Irish,  888-889 
Convention  Parliament,  the,  of 

the  Restoration,  356-357,  361- 

363;     of   William   of   Orange, 

398-399,  424-425 
Convocation,  beginning  of,  115; 

under  Henry  VIII,  208 ;  under 

Elizabeth,  265 
Cook,  Captain  James,  553,  554, 

769 

Coolies,  see  Chinese 
Cooper,    Sir    Anthony    Ashley, 

first  Earl  of  Shaf tesbury,  in  the 

"Cabal,"  372-375;    organizes 


the  Country  party  in  the 
Lords,  372;  activity  in  the 
Popish  Plot  and  the  Exclusion 
struggle,  377,  382;  flight  and 
death,  382,  383 

Cooper,  Anthony  Ashley,  third 
Earl  of  Shaf  tesbury,  557 

Cooper,  Anthony  Ashley,  seventh 
Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  656,  670 

Cooperative  movement,  the,  748 

Coote,  Colonel  Eyre,  503 

Cope,  Sir  John,  485 

Copenhagen,  bombardments  of, 
598,  599,  602 

Copernicus,  200 

Corn  laws,  187,  623,  666;  repeal 
of,  671-673;  see  Chamberlain 
and  Tariff  Reform 

Cornwall,  Duchy  of,  662  notes 

Cornwall,  tin  mines  of,  n;  re- 
bellion in,  232 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  in  the  Amer- 
ican War,  535-536 ;  in  Ireland, 
595-596 

Coronel,  856 

Coroners  or  crowners,  82 

Corporation  Act,  364;  repeal  of, 
624 

Corporations,  municipal,  war  on 
charters  of,  383,  393;  reform 
of,  659 

Correspondence  Society,  the  Lon- 
don, 583 

Corrupt  Practices  Act,  715  note 

Corsned,  45 

Cotters,  43 

Cotton,  manufacture,  549,  633; 
famine,  692 

Council,  see  Privy 

Council  of  the  North,  268 

Council  of  Wales  and  the 
Marches,  268,  323 

Councilors,  town,  85,  659 

Councils,  county,  719;  district 
and  parish,  15,  721  note 

Count  of  the  Saxon  Shore,  14 

Counter-Reformation,  the,  249; 
see  also  Mary 

Country  gentry  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  406 

Country  party,  376 

County  franchise  and  representa- 
tion, see  Commons,  House  of 

Cotinty  councils,  see  Councils 

Courts,  of  Appeal,  708;  of  Com- 
mon Law,  118;  see  Supreme 
Court  of  Judicature  Act 

Covenanters,  the,  341,  346,  391 

Covenant,  the  bond  or,  242 
Scottish  National,  314-315 
the  Solemn  League  and,  332 
the  Ulster,  758 

Cowper  (coo'per),  William,  636 

Cox,  Sir  Percy,  899 

Craddock,  Admiral,  856 

Craft  gilds,  see  Gilds 


Craftsman,  the,  476 

Cranborne,  Viscount,  see  Cecil, 
Robert 

Cranmer,  Thomas,  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  enters  service 
of  Henry  VIII,  206;  made 
Archbishop  and  pronounces 
sentence  of  divorce,  208; 
his  Bible,  216;  his  Prayer 
Books  and  Articles,  227,  231- 
232,  234;  his  martyrdom,  239 

Cr6cy  fcraysee  or  cressy),  128, 
144 

Creeds,  the  three,  213 

Crete,  822 

Crew,  Chief  Justice,  312 

Crime,  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
567;  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, 642,  643,  744 

Crimean  War,  the,  682-687 

Criminal  code,  reform  of,  642-643 

Criminous  clerks,  72,  73 

Cromer,  Lord,  see  Baring, 
Evelyn 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  early  parlia- 
mentary career  of,  320;  opin- 
ion of  first  recruits,  329;  his 
"Ironsides"  and  New  Model, 
331.  334.  335!  at  Mars  ton 
Moor  and  Naseby,  333,  335; 
development  of  his  political 
and  religious  views,  336,  338. 
339;  crushes  second  Civil 
War,  341;  takes  lead  in  pro- 
ceedings against  the  King, 
341,  342;  as  a  preserver  of 
order,  345;  his  conquest  of 
Ireland  and  Scotland,  345, 
346 ;  his  victory  at  Worcester, 
347 ;  dissolves  Rump,  348, 349 ; 
as  Lord  Protector,  349-354; 
death  and  estimate  of,  354- 
355;  French  policy,  366; 
commerce  and  agriculture  un- 
der, 402,  404;  attitude  toward 
the  arts,  420,  421 

Cromwell,  Richard,  355,  356 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  enters  serv- 
ice of  Henry  VIII,  206,  207; 
suggestion  regarding  the  di- 
vorce, 207;  activity  in  sup- 
pressing the  monasteries,  210- 
212;  nobles  jealous  of,  213; 
his  fall,  217 ;  management  of 
Parliament,  222 

"  Cromwellian  settlement,"  346 

Cronje,  General,  777 

Crown,  lands,  267,  764;  pleas, 
76,  82 ;  revenues,  see  Revenues 

Cruelty  to  animals,  prevention 
of,  642 

Crusades,  the  first,  63 ;  the  third, 
So,  8 1 ;  influence  of,  104 

Culloden  (cfil-15'den),  486,  487 
I  Cumberland,    see     William    Au- 
gustus 


gi6 


INDEX 


Cumbrian  Mountains,  3 
Curia  Regia,  the,  59,  65,  78 
Customs   duties,  138,    139;    see 

also  Chamberlain,  Huskisson, 

Peel,  Pitt 
Cynewulf,  48 
Cyprus,  803  note 

D 

Daguerre,  739 

Dail  Eireann,  890 

Dalhousie  (dalhoo'zie),  Earl,  later 
Marquis  of,  785 

Dalrymple  (dalrim'ple),  John, 
Master  of  Stair,  429,  430 

Dalton  (dSl'ton),  John,  635 

Danby,  Earl  of,  see  Osborne, 
Sir  Thomas 

Danegeld,  36,  59  note,  78 

Danelagh,  31 

Danes,  see  Northmen 

Dante,  149 

D'Arc,  see  Jeanne 

Dardanelles,  687,  802,  841,  855 

Darien  Company,  452 

Darlington,  Counters  of,  see  Kiel- 
mannsegge 

Darnley,  Earl  of,  see  Stewart, 
Henry 

Darwin,  Charles,  737,  738,  815 

Davis,  Jefferson,  690,  691 

Davy,  Sir  Humphrey,  635 

Debasement,  see  Coinage 

Debates,  struggle  over  reporting, 
525,  526 

Debt,  see  National  Debt 

Declarations,  of  Breda,  see 
Breda;  of  Charles  I  concern- 
ing religion,  307;  of  Independ- 
ence, 531;  of  Indulgence,  374, 
392,  394;  of  James  II,  431; 
of  Monmouth,  386;  of  Paris, 
687;  of  the  Rights  of  Man, 
581;  of  Sports,  310;  of 
William  of  Orange,  396 

Decorative  Art,  Victorian,  743 

De     donis     conditionalibus, 
Entails 

"  Defender  of  the  Faith,"  194 

Defense,  Imperial,  see  Imperial 

Defense  of  the  Realm  Acts,  869 

Defense  of  the  Seven  Sacraments, 
Henry  VIII's,  194 

Defoe,  Daniel,  561,  562 

De  Grasse,  Admiral,  538,  539 

De  haeretico  comburendo,  164 

Deists,  the,  557 

Delhi-tick  Law,  809 

Delcass6,  M.,  806 

Delegates,  High  Court  of,  265 

Delhi,  493,  788-790 

Democracy,  awakening  of,  697- 
698;  effect  on  literature,  730 

Democratic  Federation,  749 

Denmark,    299,    598,    599,    602, 


721;  see  also  Schleswig-Hol- 
stein 

Deorham,  battle  of,  21 

Depositions,  see  Edward  II, 
James  II,  Richard  II;  papal 
bulls  of,  92,  208  note 

De  Quincey,  Thomas,  639 

Derby  (darTiy),  Earls  of,  see 
Stanley 

Derby,  races,  412 

Derbyshire  insurrection,  617 

De  religiosis,  see  Mortmain 

Desmond,  House  of,  234 

Despensers,  the,  122,  123 

Devereux  (dev'erroo')  Robert, 
second  Earl  of  Essex,  244, 
261,  262  note 

Devereux,  Robert,  third  Earl  of 
Essex,  320,  321 ;  Commander  of 
the  Parliamentary  forces,  326, 
330-332,  334 

Devolution,  722  note;  see  Federa- 
tion 

Devonport,  Lord,  874 

Devonshire,  Duke  of,  see  Comp- 
ton,  Spencer;  Duchess  of,  see, 
Georgian  a 

De  Wet,  General,  777-778,  895 

Dialogue  of  the  Exchequer,  83 

Diaz,  Bartholomew,  272  note 

Dickens,  Charles,  734-735 

"Die-Hards,"  the,  756 

Diocletian,  Roman  Emperor,  14 

Direct  Action,  876 

Director  General  of  Recruiting, 
869 

Directory,  in  France,  581  note, 
589,  590,  598 

Disarming  Act,  in  Scotland,  488 

Discovery,  under  the  Tudors, 
191-192,  271-272 

Disestablishment,  of  the  Irish 
Church,  703-704;  of  the  Welsh 
Church,  757 

Dispensing  power,  398;  abol- 
ished, 425  and  note 

Disraeli  (disrayly  or  disreely). 
Benjamin,  struggle  for  pro- 
tection in  Commons,  669,  672- 
673;  abandons  protection, 
682;  pronouncement  on  coali- 
tions, ib.;  passes  Reform  Bill 
of  1867,  698-700;  first  Minis- 
try and  estimate  of,  700-701; 
comment  of,  Gladstone's  first 
Ministry,  708;  second  Minis- 
try, 710-711;  his  novels,  734; 
purchase  of  Suez  Canal  shares, 
781;  policy  in  Russo-Turkish 
War,  801-804 

Dissenters,  the  Protestant,  after 
the  Restoration,  357;  after 
Clarendon  Code,  365-366; 
attitude  of  Charles  II  toward, 
360,  362,  363,  365,  372,  374; 
efforts  of  James  to  win  over, 


392.  3941  gain  toleration, 
424,  425;  repeal  of  Test  and 
Corporation  Acts  favor,  624; 
measures  in  relief  of,  660; 
status  of,  at  Victoria's  acces- 
sion, 66 1 

Dissolution  of  the  monasteries, 
210-212,214-216;  effect  of,  on 
the  poor,  225 

Divine  Right  of  Kings,  views  of 
James  I  on,  287;  of  Charles 
II,  360;  blow  at,  399;  de- 
cline in  belief  in,  473 

"  Divorce"  of  Henry  VIII  and 
Catharine,  198,  203-204,  206- 
208;  see  also  Anne  of  Cleves 

Divorce,  law  of,  491-492;  court, 
708 

Dock  strike,  767 

Dolichocephalic  skulls.  7,  9 

Domesday  Survey,  56 

Domestic  system,  189-190,  552 

Dominican  friars,  104,  105 

Dominion,  of  Canada,  765;  of 
New  Zealand,  772 

Dominion  system  advocated  for 
Ireland,  889-890 

Don  Pacifico  case,  680,  681 

Donne,  John,  417 

"  Doras,"  see  Defense  of  the 
Realm 

Douay,  college  at,  254 

Dover,  the  treaty  of,  373-374, 
378 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  258-259, 
272 

Drama,  beginning  of  the,  148— 
149;  Elizabethan,  280-283; 
Jacobean,  Caroline  and  Res- 
toration, 419-420;  under  Anne 
and  the  Georges,  564-565; 
Victorian,  733 

Drapier  Letters,  Swift's,  472 

Dreadnaught  type,  813 

Dress,  Elizabethan,  275-276; 
Restoration,  412;  eighteenth- 
century,  568;  early  nineteenth 
century,  641 

Drinking,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  143;  in  the  eighteenth 
and  early  nineteenth  cen- 
turies, 641-642;  wartime  con- 
trol of,  781  and  note,  872 

Drogheda,  massacre  of,  345 

Druidism,  10-12 

Dryden,  John,  419 

Dudley,  Dud.  401 

Dudley,  Guilford,  234,  237 

Dudley,  John,  successively  Earl 
of  Warwick  and  Duke  of 
Northumberland,  233-236 

Dudley,  Robert,  Earl  of  Leices- 
ter, 244,  257,  262,  275 

Dueling,  410,  642 

Dumping,  810,  881 

Dunajec,  840 


INDEX 


917 


Dunbar,  battle  of,  346 
Duncan,  Admiral,  592 
Dundee,  Viscount,  see  Graham, 

John 

Dunstan,  St.,  33-35 
Dunwich,  borough  of,  648 
Dupleix,  493 

Duquesne.  Fort,  494,  499 
"  Durham  letter,"  the,  479 
Durham,  palatinate  of,  54 
Durham,  Lord,  764-765;  his 

Report,  763,  765 

Dutch,  the,  as  trade  rivals  of 
the  English,  272,  312,  402,  547; 
at  Beachy  Head,  427;  in 
the  War  of  the  Spanish  Suc- 
cession, 443,  446-451,  453- 
455,  458,  459;  in  the  Triple 
Alliance,  1717,  467;  send 
auxiliaries  to  Great  Britain 
in  1715  and  1745,  466,  486; 
in  the  Triple  Alliance  of  1788, 
582,  583;  in  the  Great  French 
War,  583-585,  588-592,  599, 
610-612;  Belgians  rebel 
against,  630-631 

Dutch    Wars,    the    first,    347- 
348,   351;     the   second,   366- 
368;   the  third,  375 
Dynamiters,  the  Fenian,  703,  714 
Dykevelt,   his  mission   to   Eng- 
land, 392-393 

E 

Eadgar  the  ^Etheling,  39,  40,  53 

Ealdormen,  33,  36,  46;  see  also 
Earl 

Earls,  Anglo-Saxon,  37,  47;  after 
the  Conquest,  54 

East  Africa  Company,  the  Brit- 
ish, 774 

Eastern  Association,  army  of 
the,  321,  329 

East  India  Company,  the  Dutch, 
272,  note;  the  English 
founded,  272,  273;  growth  of, 
493;  condition  of,  at  Seven 
Years'  War,  North's  Regu- 
lating Act,  Warren  Hastings, 
and  Fox's  India  Bill,  570-573; 
Pitt's  India  Bill,  575;  reduc- 
tion of  privileges  of,  785,  786; 
powers  of,  transferred  to  the 
Crown,  791;  the  French, 
493,  503 

East  Indian  laborers  in  South 
Africa,  779  and  note 

Ecclesiastical  Commission,  658, 
660;  court  of,  389-390,  396 

Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  under 
William  I  and  Stephen,  55, 
72;  under  Henry  II,  72,  73; 
under  the  Tudors,  265 

Ecclesiastical  Polity,  Hooker's, 
279 


Ecclesiastical  Titles  Bill,  679 

Economic  theory,  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  415,  416;  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  558, 
559;  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, 636,  737 

Edgar  the  Peaceful,  Anglo- 
Saxon  King,  35,  36 

Edgehill,  battle  of,  330 

Edgeworth,  Maria,  639 

Edict  of  Nantes,  262,  388 

"Edinburgh  Letter,"  Russell's, 
671 

Edinburgh  Review,  the,  640,  731 

Edmund  (Crouchback)  of  Lan- 
caster, too,  103,  116,  159  note 

Edmund  Ironside,  36,  37 

Edred,  35 

Education,  under  the  Tudors, 
226,  227,  235;  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  405,  406; 
Bills  of  1870,  1902,  1906, 
705-707,  755;  made  free, 
720;  Bill  of,  1918,  879-880 

Edward  the  Elder,  33 

Edward  "The  Martyr,"  36 

Edward  the  Confessor,  38-40 

Edward  I,  King  of  England,  as 
Prince,  102-103;  accession 
and  character,  in;  subdues 
Wales,  in— 112;  his  French 
and  Scotch  wars,  112-113, 
116-118;  summons  Model 
Parliament,  115;  his  con- 
firmation of  the  charters, 
116-117;  as  legislator  and 
ruler,  112,  118-121;  his  expul- 
sion of  the  Jews,  120;  trade 
regulations  of,  138-139;  as- 
serts sovereignty  of  the  seas, 
139 

Edward  II,  King  of  England, 
first  Prince  of  Wales,  112;  as 
Regent,  116;  his  reign  and 
deposition,  121-123 

Edward  III,  King  of  England, 
chosen  King,  123;  assumes 
the  government,  125;  his 
character,  125,  126;  assumes 
title  of  King  of  France,  126; 
enters  Hundred  Years'  War, 
126-128;  victory  at  Crecy, 
128;  capture  of  Calais,  128, 
129;  ceases  to  take  an  active 
part  in  the  war,  129;  troubles 
with  subjects,  129,  134-135; 
his  death,  136;  secures  sover- 
eignty of  the  seas,  139 

Edward  IV,  King  of  England, 
his  struggle  for  the  succession, 
173,  174;  his  reign,  175-178 

Edward  V,  178-180 

Edward  VI,  King  of  England,  as 
Prince,  217-218,  233;  his 
reign,  230-235 

Edward    VII,    King    of    Great 


Britain  and  Emperor  of  India, 
character  and  reign,  752-756; 
his  foreign  relations,  806-808, 
813 

Edward,  the  Black  Prince,  at 
Crecy  and  Poitiers,  128,  132; 
regime  in  Guyenne,  133-134; 
his  opposition  to  the  Court 
party  and  death,  134,  135 

Edward,  Prince,  son  of  Henry 
VI,  172,  177 

Edward,  Earl  of  Warwick,  son  of 
the  Duke  of  Clarence,  184 
and  note;  see  Simnel 

Edwin,  Northumbrian  King,  24 

Edwin,  Earl  of  Mercia,  40 

Egbert,  West  Saxon  King,  29,  30 

Egypt,  in  the  Napoleonic  Wars, 
582,  597,  599;  early  history 
and  the  British  occupation  of, 
780-784;  the  Anglo-French 
agreement  concerning,  784, 
806-807;  in  the  World  War, 
819,  896-897;  British  Labor 
Party  demand  -Home  Rule 
for,  878 

Eighteenth  century,  leading  char- 
acteristics, 543* 

Elba,  island  of,  608,  610 

Eldon,  Lord  Chancellor,  615,  625 

El  Dorado,  273 

Eleanor  of  Aquitaine,  Queen  of 
Henry  II,  69,  75 

Eleanor  of  Provence,  Queen  of 
Henry  III,  99 

Election,  the  Clare,  624 

Elections,  disputed,  see  Good- 
win's Case,  Wilkes,  and  Gren- 
ville  Act;  bribery  in,  649 

Elective  Ministers,  baronial  de- 
mand for,  100 

Electricity,  739-740 

Elgar,  Sir  Edward,  744 

Eliot,  Sir  John,  304, 307, 308 

Eliott,  General,  defender  of 
Gibraltar,  534,  539 

Elizabeth,  Countess  Palatine, 
295,  and  note,  440  and  note 

Elizabeth.  Queen  of  England, 
as  Princess,  208,  210,  234, 
237;  accession  and  character, 
244-245;  her  religious  settle- 
ment, 245-246;  her  Scotch 
policy,  246-248;  relation  to 
Catholics  and  Catholic  Powers, 
248-250;  plots  against,  248, 
251,  254.  255,  259;  attitude 
toward  Protestant  extremists, 
255-257;  intervention  in  the 
Netherlands,  257;  support  of 
English  seamen,  257-259;  her 
part  in  Mary's  execution,  259; 
her  part  in  the  repulse  of  the 
Armada  and  the  final  struggle 
with  Philip  II.  259-262;  de- 
clining years  and  death,  262, 


INDEX 


263;  strength  of  her  monarchy, 
264-265;  restoration  of  the 
coinage,  270;  agricultural  and 
trade  policy,  271,  274;  her 
progresses,  275;  estimate  of 
her  reign,  283,  284 

Elizabeth  of  York,  184 

Ely,  monks  of,  37 ;    island  of,  55 

Embargo  Act,  608 

Emden,  German  raider,  856 

Emigration,  762,  763 

Emma,  Queen,  37 

Empire,  see  British  Colonies  and 
British  Empire 

Enclosures,  beginning  of,  142; 
in  the  fifteenth  century,  187; 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  215, 
224,  233,  270-271;  in  the 
eighteenth  and  early  nine- 
teenth centuries,  SS4,  635 

Encumbered  Estates  Act,  677, 
704 

Encyclopedists,  the,  414 

Engagement,  the,  340 

England,  area,  i;  productive- 
ness, 5;  origin  of  the  name,  21; 
under  the  Anglo-Norman 
Kings,  57-61,  6s--67;  at  the 
close  of  the  twelfth  century, 
82-87;  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  104-110;  under  the 
first  three  Edwards,  129-132, 
137-152;  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  186-192;  develop- 
ment of  sea  power  of,  257- 
262;  under  Elizabeth,  264- 
284;  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, 400-422;  material  char- 
acter of,  under  the  first  two 
Georges,  473-474;  condition 
of,  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
543-568;  conditions  in,  1815- 
1830,  615;  at  the  eve  of  the 
Reform  Bill,  633-643;  under 
Victoria,  727-751;  see  Great 
Britain 

English  language,  in  the  law 
courts,  132,  476 

Englishry,  presentment  of,  55 

Enniskillen,  426,  427 

Entails,  119 

Entente,  the  Dual,  or  Entente 
cordiale,  784,  806,  807;  the 
Triple,  793,  808 

Enumerated  goods,  514 

Episcopacy  in  Scotland,  291, 
314-315 

Episcopal  elections,  64,  91-92, 
95,  265 

Epsom,  413 

Erasmus,  200-201,  226-227 

Erie,  Lake,  battle  on,  609 

Ernest  Augustus,  Duke  of  Cum- 
berland, 662 

Erskine,  John,  Earl  of  Mar,  465- 
466 


Escheats,  58 

Essay   on   Man,   see   Pope;   on 

Woman,  see  Wilkes 
Essayists,  559,  639 
Essex,  Earls   of,  see    Devereux, 

Robert  and  Capel,  Arthur 
Ethandun, 31 
Ethelfleda,  33 
Eugene,   Prince,  447,  449,  451, 

4S4,  458 
Euphuism,  278 
Evangelicals,  the,  727,  729 
Evans,  Mary  Ann,  735,  736 
Evesham,  battle  of,  103 
Evolution,  see  Darwin 
Exchequer,     the,    66,     78,    83; 

Court,  268,  290 

Excise,  Walpole's,  477 ;  Irish,  717 
Exclusion,   bills   against   James, 

376,  381-382;    of  the  Ulster 

counties,  759,  882 
Excommunication,  of  John,  91- 

92;    of  Henry  VIII,  208  and 

note 

Exhibition,  the  Great,  679 
Ex  officio  oath,  266,  287 
Exploration,  under  the  Tudors, 

271-273 
Exports,    British,    4,    633,  809- 

811 ;   duties  on,  abolished,  669 
Eye,  the  witch  of,  170 


Fabian  Society,  750 

Factory,     Acts,     656-657,     670, 

746  and  note;    system,  550, 

5S2, 553 

Faerie  Qtteene,  the,  280 
Fairfax,  Thomas,  Parliamentary 

Commander,     330,     333~335, 

338,  34i,  34S 
Fairs,  86,  108 
Falkirk,  battle  of,  117 
Falkland  Islands,  battle  of,  856 
Falkland,  Lord,  413 
Family  Compacts,  the,  480,  483, 

508 

Famines,  no,  146,  671,  676 
"Fantastic  School,"  the,  417 
Faraday,  Michael,  739-740 
"Farmer    George,"    see    George 

III 

Faro  banks,  641 

Fashoda  Incident,  the,  784  note 
Fawkes,  Guy,  288,  679 
Federation,   see  Australia,  Can- 
ada, Imperial,  Ireland 
Felony,  counsel  in  cases  of,  660 
Felton,  John,  306 
Fenians,  703,  712 
Fens,  draining  of  the,  403 
Fenwick  (fen'ick),  Sir  John,  434 
Peorum  fultum,  46 
Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  186,  195, 

196 


Ferdinand,  Prince  of  Brunswick, 

499,  501,  502 
Feud,  the,  44 

Feudal,    dues,  267,    290;    griev- 
ances   under    John,    93,   95; 

incidents,     58,     59;      system 

abolished,  362 
Feudalism,  57-59 
Field,  Cyrus,  740 
Field  deputies,  see  Dutch  in  the 

War  of  the  Spanish  Succession 
Field  of  Cloth  of  Gold,  197,  223 
Fielding,  Henry,  562 
Filmer,  Sir  Robert,  414,  415 
Financial  effort,  Great  Britain's, 

in  the  World    War,  832  and 

note  875 

Fining  of  juries  abolished,  359 
Fire  of  London,  the,  368-369,  410 
Firma  burgi,  85 
First  fruits,  see  Annates. 
Fisher,  Admiral,  Lord,  866-867 
Fisher,  H.  A.  L.,  879 
Fisher,  John,  Bishop  of  Rochester, 

209-210 

Fitch,  Ralph,  272 
Fitzgeralds,  the,  Earls  of  Kildare, 

218-219 

Fitzherbert,  Mrs.,  619  note 
Five  boroughs,  the,  33 
Five  Knights'  case,  the,  305-306 
Five  Mile  Act,  the,  365 
Flagellants,  the,  130 
Flambard,  see  Ranulf 
Flanders,  116;    in  the  Hundred 

Years'  War,  127-128,  133 
Fleet  marriages,  491 
Flemish  weavers,  139,  140 
Flodden,  battle  of,  195 
Flogging  illegal  for  women,  643 
Flood,  Henry,  538 
Florida,  510,  541,  675 
Florio,  John,  278 
"  Flying  Coach,"  404 
Flying  shuttle,  550 
Foch,    General   (later   Marshal), 

838,  850-853 
Folk,  see  Tribe 
Folkmoot,  45 

Fontenoy,  the  battle  of,  484 
Food,  143,  188,  412;   control  of, 

during    World    War,    873-874, 

»93 

Forced  loans,  see  Loans 
Foreign     Enlistment     Act,     710 

note 
Foreign      policy,      see     various 

countries 
Forests,   under   William   I,    55, 

56 

Forfeiture,  58 
Forty-shilling     freeholders,     see 

Freeholders 

"Forwards,"  see  "Die-Hards" 
Fountains  Abbey,  67 
Four  Days'  Battle,  the,  467 


INDEX 


919 


Fox,  Charles  James,  538;  char- 
acter and  American  policy, 
S37-S38;  coalition  with 
North,  570;  his  India  Bill 
and  conflict  with  Pitt,  573, 
574;  abolishes  slave  trade, 
578;  position  on  the  Regency 
question,  579-580;  attitude 
toward  French  Revolution 
and  breach  with  Burke,  581- 
582 ;  'Foreign  Secretaryship 
and  death,  601-602;  his 
dress,  641 

Fox,  Henry  (later  Lord  Holland), 

495,  496,  539 
Foxe,  John,  239,  280 

France,  war  with  Edward  I,  113- 
114, 117;  Edward  III  assumes 
title  of  King  of ,  126;  Hundred 
Years'  War  during  reign  of 
Edward  III,  126-129,  132- 
134;  under  Richard  II,  153; 
under  Henry  V  and  Henry  VI, 
165-170;  end  of  war,  172; 
relations  of  Edward  IV  with, 
176-178;  relations  of  Henry 
VII  with,  195-198,  205,  217- 
218 ;  Somerset's  policy  toward, 
233;  Mary's  war  with,  and 
loss  of  Calais,  240;  Eliza- 
beth's relations  with,  245, 
248,253-262;  marriage  treaty 
with,  1624,  299;  relations  of 
Charles  I  with,  304-305,  312- 
313;  Cromwell's  alliance  with, 
351-352;  alliance  of  Charles 
II  with,  360,  366,  373-374; 
aids  Dutch,  368;  English  feel- 
ing against,  375;  later  policy 
of  Charles  toward,  377;  re- 
lations of  James  II  with,  385, 
388;  aids  James  II,  397,  426; 
William  Ill's  war  against, 
430-432,  435!  in  the  War  of 
the  Spanish  Succession,  441— 
443,  446-451,  453-455,  457~ 
459;  aids  the  old  Pretender, 
465;  in  Triple  Alliance,  467; 
in  War  of  the  Austrian  Succes- 
sion, 480-485,  489-490;  aids 
Prince  Charles,  484,  485;  in 
the  Seven  Years'  War,  492- 

496,  497-504,  508-510;    in  the 
American     Revolution,     533- 
536,  539-541;    significance  of 
eighteenth  century  wars  with, 
545-548;      Pitt's    commercial 
treaty  with,  576-577;  Revolu- 
tion in,  and  effect  on  England, 
580-585;    war  with,  to  peace 
of    Amiens,    585-595 ;     from 
Amiens   to   the  overthrow   of 
Napoleon,     600-613;       inter- 
venes in  Spain  in  1820,  627 ; 
allied  with   Great   Britain   to 
assist  Greeks,  629-630;  Revo- 


lution of  1830  in,  630;  effect 

G 

of,  on  England,  631;    Revolu- 

Gaels, 10 

tion  of  1848  in,  677;  see  Don 

Gage,  General,  531 

Pacifico    Case;     in    Crimean 

Gainsborough,.  Thomas,  565 

War,    682-687;     see    Orsini; 

Gallipoli  campaign,  840-843 

assists  .in  Italian  Unity,  688- 

Gama,  Vasco  da,  272  note 

689;     proposes    mediation    in 

Gambling,  412,  567,  641 

American  Civil  War,  692;  see 

Game  Laws,  642 

Palmerston;     in     War     with 

Gaol  Acts,  745 

Prussia,     709-710;      relations 

Gardiner,    Stephen,     Bishop    of 

with  Great  Britain  in  Egypt, 

Winchester,  231,  233,  236,  2S9 

780-784  ;  see  Entente,  Fashoda, 

Garrick,  David,  565 

and  Morocco;  British  strained 

Garter,  Order  of  the,  129  note 

relations  with,  after  1870,  800; 

Gas,  use  of,  in  World  War,  834, 

Entente   with,  under    Edward 

844 

VII,     806-808,     813;      Great 

Gascony,  under  Henry  III,  98- 

.  Britain  supports,  in  1911,  821  ; 

100;  under  Edward  I,  113-114, 

in  negotiations  of  1914,  825- 

116;    in  the  Hundred  Years' 

829;    in  the  World  War,  833, 

War,  see    Guyenne;    shipping 

836-854;   in  Syria,  890 

law    against,    191  ;     see    also 

France,  Isle  de,  493 

Aquitaine 

Franchise,   previous   to   Reform 

Gaskell,  Mrs.,  736 

Bill  of  1832,  648-650;    by  Bill 

Gates,  General,  532 

of  1832,  653;   by  Bill  of  1867, 

Gaunt,  see  John  of 

699;     by   Bill   of   1885,   714- 

Gaveston,  Piers,  122 

715;     by   Bill   of   1918,   880- 

General      Assembly,      of      the 

88  1  ;    see  also  Reform  Bills 

Church  of  Scotland,  241,  286, 

Francis,  St.,  104-105 

315;  see  Veto  Act 

Francis,  Sir  Philip,  523 

General  Staff,  754  note 

Franciscan  friars,  104,  105,  209 

General  warrants,  511  and  note, 

Franco-Austrian  War,  688-689 

519 

Franco-Prussian  War,  709-710 

Geneva  Award,  710 

Franklin,    Benjamin,    515,    526, 

Geoffrey  of  Anjou,  69 

527,  533,  540  and  note;     ex- 

Geoffrey of  Monmouth,  61,  83 

periments  with  electricity,  555, 

George  I,  King  of  England,  reign 

556 

of,  463-474 

Franz  Ferdinand,  see  Serajevo 

George  II,  King  of  England,  as 

Frederick  II  (the  Great),  King  of 

Prince,  475  ;  reign  of,  475-504 

Prussia,   character   and   amis, 

George  III,  King  of  Great  Brit- 

48 r;    in  the  War  of  the  Aus- 

ain   and    Ireland,  significance 

trian  Succession,  481-482,  484, 

of  reign,  506;    character  and 

489  ;  in  the  Seven  Years'  War, 

policy,    507-508;     ends    the 

495-496,499-504;  breaks  with 

Seven   Years'   War,   509-510; 

England,     509-510;      cynical 

opposition    to    Wilkes,    511  ; 

views  of,  815 

supports    Grenville    program, 

Frederick,  Prince,  son  of  George 

512,    STS    note;    dismissal    of 

II,  507 

Grenville,  518;  opposes  Rock- 

Free,  Church  of  Scotland,  730; 

ingham  Ministry,  519;   makes 

United  Presbyterian,  ib. 

Lord    North    Premier,    523; 

Freedom  of  Speech,  398 

controls    the    Ministry,    525  ; 

Freeholders,   forty-shilling,    649- 

secures   Royal   Marriage   Act, 

650,  653 

526;    aims  to  coerce  Massa- 

Free trade.  66g-6.7.i 

chusetts,    528;     rejoices    pre- 

rrencn, (Jenerai  (.later  Marshal, 

maturely,     532;      refuses     to 

Viscount),  759,  760,  837-838, 

yield  to  the  Opposition,  534; 

841,  844-845 

disperses  Gordon  rioters,  535; 

Friars,  see  Dominicans  and  Fran- 

wishes to  continue  the  Amer- 

ciscans 

ican  War,  537;    attempts  to 

Friends     of     the     People,     58* 

thwart  Rockingham,  ib.;   dis- 

note 

misses     his     Ministry,     540; 

Friendly  Societies,  744,  747  and 

defeat  of  his  policy,  541  ;   op- 

note 

poses     the     Coalition,      570; 

Frobisher,  Martin,  272 

defeats  Fox's  India  Bill,  573; 

Froissart,  Jean,  148 

calls    in    Pitt,   ib.;     attitude 

Fry,  Elizabeth,  745 

toward     Hastings,     578-579; 

Fulton,  Robert,  634 

his    insanity    and     recovery, 

Q20 


INDEX 


579;  opposes  Catholic  relief, 
596-597;  final  eclipse,  605; 
his  death,  618 

George  IV,  King  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  as  Prince,  570, 
579-580;  as  Regent,  605,  616; 
as  King,  618-620,  625-626 

George  V,  King  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland,  Emperor  of  India, 
his  accession  and  visit  to  India, 
756-757 ;  signs  Home  Rule  Bill, 
760;  changes  name,  871-872 
note 

George,  Duke  of  Clarence, 
brother  of  Edward  IV,  176- 
i?8 

George,  David  Lloyd,  his  social- 
istic legislation,  748;  his 
budget,  755;  his  plea  for 
reduction  of  armaments,  823 
note;  reiterates  British  War 
aims,  850;  attempts  to  save 
in  armaments,  865;  becomes 
Minister  of  Munitions,  867; 
becomes  Premier,  ib.;  see 
Treasury  Agreement;  his  War 
Cabinet,  868;  his  activity  in 
producing  munitions,  871  and 
note;  his  appointments,  878- 
879;  his  tribute  to  women's 
war  work,  880;  victory  of 
his  Coalition,  881-882;  offers 
Irish  Convention,  888;  calls 
Imperial  Conferences,  906,  907 

Georgia,  colony  of,  566 

Georgiana,  Duchess  of  Devon- 
shire, 574 

Gerald  de  Barri,  see  Giraldus 
Cambrensis 

Geraldines,  see  Fitzgerald 

German  East  Africa,  see  Afrfca 

German,  North,  Confederation, 
700;  Empire  founded,  709 

German  raids,  834,  858 

German  Southwest  Africa,  see 
Africa 

Germanic  invasions,  14,  18-21  ^ 

Germans,  condition  of  the  an- 
cient, 18-20 

Germany,  Bismarck's  social  legis- 
lation in,  746 ;  secures  Heligo- 
land for  concessions  in  Africa, 
774;  activities  in  the  East, 
792-793 ;  Bismarck's  policy, 
799-801 ;  attitude  in  Russo- 
Turkish  War,  801-804;  in 
Triple  Alliance,  804 ;  new  poli- 
cies under  William  II,  804- 
805 ;  in  the  Morocco  crises  of 
1905  and  1911,  807-808,  820- 
821;  rivalry  with  England  in 
trade  and  naval  armaments, 
810-815;  Kultur  and  Pan- 
Germanism  ,  8 1 5-8 1 8 ;  Eastern 
policy,  818-822;  backs  Aus- 
tria after  Serajevo,  823-824; 


violation  of  Belgium,  827- 
829;  resources  of,  in  1914, 
832-835;  disappointment  at 
British  entrance  into  war, 
836;  campaign  of  1914,  836- 
839;  of  1915,  839-845;  of 
1916,  845-847;  peace  drive, 
847;  campaign  of  1917,  847- 
849;  1918  drive,  850-851; 
final  repulse,  851-853;  the 
Armistice,  853-854;  in  naval 
warfare,  854-859;  submarine 
warfare,  859-862;  surrenders 
her  fleet,  862-863 ;  production 
of  shells,  867  note;  intrigues 
with  the  Irish,  884,  885 ;  raid 
in  behalf  of  Sinn  Feiners,  886 ; 
propaganda  in  South  Africa, 
895;  loses  Colonies,  895-896; 
activity  in  Egypt,  897;  in- 
trigues in  India,  900-901 
Ghent,  treaty  of,  609-610 
Gibbon,  Edward,  556 
Gibraltar,  British  secure,  450, 
459>  Spanish  attempts  to  re- 
cover, 534,  539;  government 
of,  761 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  273 
Gilbert  and  Sullivan,  744 
Gilds,  origin  and  growth  of,  86; 
in  the  thirteenth  century, 
109;  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, 140-141,  148,  153-154; 
in  the  fifteenth  century,  189- 
190;  under  Henry  VIII,  224; 
under  Elizabeth,  274;  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  409;  as 
ancestors  of  Friendly  Societies, 
747  note;  see  also  National 
Guilds 

Gin  drinking,  act  to  check,  566 
Giraldus  Cambrensis,  84 
Gladstone  (glad'ston),  William 
E.,  early  budge  ts...*f,  £82; 
in  Palmerston'j^.  second  ad- 
ministration, 689 ;. ,  his-'  repeal 
of  the  paper  duty,  689-090; 
in  sympathy  with  South  in 
American  Civil  War,  690- 
691 ;  Disraeli  on  policy  of, 
toward  Victoria,  701 ;  charac- 
ter and  policy  of,  701-702; 
first  Ministry  of,  702-709; 
first  Ministry  of,  foreign  affaiPs, 
709-710;  campaign  speeches, 
711;  second  Ministry  of,  712- 
715;  his  Land  Act  of  1881, 
713 ;  his  Franchise  Bill  of  1884, 
1885,  714-715;  fall  of  his 
second  Ministry,  715;  adopts 
Home  Rule,  716;  his  third 
Ministry  and  the' defeat  of  his 
first  Home  Rule  Bill,  717; 
repudiates  Parnell,  719;  his 
fourth  Ministry  and  the  defeat 
of  his  second  Home  Rule  Bill, 


720-721 ;  threatens  the  Lords, 
723;  his  resignation,  ib.; 
death  of,  723  note;  his  High 
Churchmanship,  729;  his  dis- 
astrous South  African  policy, 
773-774»  his  failure  to  relieve 
Gordon,  783 ;  denounces  the 
Bulgarian  atrocities,  801 

Glamorgan,  Earl  of,  336 

Glanville,  Ranulf  de,  83 

Glasgow,  6 

Glastonbury,  Abbey  of,  15 

Glencoe,  the  Massacre  of,  429, 
430 

Glendower,  Owen,  162 

"Glorious  Revolution,"  the,  see 
Revolution  of  1688 

Gloucester,  331-332 

Gloucester,  the  Duke  of,  see 
Thomas  of  Woodstock,  Hum- 
phrey, and  Richard 

Godfrey,  Sir  Edmund  Bury,  378 

Godwin,  William,  639 

Godwine,  Earl  of  Wessex,  38-39 

Goidels,  10 

Gold,  discovery  of,  742,  770  note 

Goldsmith,  Oliver,  563,  565 

Good  Hope,  Cape  of,  272  note, 
599 

Good  Parliament,  134-135 

Goodwin,  Sir  Francis,  case  of, 
289 

Gordon,  General  Charles  ("Chi- 
nese Gordon"),  in  the  Sudan, 
783 

Gordon,  George,  see  Byron,  Lord 

Gordon  Riots,  534-535 

Gothic  art,  revival  of,  732,  743 

Government,  British,  growing 
paternalism  of,  at  Victoria's 
accession,  661-662;  control  of 
industry  during  the  World 
War,  866  ff. 

Grafton,  the  Duke  of,  his  Minis- 
tit  520-523 

Graham,  John,  of  Claverhouse, 
later  Viscount  Dundee,  391, 
429 

Grail,  the  Holy,  15 

Grammar  schools,  under  Henry 
VIII,  227;  of  Edward  VI, 
235;  see  also,  706 

Grand  Alliance,  the,  443 

Grand  National  Consolidated 
Trade  Union,  the,  667 

Grand  Remonstrance,  the,  324- 
325 

Grand  Tour,  the,  641 

Granville,  Lord,  783 

Grattan,  Henry,  538,  592,  593, 
595,  840,  842 

Gray,  Thomas,  564 

Great  Britain,  name  of,  adopted 
at  the  union  of  England  and 
Scotland,  453 ;  territorial  gains 
of,  by  the  peace  of  Utrecht, 


INDEX 


Q2I 


458-459;  achievements  of,  in 
the  War  of  the  Spanish  Suc- 
cession, 459;  struggle  begins 
with  American  Colonies,  512; 
strength  of,  in  American  Revo- 
lution, 530;  isolation  of,  by 
formation  of  "Armed  Neutral- 
ity," 535,  critical  situation  of, 
in  1796,  1797  and  1800-1801, 
59O,  598;  territorial  gains  of, 
at  Congress  of  Vienna,  612; 
relations  to  Europe  at  close  of 
Napoleonic  Wars,  626-631; 
effect  of  separation  of  Hanover 
upon,  662;  sentiment  in,  re- 
garding American  Civil  War, 
690;  problems  confronting, 
1865,  697;  problems  in  1901, 
725;  foreign  policy  of,  after 
1870,  799-804;  see  Entente; 
also  Germany;  policy  of, 
previous  to  World  War,  823- 
830;  in  the  World  War,  832  ff. 

Great  Contract,  the,  290-291 

Great  Council,  the,  59;  sum- 
moned by  Charles  I,  317 

Greater  Britain,  see  British 
Colonies  and  Empire 

Great  Fire,  the,  410,  421 

Great  Mogul,  the,  492 

Great  Schism,  150 

Great  Seal,  the,  397 

Greece,    independence   of,    628- 

.  630;  see  Don  Pacifico  case; 
in  the  First  and  Second  Balkan 
Wars,  821,  822;  in  the  World 
War,  843,  853 

Green  Ribbon  Club,  376 

Greene,  Nathaniel,  General,  536 

Greene,  Robert,  279,  282 

Greenwich,  416,  421 

Gregory  I,  Pope,  22-23 

Gregory  XIII,  Pope,  491 

Grenville,  George,  496  note; 
becomes  Prime  Minister,  510; 
his  colonial  program,  512, 
516-518;  his  dismissal,  518- 
519;  his  Election  Act,  525 

Grenville,  Lady  Hester,  496 
note 

Grenville  Election  Act,  the,  of, 
177°,  525 

Grey,  Charles,  later  Earl  Grey, 
becomes  Prime  Minister,  647 ; 
Ministry  of,  secures  Parlia- 
mentary Reform,  651-654; 
resignation  of,  658;  adviser 
to  the  bishops,  728 

Grey,  Lady  Jane,  224-235,  236- 
237 

Grey,  Sir  Edward,  Foreign  Min- 
ister, refuses  to  sign  Portu- 
guese treaty  with  Germany, 
805 ;  states  British  position 
in  1911,  817-818;  forces  signa- 
ture of  treaty  of  London  in 


1913,    822;     his   attempts    to 
avert  war  in  1914,  825,  827, 
829-830;    his  conciliatory  at- 
titude, 865 
Griffith,  Arthur,  883 
Grocyn,  William,  200 
Grosseteste,  see  Robert    - 
Grote,  George,  737-738 
Grouchy,  Marshal,  611-612 
Grub  Street,  561  and  note 
Guesclin,     Bertrand     du,     133- 

134 

Guinegate,  the  battle  of,  195 
Gulliver's  Travels,  560 
Gunpowder,  early  use  of,  144 
Gunpowder  Plot,  the,  288-289 
Gutenberg,  John,  192 
Guthrum,  Danish  invader,  3 
Guyenne,  in  the  Hundred  Years' 
War,  127,   129,  133-134;    see 
Aquitaine  and  Gascony 
Gwledig,  British  leader,  18 

H 

Habeas  Corpus,  94,  96,  305  and 
note 

Habeas  Corpus  Act,  359 ;  passed, 
381 ;  James  II  aims  to  repeal 
the,  388;  suspended,  589,  617 
and  note;  in  Ireland,  594 

Hadrian's  Wall,  13  note 

Hague  Conference,  the  first, 
813;  the  second,  ib. 

Haidar  Ali,  597 

Haig,  Sir  Douglas  (later  Mar- 
shal, Viscount),  845,  848,  851- 
853 

Haldane  (hol'dane),  Lord,  814, 
818 

Hakluyt,  Richard,  his  Voyages, 
273,  280 

Hales,  Sir  Edward,  the  case  of, 
389 

Halidon  Hill,  battle  of,  126 

Halifax,  Earl  of,  see  Montagu, 
Charles 

Halifax,  Marquis  of,  see  Savile, 
George 

Hal,  Prince,  see  Henry  V 

Halsbury,  Lord,  756 

Hampden,  John,  313,  320,  325, 
332 

Hampton  Court  Conference,  the, 
287-288 

Hams,  Anglo-Saxon,  42 

Handel,  George  Frederick,  565, 
744 

Hanover,  kingdom  of,  602,  662, 
700 

Hansard,  case  of  Stockdale 
against,  665 

Hanseatic  League,  108 

Harden,  Maximilian,  829  note 

Hardinge,  Lord,  Viceroy  of  In- 
dia, 892,  901  note,  902 


Hardwicke's  Marriage  Act,  491- 
492 

Hardy,  Thomas,  736 

Hargreaves,  James,  invents  spin- 
ning jenny,  550 

Harley,  Robert,  Earl  of  Oxford, 
intrigues  with  Mrs.  Masham, 
455 ;  leading  Minister  of  Anne, 
456 ;  negotiates  for  peace,  457 ; 
rivalry  with  Bolingbroke,  460; 
his  dismissal,  460-461;  founds 
the  South  Sea  Company,  469 

Harold,  son  of  Godwine,  39-41 

Harold  Hadrada,  King  of  Nor- 
way, 40 

Hartington,  Marquis  of,  see 
Compton,  Spencer 

Harvey,  William,  416 

Hastings,  see  Senlac 

Hastings,  Warren,  571-572,  578- 
579 

Havana,  509-510 

Havelock,  Henry,  790 

Hawke,  Admiral,  501 
jtwkins,  John,  258,  272 

Hay-Pauncetofe  treaty,  768 

Hazlitt,  William,  639-640 

Heads  of  Proposals,  the,  338-339 

Health,  public,  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  period,  50;  in  Anglo- 
Norman  times,  60;  in  the 
twelfth  century,  87;  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  146;  in 
the  fifteenth  century,  187-188; 
in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII, 
225 

Hedjaz,  King  of  the,  898,  900 

Heligoland,  612,  774,  857 

Hemans,  Felicia,  730 

Henderson,  Arthur,  877 

Hengist  and  Horsa,  18 

Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of 
Charles  I,  betrothed  to 
Charles,  299;  character  of, 
303;  fosters  Roman  Cathol- 
icism, 311;  plots  of,  322,  324; 
incites  arrest  of  five  members, 
325;  seeks  foreign  alliances, 
328,  336 

Henry  I,  King  of  England, 
accession  and  issue  of  Charter 
of  Liberties,  63,  64;  conquest 
of  Normandy,  64 ;  compromise 
with  Anselm,  ib. ;  character 
and  policy,  64,  65 ;  admin- 
istrative reorganization,  the 
Curia  Regis  and  Exchequer 
65,66;  founder  of  Curia  Regis 
and  Exchequer,  78 ;  originator 
of  scutage,  79 ;  charters  to  Lon- 
don, 85;  charter  to  Weavers' 
Gild,  86 

Henry  II,  King  of  England, 
recognized  as  heir  of  Stephen, 
69;  accession  and  character, 
problems  and  policy,  71; 


922 


INDEX 


conflict  with  Becket,  72-74; 
in  Ireland,  74-75;  submission 
at  Avranches,  75;  last  years 
and  death,  ib. ;  constitutional 
and  legal  reforms,  75-78; 
revenue  of,  78-79;  summary 
of  his  work,  79 ;  literature  and 
learning  at  his  court,  82,  83; 
grants  of  borough  charters, 

8S 

Henry  III,  King  of  England, 
constitutional  importance  of 
his  reign,  89;  years  of  minor- 
ity, 98,  99 ;  successful  expedi- 
tions against  Gascony,  99-100; 
beginning  of  his  personal  rule, 
99;  marries  Eleanor  of  Pro- 
vence, invasions  of  foreigners, 
ib.;  breach  with  Simon  de 
Montfort,  100;  baronial  war 
against,  101-103;  death  and 
character  of,  103 

Henry  of  Lancaster,  his  conflict 
with  Richard  II,  158,  159; 
chosen  king,  159;  see  Henry 
IV 

Henry  IV,  King  of  England, 
161-162;  character  and  prob- 
lems, 161-162;  revolts  against, 
162-163;  last  years  of,  163 

Henry  V,  King  of  England,  as 
Prince,  163;  accession  and 
character,  164-165;  sup- 
presses the  Lollards,  164  note ; 
reopens  war  with  France,  165 ; 
his  three  invasions  of  France, 
165-166;  his  death,  estimate 
of  his  work,  166,  167 

Henry  VI,  King  of  England, 
coronation  of,  169;  marries 
Margaret  of  Anjou,  170; 
struggles  with  the  Yorkists, 
170-177;  his  death  and  char- 
acter, 177 

Henry,  Duke  of  Richmond,  rep- 
resentative of  the  Lancastrian 
line,  lands  in  England,  180; 
victory  at  Bosworth,  180- 
181;  proclaimed  King,  181; 
see  Henry  VII 

Henry  VII,  King  of  England, 
problems  and  means  of  secur- 
ing his  title,  183, 184;  trouble 
with  pretenders,  185-185;  es- 
tablishes the  Star  Chamber, 
185;  Irish  policy  of,  185,  186; 
foreign  policy  of,  186;  mod- 
ern and  medieval  traits  of, 
186-187 »  measures  to  promote 
manufactures,  trade,  and  dis- 
covery, 190-192 

Henry  VIII,  King  of  England, 
marries  Catharine  of  Aragon, 
186;  accession  and  character 
of,  194-195;  joins  the  Holy 
Alliance,  195;  invades  Flan- 


ders, ib. ;  allies  himself 
with  Louis  XII;  favor  to 
Wolsey,  195-196;  unsuccessful 
candidate  for  the  Imperial 
crown,  196;  his  alliance  with 
Charles  V,  197 ;  meeting  with 
Francis  I  at  the  Field  of  Cloth 
of  Gold,  ib.;  withdraws  from 
the  European  war,  198;  mo- 
tives of,  for  separation  from 
Rome,  198,  199;  a  patron  of 
the  New  Learning,  202;  his 
divorce  proceedings  against 
Catharine,  203-204 ;  throws 
over  Wolsey,  204-205;  takes 
Cranmer  and  Cromwell  as 
advisers,  206;  summons  the 
Reformation  Parliament  and 
brings  about  the  separation 
from  Rome,  207-210;  restricts 
powers  of  Convocation,  208; 
marries  Anne  Boleyn,  ib. ; 
secures  divorce  from  Catharine, 
ib.;  persecutions,  209-210; 
assumes  title  of  Supreme  Head, 
ib. ;  his  dissolution  of  the 
monasteries,  210-212;  divorces 
and  executes  Anne  Boleyn, 
212;  marries  Jane  Seymour, 
ib.;  imposes  the  Ten  Articles 
on  the  Church,  213 ;  attitude 
of,  toward  the  Pilgrimage  of 
Grace,  214;  disposal  of  the 
spoils  of  monasteries,  215- 
216;  forces  the  Six  Articles  on 
Parliament,  216-217;  marries 
and  divorces  Anne  of  Cleves, 
217;  throws  over  Cromwell, 
ib.;  Scotch  policy,  217-218; 
war  with  France,  218;  Irish 
policy,  218-219;  closing  years 
and  death  of,  222-223;  nature 
of  his  absolutism,  his  revenue, 
and  his  extravagance,  223- 
224;  attitude  toward  educa- 
tion, 226-227;  character  of 
his  age,  227 

Henry,  son  of  Henry  II,  75 

Henry,  Prince,  son  of  James  I, 
289,  294 

Henry,  Cardinal  of  York,  son  of 
the  Old  Pretender,  487 

Henry  of  Navarre  (later  Henry 
IV,  King  of  France),  253,  257, 
262 

Henry,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  68 

Hepburn  (heb'burn),  James,  Earl 
of  Bothwell,  247 

Heptarchy,  21 

Herbert,  Admiral  (later  Earl  of 
Torrington),  427 

Herbert,  George,  417 

Heresy  laws,  164,  231,  238;  see 
De  haeretico  comburendo 

Heretics,  persecution  of,  207, 
238-240 


Heritable  jurisdictions,  abolished 
in  Scotland,  488 

Herrick,  Robert,  418 

Hertford,  Earl  of,  see  Seymour, 
Edward 

Hertzog,  General,  779,  894 

Herzegovina,  801-803,  820 

Hide,  42 

High  Church  party,  views  and 
aims  of,  under  Charles  I, 
302-303;  under  the  direction 
of  Laud,  309-310;  alliance 
with  Charles  II,  376 ;  alienated 
by  James  II,  392-395;  reac- 
tion of,  against  William  III, 
424;  principles  of,  446;  op- 
poses the  Union,  453;  alien- 
ated by  the  Education  Act  of 
1870,708;  see  Sacheverel  and 
Oxford  Movement 

High  Commission,  the  Court  of, 
begins  to  be  active,  249;  en- 
larged powers  of,  256;  under 
Elizabeth  and  the  early  Stuarts 
265-266;  abolished,  323;  see 
Ecclesiastical  Commission 

High  Court  of  Delegates,  the, 
265 

High  Court  of  Justice,  342;  see 
also  Supreme  Court  of  Judica- 
ture Act 

Highlands,  the  Scottish,  5-6, 
429 

Highwaymen,  405,  567 

Hill,  Abigail,  see  Masham 

Hill,  Rowland,  Post  Office  re- 
forms of,  665,  666 

Historical  writing,  280,  556,  731, 
737-738 

Hindenburg,  Marshal  von,  847; 
Hindenburg  Line,  852,  853 

Hobbes,  Thomas,  414 

Hogarth,  William,  565 

Hohenlinden,  battle  of,  598 

Holbein,  217 

Holinshed's  Chronicles,  280 

Holland,  joins  the  Armed  Neu- 
trality of  1778,  535;  England 
declares  war  against,  1780, 
ib.;  decline  of,  547;  Orange 
Party  of,  in  Triple  Alliance, 
583 ;  States  General  of,  appeal 
to  England  for  aid,  584; 
France  declares  war  on,  1793, 
585;  France  prepares  to  in- 
vade, ib.;  Batavian  Republic 
set  up  in,  589;  Belgium  de- 
clares her  independence  from, 
890;  see  also  Netherlands, 
Dutch  and  Austrian  and 
Spanish  Succession,  wars  of 
the 

Holland,  Lord,  see  Fox,  Henry 

Holies,  Denzil,  307-308 

Holstein,  Duchy  of,  693 

Holy  Alliance,  the,  612 


INDEX 


923 


Holy  Grail,  15,  148 

Holy  League,  195 

Holy  Places,  the,  in  Palestine, 
683 

Holyrood  palace,  247 

Holy  Sepulcher,  the,  683 

Home  Rule,  origin  of  the  move- 
ment, 712;  adopted  by  Glad- 
stone, 716;  defeat  of  Glad- 
stone's first  bill  for,  716-717; 
Ulster  opposition  to,  716  note; 
the  Conservative  substitute 
for,  720;  defeat  of  Gladstone's 
second  bill  in  the  Lords, 
720-721 ;  the  problem,  721- 
723;  becomes  an  issue  in  the 
election  of  1910,  755-766; 
revival  of  the  struggle  for 
757-760;  becomes  law,  760; 
suspended  during  the  World 
war,  880-884;  see  Sinn  Fein 
and  Irish  Convention;  the 
Problem  of,  889-890 

Hong-Kong,  674 

Honorius,  Roman  Emperor,  14 

Hood,  Admiral,  Lord,  589 

Hooker,  Richard,  279 

Home,  General,  853 

Hotspur,  see  Percy,  Henry 

Household  franchise,  653 

House  of  Commons,  see  Com- 
mons 

House  of  Lords,  see  Lords 

House,  the  "Other,"  under  the 
Protectorate,  354 

"Hovering  Act,"  the,  576 

Howard,  Lord  Charles,  of  Effing- 
ham  (later  Earl  of  Notting- 
ham), 260 

Howard,  Catharine,  see  Catharine 

Howard,  Henry,  Earl  of  Surrey, 
poet,  220,  228 

Howard,  John,  prison  reformer, 
566-567,  745 

Howard,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Surrey 
and  Duke  of  Norfolk,  195,  214, 
220,  337 

Howard,  Thomas,  fourth  Duke 
of  Norfolk,  248,  251 

Howe,  General,  531-532,  534 

Howe,  Admiral,  Lord,  591 

Hubert  de  Burgh,  Justiciar, 
98-99 

Hubert  Walter,  Archbishop,  81- 
83,9i 

Hudson  Bay  Company,  766 

Hugh,  St.,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  82 

Hughes,  Thomas,  749 

Hughes,  W.  M.,  906 

Huguenots,  244,  253,  305 ;  intro- 
duction of  new  industries  into 
England  by,  401,  548 

Humanism,  199 

Humber  River,  4 

Humble  Petition  and  Advice, 
the,  354 


Hume,  David,  356-357 

Humphrey,  Duke  of  Gloucester, 
166,  168,  170,  200 

"Hundred  Days,"  the,  610 

Hundreds,  Anglo-Saxon,  44,  45; 
responsibility  of  the,  55 

Hundred  Years'  War,  the,  sig- 
nificance of,  126;  causes  of, 
126-127;  opening  campaigns, 
127-128;  Cricy,  128;  cap- 
ture of  Calais,  128;  Poitiers, 
132;  peace  of  Bre'tigny,  132- 
133;  turning  of  the  tide 
against  England,  133;  long- 
bow and  firearms  in,  144; 
reopened  by  Henry  V,  165 ; 
his  three  invasions  of  France, 
165-166 ;  siege  of  Orleans,  and 
relief  of,  by  Jeanne  d'Arc, 
168-169;  end  of,  172;  effect 
on  the  nobility,  183 

Hunt,  Holman,  743 

Hunt,  Leigh,  639 

Hunting,  in  Anglo-Saxon  times, 
50;  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, 406 ;  see  Game  Laws 

Huskisson,  William,  620-622 

Huss,  John,  151 

Hussein,  Kamel,  897-900  note; 
see  also  Hedjaz 

Hutchinson  Letters,  the,  763 

Huxley,  Thomas,  739 

Hyde,  Anne,  374,  376  and  note 

Hyde,  Dr.  Douglas,  883 

Hyde,  Edward,  Earl  of  Claren- 
don, leader  of  the  Constitu- 
tional royalists  and  author  of 
the  History  of  the  Great  Re- 
bellion, 320.325,  360;  made 
Lord  Chancellor,  his  character 
and  policy,  361;  his  Code, 
364-366;  foreign  policy  of, 
366;  the  fall  of,  368-369 

Hyde  Park,  reform  demonstra- 
tion in,  698 

I 

Impeachments,  beginning  of, 
134;  of  Latimer  and  Lyons, 
ib.;  of  Suffolk,  171;  revival  of, 
295;  of  Bacon,  296,  297;  of 
Buckingham,  304;  of  Laud, 
321;  of  Strafford,  321;  of 
Clarendon,  369;  of  Danby, 
381 ;  of  Dr.  Sacheverell,  456 ; 
of  Bolingbroke,  465 ;  of 
Warren  Hastings,  578,  579 
Imperial  Conferences,  796 
Imperial  defense,  754,  891,  905- 

907 

Imperial  federation,  796,  890 
Imperial  War  Cabinet  and  Con- 
ference, 903  note,  906,  907 
Imperialism,   British,  700;    Dis- 
raeli popularizes  the  idea  of, 


701,  708,  799;  Gladstone  op- 
posed to  extreme,  ib. ;  Victoria 
as  the  embodiment  of,  725; 
growth  of  the  idea  of,  762- 
763 ;  the  problem  of,  796-797, 
907 

Imports,  Brtish,  809-812 

Impositions,  290,  322-323 

Impressment,  see  Search,  right  of 

"In  and  out"  clause,  the,  720 

Incandescent  lamp,  the,  740 

Incident,  the,  324 

Income  tax,  the,  established  by 
Pitt,  598;  Peel's  second  Min- 
istry revives,  668;  increased 
by  Lloyd  George,  755 

Indemnity  and  Oblivion,  Act  of, 
361-362 

Independent  Labor  Party,  the, 
749,  876 

Independents,  the,  255,  336,  339, 
350 

India,  opened  up  by  Englishmen, 
272 ;  beginnings  of  the  English 
activity  in,  492,  493;  the 
struggle  with  the  French  for 
supremacy  in,  493 ;  triumph  of 
the  British  over  the  French  in, 
502-503 ;  mutual  restoration 
of  conquests  in  (1763),  509; 
state  of,  at  close  of  Seven 
Years' War,  570-571;  North's 
Regulating  Act,  571;  Fox's 
Bill  for,  572-573;  Pitt's  Bill, 
575;  Napoleon  strikes  at,  592, 
597 ;  extension  of  British  con- 
trol in,  78^-787;  the  Mutiny 
in,  787-791 ;  Government  of, 
transferred  to  the  Crown,  1858, 
791-792;  recent  history  of, 
792-793;  the  problem,  793- 
795;  British  Labor  Party  de- 
mands freedom  for,  878,  882; 
in  the  World  War,  900-901 ; 
manifestations  of  discontent 
in,  901;  grievances  of,  901- 
902;  demand  for  Home  Rule 
in,  902-903;  the  Montagu- 
Chelmsford  Report  on,  903- 
905;  the  situations  in,  at  the 
close  of  the  War,  905;  see 
Anglo- Japanese  treaties 

India,  All,  Moslem  League,  902, 
904 

Indian  National  Congress,  795, 
002-904 

Indians,  American,  in  American 
Revolution,  530  note ;  in  War 
of  1812,  609 

Indo-European   "race,"   9  note 

Indulgence,  the  Declaration  of 
Charles  II,  374;  the  first 
Declaration  of  James  II,  392; 
the  second,  394 

Industrial  and  social  progress 
in  the  Victorian  Era,  744,  745 


924 


INDEX 


Industrial    Revolution,    the,    3, 

548-553,  568 

Industry,  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, 109;  under  Edward  I, 
II,  III,  138-140;  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  189-190; 
under  Elizabeth,  274-275  ;  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  401- 
403;  before  the  great  inven- 
tions, 548-549;  following  the 
inventions,  549-553 ;  at  end  of 
Napoleonic  wars,  616-617; 
laissez-faire  theory  opposes 
state  interference  with,  666; 
war  control  of,  869-874;  876- 
879 
Ine  (e'ne  or  1'ne),  King  of  the 

West  Saxons,  29,  31 
Inkerman,     battle     of     Mount, 

685 
Innocent  III,  Pope,   78,  91-92, 

96,97 

Inns,  Anglo-Saxon,   50;    in   the 

Middle  Ages,  145-146;   in  the 

seventeenth  century,  405 

Inoculation,  discovery  of,  536 

Inquisition,  the,  249-250  note 

Inquisition  jury,  the,  77-78 

Instrument  of  Government,  the, 

349-35° 
Insularity,  importance  of  British, 

4 
Insurance   against   sickness  and 

unemployment,  747-748 
Intercursus  Magnus,  191 
Interdict,  91 
Interest,      forbidden,      141-142 
187;      legalized    under    Eliz- 
abeth, 270 
Interludes,  281 

International  Workingmen's  As- 
sociation, the,  749 
Invasions  into  Britain,  neolithic, 
9;  Celtic,  9-10;  Germanic, 
14,  18,  20-21;  Danish,  29-31, 
36-38;  Norman,  40-41 
Investiture,  compromise  on,  64 
lona,  monastery  of,  24 
Ireland,  physical  characteristics, 
6-7 ;  conquest  of,  under  Henry 
II,  74,  75;  description  of,  by 
Giraldus,  84;  laws  of  Edward 
III  relating  to,  157;  visited 
by  Richard  II,  157-158;  sup- 
ports Simnel  and  Warbeck, 
184-185;  Poynings's  Law  im- 
posed on,  185,  186;  policy  of 
Henry  VIII  toward,  218-219; 
movements  in,  against  Eliz- 
abeth, 254;  Essex's  failure 
against,  262;  difficulties  with, 
under  James  I,  291-292; 
Wentworth's  rule  in,  315-316; 
rebellion  of  1641  in,  324; 
Charles  I's  relations  with  the 
Roman  Catholic  party  in, 


328,  335,  336;  Cromwell's 
conquest  of,  345-346;  the 
Restoration  in,  363;  policy 
of  James  II  in,  391-392 ;  land- 
ing of  James  in,  426;  flight  of 
James  from,  and  William's 
conquest  of,  427-428;  the 
treaty  of  Limerick  and  its 
violation,  428;  oppressive  re- 
strictions and  penal  laws 
against  the  Irish,  ib. ;  evil  con- 
ditions in,  under  George  III, 
537-538;  independence  of 
Parliament  of,  538;  French 
expedition  to,  in  1796,  590; 
conditions  in,  in  1782-1789, 
592;  effect  of  French  Revo- 
lution in,  593-594;  rebel- 
lion of  1798  in,  594-595; 
parliamentary  union  of,  with 
England,  595-597 ;  agitation 
on  behalf  of  Roman  Catholics 
in,  623-624;  Catholic  emanci- 
pation, 624-626 ;  parliamen- 
tary franchise  under  Bill  of 
1832,  650,  653-654;  the  Tithe 
War  and  the  Irish  Church 
Bill,  654-656;  potato  famine 
in,  671-673,  676-677;  effects 
of  Revolution  of  i 848  •  upon, 
677-678;  representation  of, 
untouched,  under  Act  of  1867 
699;  Fenian  movement  in 
703;  Gladstone's  measures  in 
behalf  of,  1869-1870,  703- 
705;  in  1881,  713;  Home 
Rule  agitation  in,  712-714 
first  Home  Rule  Bill,  716-717 
"Parnellism  and  Crime,"  717- 
718;  split  in  Home  Rule 
party,  719;  the  second  Home 
Rule  Bill,  720-721 ;  the  Home 
Rule  problem,  721-722;  thi 
revival  of  the  Home  Rule 
struggle  and  the  Bill  of  1914 
757-76o;  British  Labor  Party 
demand  Home  Rule  for,  878 
882;  the  Rebellion  of  1916  in 
882  ff.;  the  problem  in,  889- 
890 

Ireton,  General,  338-339,  341 

Irish    Agricultural   Organization 
Society,  the,  721 

Irish  Convention,  888-889 

Irish    Church,    disestablishmen 
of  the,  703-704 

Irish  Church  Temporalities  Bill 
the,  655-656,  748 

Irish  Land  Acts,  of   1870,   the 
704-705;   of  1881,  713 

Irish  Local  Government  Act,  72 

Irish  Nationalists,  see  Nationalis 
Party 

Irish      Nationalist      Volunteers 
883-885 

Irish  Protestant  Volunteers,  53 


rish  Volunteers,  884,  886 

rish    Republican    Brotherhood, 

883  note ;    party,  889 
rish  Union,  O'Connell  agitates 

repeal  of,  626 
iron,   development    of    English 

manufacture  of,  401,  551;  see 

also  810 
'  Ironsides,"     Cromwell's,    330, 

331,  333 
[sabel  of  Angoulfime,  second  wife 

of  John,  90 
[sabel  of    Gloucester,  first  wife 

of  John,  90 
Isabella    of    France,    Queen    of 

Edward  II,  122-123, 125 
Isabella,   Queen   of   Richard   II, 

157 

Isabella  of  Castile,  186,  197  note 
Isle  de  Bourbon,  see  Bourbon 
Isle  de  France,  see  France 
Ismail,  Khedive  of  Egypt,  780- 

781 

Italian  Opera  in  England,  565 
Italian  cities,  commerce  of,  546 
Italy,  revolutions  in,  627,  631 ; 

Cavour    and    unification    of, 

688-689;    in  the  war  of  1866, 

700;    in   the  Triple  Alliance, 

804 ;   in  war  with  Turkey,  821; 

ambition     of,     823 ;     in     the 

World  War,  840,  845,  846,  849, 

853 
Itinerant  justices,  66,  78,  82,  118 


Jackson,  General  Andrew,  609 

Jacobites,  the,  under  William  III, 
427,  431,  434,  4395  under 
George  I,  446-466,  473 ;  under 
George  II,  476,  485 

Jamaica,  351-352,  663 

James  I,  King  of  England,  signifi- 
cance of  his  accession,  285 ; 
early  environment  and  char- 
acter of,  285-287;  his  treat- 
ment of  the  Puritans,  287-288; 
of  the  Catholics,  288-289; 
conflicts  with  Parliament,  289- 
292,  295-299;  financial  em- 
barrassments of,  290-292;  re- 
lations with  Scotland,  291; 
with  Ireland,  291-292;  con- 
flicts with  his  subjects  during 
the  interparliamentary  period, 
292-295 ;  his  policy  in  the 
Thirty  Years'  War  opposed 
to  that  of  his  subjects,  295; 
quarrels  with  the  Commons 
over  privilege,  297-298;  adopts 
the  anti-Spanish  policy  of  the 
Commons,  298 ;  arranges  mar- 
riage treaty  of  Charles  and  Hen- 
rietta Maria,  299;  death  and 
estimate  of,  298-299;  Scotch 


INDEX 


925 


policy  of,  314;  regulation  of 
trade  and  manufactures  by,  401 

James,  Duke  of  York,  in  the  sec- 
ond Dutch  war,  367 ;  marries 
Mary  of  Modena,  374-375;  in 
the  third  Dutch  war,  375;  be- 
comes a  Roman  Catholic,  376 ; 
his  connection  with  the  Popish 
Plot,  378-379;  attempts  to 
exclude  from  the  succession, 
381-382 ;  see  James  II 

James  II,  King  of  England,  his 
character  and  aims,  385;  first 
measures  of,  386;  vengeance 
of,  after  Monmouth's  rising, 
387-388;  the  turning  point  in 
his  reign,  388;  his  relations  with 
Louis  XIV,  ib. ;  his  encroach- 
ments on  the  Test  Act,  and 
Ecclesiastical  Commission, 
388-390;  his  dealings  with  the 
Scots,,  391 ;  his  Irish  policy, 
39i-392»  his  first  Declara- 
tion of  Indulgence,  392 ;  his 
attack  on  the  Universities, 
393;  his  attempt  to  pack  a 
Parliament,  ib.;  his  second 
Declaration  of  Indulgence, 
394;  birth  of  a  son  to,  ib.; 
fails  in  suit  against  the  Seven 
Bishops,  395 ;  issues  belated 
concessions,  396;  his  flight, 
396-397;  Parliament  declares 
his  abdication,  398;  lands  in 
Ireland,  426;  flees  again  to 
France,  427;  his  Declaration, 
431 ;  expedition  of,  defeated  at 
La  Hogue,  ib. ;  death  of,  443 

James  IV,  King  of  Scotland,  186, 
195,  217 

James  V,  King  of  Scotland,  217- 
218 

James  VI,  King  of  Scotland  (later 
James  I,  King  of  England), 
254t  259  note;  see  James  I, 
King  of  England 

James  Francis  Edward,  394,  397, 
460;  the  rising  of  1715  in  be- 
half of,  465-466 

Jameson  Raid,  the,  775 

Jane  (Seymour),  Queen  of  Henry 
VIII,  212,  217 

Japan  in  the  World  War,  856; 
see  Anglo-Japanese  Treaties, 
Russo-Japanese  War 

Jay,  John,  540 

Jeanne  d'Arc,  168-170 

Jefferson,  President  Thomas,  608 

Jeffrey,  Francis,  640 

Jeffreys,  George,  successively 
Chief  Justice  and  Lord  Chan- 
cellor, 387-388 

Jellicoe,  Admiral,  858 

Jena,  battle  of,  602 

Jenkins"  Ear,  the  War  of,  479- 
480 


Jenner,  Edward,  635-636 

Jennings,  Sarah,  Duchess  of 
Marlborough,  396,  445,  456; 
see  also  Mrs.  Freeman 

Jervis,  Admiral  Sir  John  (Lord 
St.  Vincent),  590 

Jesuits,  the  founding  of  the 
Society  of,  249;  in  England, 
254-255;  we  Popish  Plot 

Jews,  139, 146,  492 ;  expulsion  of. 
by  Edward  I,  120;  return  of, 
350-351;  removal  of  exclusion 
from  Parliament,  688 

Joffre,  Marshal,  837,  838,  841 

Johannesburg,  775,  778 

John,  King  of  England,  opposes 
Henry  II,  75;  plots  against 
Richard  I,  81 ;  scholarship  of, 
83 ;  treatment  of  the  weavers' 
gild,  86  note;  constitutional 
importance  of  his  reign,  89; 
his  character,  89-90;  the  three 
crises  of  his  reign,  90-94;  con- 
cession of  Magna  Carta,  94; 
final  struggles  and  death,  96- 
97 

John,  Duke  of  Bedford,  166,  168, 
170 

John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lan- 
caster, 134  and  note,  135,  150 

John  of  Salisbury,  83 

John  Bull,  The  History  of,  442 
note 

Johnson,  Dr.  Samuel,  477,  560- 
56i 

Jones,  Inigo,  420 

Jonson,  Ben,  283 

Joyce,  Cornet,  538 

Jubilee,  Victoria's,  in  1887,  719, 
763,  769 

Judges,  the  conflicts  of,  with 
James  I,  292-293 ;  consulta- 
tion of,  by  James  I,  293;  by 
Charles  1, 313;  three  dismissed 
by  Charles  I,  312  note; 
tenure  of,  440 

Judgment  by  peers,  95,  96 

Judicial  combat,  55 

Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy 
Council,  the,  265 
Junius,  the  Letters  of,"  522,  523 

Junot,  French  commander,  in 
Portugal,  604 

Junto,  the  Whig,  439-440 

Juries,  introduced  into  England, 
by  William  I,  77 ;  brought  into 
general  use  by  Henry  II,  77- 
78 ;  fining  of,  abolished,  359 

Justices  of  the  Peace,  142,  269, 
275 

Justiciar,  the,  65 

Justification  by  faith,  202,  213 
250 

Justinian  Code,  76 

Jutes,  the,  18,  20,  21 

Jutland,  battle  of,  858,  859 


K 

Kaffirs,  the,  773 

Kaiser,  see  William 

Kars,  Russia  secures,  686 

Katherine  of  France,  succes- 
sively wife  of  Henry  V  and  of 
Owen  Tudor,  165,  166 

Kay,  John,  550 

Keats,  John,  638 

Keble,  John,  728,  729 

"Keepsakes,"  730 

Kelvin,  Lord,  see  Thomson, 
William 

Kemble,  John,  738 

Kendal,  Duchess  of,  see  Schulen- 
burg,  Countess  von 

Kenilworth,  103,  275,  276 

Kent,  Duchess  of,  mother  of 
Victoria,  662  and  note;  Duke 
of,  ib. 

Kent,  the  Nun  of,  209 

Kerensky,  848-849 

Kett,  Robert,  rebellion  of,  232 

Keyes,  Admiral,  862 

Khartum,  783-784 

Kiao  Chau,  805,  807 

Kidd,  Captain,  553 

Kielmannsegge,  Countess  von, 
463 

Kilkenny,  Statute  of,  157 

Killiekrankie,  battle  of,  429  and 
note 

Kimberley,  774 

King,  the  Anglo-Saxon,  his  func- 
tions, 47;  see  also  Monarchy; 
office  of,  abolished  by  the 
Rump,  344 

"  King  of  France,"  title,  dropped 
by  English  monarch,  344 

King  James"  version,  the,  288 

Kingmaker,  see  Neville,  Richard 

King's  Bench,  Court  of,  78;  see 
Common  Law  Courts 

"  King's  evil,"  473 

King's  Friends,  the,  507,  522 

King's  Peace,  47 

King's  Primer,  the.  216 

Kingsley,  Charles,  735-736,  749 

Kipling,  Rudyard,  737  note 

Kirke,  Colonel  Percy,  387,  426, 
427,  625 

"Kirke's  Lambs,"  387 

Kirk  o'  Field,  247 

Kirk  sessions,  241 

Kitchener,  General  Herbert, 
Lord  Kitchener,  in  the  Boer 
War,  777-778;  his  conquest 
of  the  Sudan,  784;  in  the 
World  War,  84 1 , 866 , 87 1  note ; 
Kitchener's  million,  844 

Knights'  fees,  58  and  note 

Knights  Hospitallers,  67 

Knights  Templars,  67 

Knox,  John,  242,  247 

Korea,  792  note,  807 


926 


INDEX 


Koweit,  819 

Kruger,  President,  776,  778 
Kultur,  German,  815-817 
Kut-el-Amara,  899 


Labor  disturbances,  1911-1912, 
757 

Labor  legislation,  recent,  746, 
747;  in  New  Zealand,  771-772 

Labor  parties,  748 ;  since  the  be- 
ginning of  the  World  War,  876- 
879,  881-882 

Labor  problems,  in  the  World 
War,  869-872,  876-879;  see 
Ministries 

Laborers,  condition  of,  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  188;  condi- 
tion of,  under  Henry  VIII,  224; 
under  Elizabeth,  276;  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  407-409 ; 
in  the  eighteenth  century,  553 ; 
in  the  Victorian  period,  744- 
745;  statutes  of,  131, 142, 153, 
225 

"Labor's  Call  to  the  People,"  881 

Lackland,  see  John,  King  of  Eng- 
land 

Ladies'  Gallery,  the,  746 

Ladies-in-waiting,  the  royal,  and 
party  politics,  663-664 

Ladysmith,  777          \ 

La  Fayette,  Marquis  de,  533 

La  Hogue,  battle  of  431 

Laissez-faire,  policy  of,  $53,  661- 
662,  697-698,  749;  in  colonial 
administration,  762 

Lajpat  Rai,  901  note 

Lake  of  the  Woods,  the,  675 

"Lake  School,"  the,  637 

Lamb,  Charles,  639 

Lamb,  Mary,  639 

Lamb,  William,  Lord  Melbourne, 
first  Ministry  of,  .658;  second 
Ministry  of,  659;  Victoria's 
instructor,  662;  characteriza- 
tion of  Ministry  of,  in  1837- 
1838,  663 ;  conduct  of,  in  Bed- 
chamber Question,  663-664; 
difficulties  of,  with  Victoria, 
over  Prince  Consort,  664; 
resignation  of,  668 

Lancaster,  Duchy  of,  662   note 

Lancaster,  House  of,  parlia- 
mentary basis  of,  159;  con- 
stitutional importance  of  its 
regime,  161 ;  causes  for  fall  of, 
181 

Lancaster,  James,  272 

Lancaster,  Joseph,  706 

Land  Purchase  Acts,  the  Irish, 
7»S,  713,  7iS,  7i6  and  note; 
see  also  Irish  Land  Acts 

Lanfranc,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 55,  62,  89,  90 


Langland,  William,  149,  150,  153 

Langton,  Stephen,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  91-92,  94,  97 

Lansdowne,  the  Marquess  of, 
756,  806;  see  also,  Petty, 
William,  Earl  of  Shelburne 

Larkin,  James,  884 

Latimer,  William,  Lord,  im- 
peachment of,  134,  133 

Latimer.Hugh,  Bishop  of  Worces- 
ter, 227,  239 

Latitudinarians,  the  413 

Laud,  William,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  300-311,  321 

Lauderdale,  Duke  of,  see  Mait- 
land,  John 

Laurier,  Sir  Wilfrid,  767,  892 

Law  Courts,  reorganization  of,  in 
1873,  708 

Law,  John,  688 

Lawlessness  in  Medieval  Eng- 
land, 142,  185 ;  in  eighteenth- 
century  England,  567 

Lawrence,  Sir  Henry,  defense  of 
Lucknow  by,  789 

Lawrence,  John  (later  Lord 
Lawrence),  aids  in  suppressing 
the  Indian  Mutiny,  788,  789 

Layamon,  84 

Lay  patronage,  730 

League  of  Nations,  854,  878,  88 1 

Leagues,  see  Anti-Corn  Law, 
Catholic,  Empire,  Holy 

Leaving  certificates,  872  note 

Leeds,  2,  699 

Leeds,  Duke  of,  see  Osborne,  Sir 
Thomas 

Legislation,  beginning  of,  under 
Edward  I,  118 

Leicester  (les'ter),  Earl  of,  see 
Dudley,  Robert 

Leighton  (lay'ton),  Alexander, 
3",  321 

Leinster  (Ifin'ster),  74 

Leipzig,  battle  of,  607 

Lely  (le'ly),  Peter,  420 

Lcnine,  849 

Lenthall,  Speaker,  325,  326 

Leopold,  Prince  of  Saxe-Coburg, 
later  King  of  Belgium,  631,  664 

Lesage,  740 

Leslie,  Alexander,  Earl  of  Leven, 
3iS,  333 

Lesseps,  Ferdinand  de,  780-781 

Letter  from  Sydney,  the,  763,  769 

"Letters  of  Junius,"  the,  522,  523 

Lettow-Vorbeck,  Colonel,  896 

Leuthen,  the  battle  of,  499 

Levelers,  the,  344 

Lever  (le'ver),  Charles,  735 

Leviatlian,  the,  414 

Lewes,  battle  of,  102 

Lexington,  battle  of,  529 

Libel,  the  law  of,  438,  665 

Liberal  party,  origin  of  name, 
634;  the,  Gladstone  causes 


breach  in,  703,  ftj-f-  the,  social 
legislation  of,  747 ;  alliance  of, 
with  the  Laborites  and  Na- 
tionalists, 749 

Liberal  Unionist  party,  birth  of, 
716,  717 

Liber  de  Unitate  Ecclesice,  212 

Lichnowsky,  Prince,  826,  827 

Liege,  836,  837 

Light  Brigade,  Charge  of  the, 
685  note 

Ligny,  battle  of,  611 

Lilburne,  John,  311,  321,  344-345 

Limerick,  the  siege  and  treaty  of, 
428 

Lincolnshire,  rising  in,  214 

Lindisfarne,  25,  30 

Lionel,  Duke  of  Clarence,  second 
son  of  Edward  III,  159  note, 
171 

Lister,  Joseph,  Baron  Lister,  739 

Literature,  Anglo-Saxon,  48,  49; 
Anglo-Norman,  60,  61;  at  the 
court  of  Henry  II,  83-84;  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  107; 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  148- 
150;  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
192 ;  in  the  time  of  Henry  VII, 
227-228;  in  the  Elizabethan 
age,  277-283;  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  417-420;  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  559, 
565;  in  the  early  nineteenth 
century,  636-640;  the  Vic- 
torian, 730-737 

Little  Parliament,  the,  see  Nomi- 
nated 

Liverpool,  4,  634,  692,  699 

Liverpool,  Lord,  Prime  Minister, 
605,  606,  608,  609,  615,  620, 
622 

Livery  and  Maintenance,  142  and 
note,  153 

Livery  Companies,  185 

Lloyd  George,  see  George 

Llywelyn  ap  Gruffydd,  112 

Llywelyn  ap  Jowerth,  112 

Loans,  forced,  223,  267,  304-306 

Lob-lie-by-the-fire,  408 

Local  government  under  the 
Tudors,  269 

Local  Government  Act,  the,  719, 
721  and  note 

Lochleven  Castle,  247 

Locke,  John,  his  political  philos- 
ophy, 414;  his  Letters  on 
Toleration,  424;  assists  in 
restoration  of  coinage,  434; 
influence  of,  on  revolutionary 
preachers,  513;  indebtedness 
of  Hume  to,  557 

Lodge,  Thomas,  279 

Logarithms,  invention  of,  416 

Lollards,  151,  164,  184,  249 

London,  4;  taken  by  the  North- 
men, 30;  recovered  by  Alfred, 


INDEX 


927 


31 ;  captured  by  William  I,  53 ; 
granted  a  charter,  ib. ;  under 
Henry  I,  66 ;  charters  to,  from 
Conquest  to  Magna  Carta,  85 ; 
gilds  of,  86;  population  of,  in 
the  fifteenth  century,  189; 
health  regulations  in,  225  ;  in 
the  first  months  of  the  Long 
Parliament,  321;  the  Plague 
and  Fire  in,  368;  treaty  of 
(1674),  375 ;  condition  of,  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  409- 
411;  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, 567-568;  conference  of, 
Belgian  and  Greek  questions 
adjusted  by,  630-631;  con- 
ference at,  Schleswig-Holstein 
Question  before,  694;  mem- 
bers from,  715;  made  a  sepa- 
rate county,  719-720;  treaty 
of  (1913),  821-822 

Londonderry,  the  siege  of,  426- 
427 

London  Gazette,  the,  438 

Longbeard,  see  William  Fitz- 
Osbert 

Longbow,  effectiveness  of  the, 
126,  128,  132,  144 

Longchamp,  see  William 

Long  Parliament,  the  temper  and 
aims,  319;  the  leaders  in,  319- 
320;  impeachments  by,  321- 
322;  remedial  legislation  of, 
3  2  2-3  23 ;  struggle  over  religion 
and  the  Grand  Remonstrance, 
323-325;  alliance  with  the 
Scots,  332 ;  intolerance  of,  337 ; 
conflict  with  the  army,  338- 
340;  Pride's  Purge  of,  341; 
see  Rump;  final  dissolution 
of  the,  356 

Loose,  844 

Lord  Lieutenant,  269,  393 

Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  625, 
656 

Lord  Protector,  the,  see  Cromwell, 
Oliver  and  Richard,  and  Sey- 
mour, Edward 

Lords  Appellant,  the,  156 

Lords,  House  of,  the  origin  of, 
as  a  separate  House,  115; 
spiritual  power  weakened  by 
dissolution  of  the  monasteries, 
215;  composition  of,  under 
Henry  VIII,  223  and  note;  the 
control  of,  by  Elizabeth,  266; 
as  a  court  of  appeal,  268; 
temporarily  abolished  by  the 
Rump,  344;  yield  right  to 
amend  money  bills,  370; 
Country  Party  organized  in, 
376;  creation  of  twelve  new 
peers  in,  458;  a  Tory  strong- 
hold under  Pitt,  575;  threat 
to  create  peers  in,  to  carry 
Reform  Bill,  652-653;  Radi- 


cals call  for  reform  of,  660; 
conflicts  with  the  Commons, 
690,  704,  7I4-7IS,  72i,  755- 
756;  Irish  bishops  excluded 
from,  704;  as  a  Court  of 
Appeal  under  reform  of  1873, 
708;  decides  in  favor  of  lay 
patrons,  730;  decisions  of, 
in  the  Taff  Vale  and  Osborne 
cases,  748-749;  reduction  of 
the  powers  of,  755-756;  see 
also  Witan,  Great  Council, 
Parliament,  Barons,  Nobility, 
and  Peers 

Lords  of  the  Congregation,  see 
Congregation 

Lords  Ordainers,  121 

Lothian,  cession  of,  37 

Lotteries,  651 

Loubet,  President,  806 

Loughborough  (luf'bdro),  Lord, 
see  Wedderburn 

Louis  (afterwards  Louis  VIII, 
King  of  France),  invasion  of 
England,  97;  defeat  and  ex- 
pulsion, 98 

Louis  XIV,  King  of  France, 
alliance  of  Charles  II  with, 
366,  372;  intervenes  in  the 
first  Dutch  War,  367;  com- 
bines with  Charles  II  in  the 
treaty  of  Dover,  374;  sub- 
sidizes the  Opposition,  377- 
380 ;  relation  of  James  II  with 
388;  receives  James  II  and  his 
Queen,  397 ;  aids  James  II, 
424,  426;  alliance  of  William 
III  against,  430;  agrees  to  the 
peace  of  Ryswick,  435;  see 
Spanish  Succession;  promises 
to  recognize  the  son  of  James 
II,  443;  makes  peace  of 
Utrecht  with  England,  458- 
459 ;  death  of,  465 

Louisburg  (Cape  Breton  Island), 
484,  489,  499 

Louisiana,  510,  600 

L'Ouverture,  Toussaint,  600 

Louvois,  Minister  of  Louis  XIV, 
43° 

Lowestoft,  battle  of,  367 

Lowlands,  the  Scottish,  6 

Loyalists,  American,  529,  541 

Loyola,  Ignatius,  249 

Lucknow,  siege  of,  789-790 

Ludendorff,  General  von,  847 
note 

Lune'ville,  peace  of,  598 

Lusitania,  the,  860 

Luther,  Martin,  200,  201,  202 

Luttrell,  Colonel,  322 

Luxembourg,  Marshal,  430-432 

Lycidas,  Milton's,  418 

Lyell,  Sir  Charles,  635 

Lyly  (ll'ly),  John,  278 

Lyons,  Richard,  134 


Lytton,  Edward  Bulwer,  Lord 
Lytton,  734 

M 

MacArthur,  John,  769 

Macaulay,  Thomas  Babington 
(Baron  Macaulay),  730,  731 

Macedonia,  802-803,  822 

Mackensen,  Marshal  von,  843 

Mackay,  General  Hugh,  429  and 
note 

Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  582 

MacNeill,  John,  886-887 

Mad  Parliament  of  Oxford,  101 

Madras,  see  India 

Maf eking,  778 

Magdalen  College,  the  Fellows 
of,  493 

Magna  Carta,  90;  the  struggle 
for,  92-94;  significance  of, 
94 ;  terms  of,  95-96 ;  means  of 
enforcement  and  future  im- 
portance of,  95-96;  declared 
null  and  void  by  the  Pope, 
96-97;  confirmations  of,  103, 
116-117 

Magnum  Concilium,  see  Great 
Council 

Mahdi,  the,  782-783 

Maine,  U.  S.  A.,  Ashburton 
adjusts  boundary  of,  674-675 

Maintenance,  see  Livery 

Maitland,  John,  Earl  and  later 
Duke  of  Lauderdale,  372,  374 

Major-Generals,  the  rule  of  the, 
353 

Majuba  Hill,  the  battle  of,  773 

Malakoff  Tower,  the,  686 

Maldon,  battle  of,  36 

Malmesbury,  the  borough  of, 
648 

Malory,  Sir  Thomas,  192 

Malta,  captured  by  Napoleon, 
597;  recovered  by  England, 
846 ;  and  the  treaty  of  Amiens, 
599-600;  secured  to  Great 
Britain  by  Congress  of  Vienna, 
612 

Malthus,  Thomas,  636 

Mamelukes,  the,  Egyptian,  593 
and  note 

Manchester,  2;  cotton  industry 
centered  at,  549;  massacre  in, 
618;  railroad  to  Liverpool 
from,  opened,  634-635;  free 
trade  agitation  centers  at, 
668;  representation  of,  under 
the  Bill  of  1867,  699;  Fenian 
disturbance  at,  703 

Manchester,  Earl  of,  see  Mon- 
tagu, Edward 

"Manchester  martyrs,"  the,  703 

Manchuria,  807 

Manila,  509-510 

Manitoba,  Province  of,  766  note 


928 


INDEX 


Manor  houses,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  147 

Manors,  Anglo-Saxon,  43;  in 
Anglo-Norman  times,  59-60 

Mansfield  expedition,  the,  299 

Manufactures,  measures  to  pro- 
tect, 190-191;  regulations  of, 
by  James  I  and  Charles  I, 
401;  development  of,  in  Eng- 
land before  the  great  inven- 
tions, S48-S49;  status  in 
1832  of,  633 

Maoris,  the,  771 

Map,  Walter,  82,  84 

Mar,  Earl  of,  see  Erskine,  John 

Marathas,  571,  785 

Marchand,  Major,  784  note 

Marcher  lords,  the,  102,  103,  112 

Marconi,  740  note 

Marengo,  Austria  defeated  at, 
598  » 

Margaret  of  Anjou,  Queen  of 
Henry  VI,  170,  172-177 

Margaret  of  Burgundy,  176,  185 

Margaret,  Queen  of  James  IV  of 
Scotland,  186 

Marian  Exile,  significance  of, 
240-241 

Marian  martyrs,  the,  239-240 

Maritz,  Colonel,  895 

Markets,  86,  87 

Markiewicz,  Countess,  887 

Marlborough,  Duchess  of,  see 
Jennings,  Sarah 

Marlborough,  Duke  of,  see 
Churchill,  John 

Marlowe,  Christopher,  281-282 

Marne.jbattle  of  the,  837 ;  second 
battle,  851 

Marprelate  libels,  the,  256-257 

Marriage,  feudal  incident  of,  58; 
sacrament  of,  213,  note 

Marriage  Act,  Lord  Hardwicke's, 
491-492 

Marryit,  Captain,  735 

Marshall,  see  William  Marshall 

Marshall,  General,  898,  899 

Marston  Moor,  battle  of,  333- 
334 

Martin,  Richard,  "Humanity 
Martin,"  642 

Mary  I,  Princess  and  Queen  of 
England,  203,  204;  accession, 
character,  and  policy  of,  236- 
237;  restores  the  ecclesiastical 
system  of  Henry  VIII,  237; 
marries  Philip  of  Spain,  ib.; 
suppresses  Wyatt's  rebellion, 
ib. ;  secures  reunion  of  Church 
of  England  with  Rome,  238; 
the  Marian  persecutions,  238— 
240;  last  years  and  death  of, 
240 

Mary  II,  Princess,  later  Queen  of 
England,  marries  William  of 
Orange,  376-377  ;  chosen  joint 


sovereign  with  William,  398- 
399;  influence  of,  in  purifying 
the  drama,  420;  her  death, 
43 2 i  433 

Mary  (of  Modena),  Queen  of 
James  II,  374-375,  394,  397 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  birth  of, 
218;  crowned  Queen,  ib.; 
taken  to  France,  352;  mar- 
ried to  the  Dauphin  (later 
Francis  II  of  France),  233; 
returns  to  Scotland,  246; 
marries  Darnley,  247;  mur- 
der of  Darnley,  ib.;  her  mar- 
riage to  Bothwell,  defeat,  and 
flight  to  England,  247-248 ;  her 
trial  and  captivity,  248 ;  rising 
of  the  Northern  Earls  to  put 
her  on  the  .hrone  of  England, 
ib. ;  aim  of  Philip  II  to  make 
her  Queen,  250;  Babington's 
plot  in  behalf  of,  251 ;  her 
execution,  ib. 

Masham,  Mrs.,  455 

Mashonaland,  774  note 

Mason,  James  M.,  Confederate 
Commissioner  to  England,  691 

Massachusetts,  in  the  American 
Revolution,  518,  528 

Massacre,  the  "Peterloo,"  6r8 

Matabeleland,  774  note 

Mathew,  Father,  745 

Matilda,  daughter  of  Henry  I, 
64-65 ;  her  war  for  the  throne, 
67-69;  mention  of,  203 

Matthew  Paris,  107,  114 

Maude,  General,  899 

Mauritius,  secured  to  Great  Brit- 
ain by  Congress  of  Vienna, 
613 

Maynooth  College,  702  and  note 

Me  Adam,  John,  634 

McCarthy,  Justin,  719 

Medicine,  in  fourteenth  century, 
146;  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, 416;  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  556;  in  the  nine- 
teenth century,  636,  739 

Medway,  the  Dutch  enter  the, 
368 

Meerut,  rising  at,  788 

Melbourne  (mel'bun),  Lord,  see 
Lamb,  William 

Melrose  Abbey,  67 

Menshikov,  Prince,  683 

Mercantilism,  190,  415-416,  558, 
559 

Merchant  Adventurers,  the,  273 

Merchant  gilds,  86 

Merchant  Seamen's  League,  88 1 

Merchants,  concessions  to,  in 
Magna  Carta,  95;  foreign,  in 
England,  139;  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  190-191;  under 
Henry  VIII,  224 

Mercia,  supremacy  of,  27 


Mercians,  the,  21 

Merciless  Parliament,  the,  156 

Meredith,  George,  736 

Merlin,  61 

Messines  salient,  848 

Mesopotamian    campaign,    898- 

900 

Methodism,  rise  of,  557-558 
Metternich,  Prince,  612,  626-627 
Mexico,  628,  692,  768 
Middlesex  election,  the,  522 
Milan  decree,  603 
Mile  End,  155 

Militant  suffragists,  746,  880 
Military  and  Naval  Officers'  Oath 

Bill,  the,  623-624 
Military  Service  Bill,  869,  883; 

Canadian,  892 
Military  tenures,  58,  362 
Mill,  John  Stuart,  737,  746 
Millais    (mil  la'),   John   Everett, 

743 

Millenary  Petition,  the,  287 
Millet,  Constable's  influence  on, 

641 

Milton,  John,  418-419,  513 
Minden,  the  battle  of,  502 
Mines  and  collieries,  acts  relat- 
ing to,  672;   in  1872-1906,  746 

and  note 

Minimum  Wage  Bill,  the,  757 
Ministerial ,  responsibility,    543- 

545 

Ministry  of  All  the  Talents,  601 

Ministries,  creation  of  new,  dur- 
ing World  War,  868 

Minorca,  captured  by  the  British, 
454;  ceded  to  Great  Britain, 
459;  captured  by  the  French, 
495;  restored,  509;  ceded  to 
Spain,  541 

Miquelon,  Island  of,  541 

Miracle  plays,  148 

Mistress  of  the  Robes,  the,  663- 
664 

Mobilization,  Russian,  825 

Mogul,  the  Great,  492-493,  788- 
790 

Mohammed  Ali,  903 

Molasses  Acts,  515,  517 

Moldavia,  see  Rumania 

Monarchy,  rise  and  decline  of 
Anglo-Saxon,  47-48;  strength- 
ened by  Anglo-Normans,  171; 
strength  of,  under  the  Tudors, ' 
183,  264;  at  the  accession  of 
James  I,  285 ;  declining  respect 
for,  under  the  first  two 
Georges,  473 

Monasteries,  hospitality  of,  66, 
'145;  dissolution  of  the,  210- 
212,  214-216;  as  centers  of 
poor  relief,  225;  of  education, 
227;  see  Monks 

Monastic  revival  in  twelfth  cen- 
tury, 66-67 ;  decline  of,  under 


INDEX 


929 


Henry  II,  82;  see  Monks, 
Monasteries,  and  Cluniac  re- 
form 

Monck,  George,  later  Duke  of 
Albemarle,  356,  357,  367 

Money  bills,  the  Lords  yield  right 
to  amend,  370;  to  veto,  756 

Money  lending,  see  Interest  and 
Usury 

Monks,  work  and  influence  of, 
25 ;  the,  as  landlords,  188,  224; 
proceedings  against,  under 
Henry  VIII,  21 0-212,  214-216; 
see  Monasteries  and  Monastic 
revival 

Monmouth,  Duke  of,  see  Scott, 
James 

Monopolies,  attitude  of  Eliza- 
beth on,  262-263;  under  the 
Tudors  and  Stuarts,  267; 
attack  on,  295-296  and  note; 
grants  of,  by  Charles  I,  309; 
justification  for,  401 

Monroe  Doctrine,  the,  628  and 
note,  723,  1028 

Mons,  837 

Montagu  (mon'ta-gu),  Charles, 
later  Earl  of  Halifax,  436, 
440  and  note 

Montagu,  Edward,  Earl  of 
Manchester,  321,  334 

Montagu,  Mrs.,  567-568 

Montagu-Chelmsford  Report, 
903-905 

Montcalm,  Marquis  of,  500-501 

Montenegro,  821 

Montfort,  de,  see  Simon 

Montgomery,  Robert,  788 

Monthly  assessments,  328 

Montreal,  British  capture  of,  503 

Montrose,  the  Earl  of,  335 

Moore,  Sir  John,  604 

Moore,  Thomas,  639  note 

Morality  plays,  148 

Moray,  Earl  of,  see  Stewart, 
Lord  James 

More,  Sir  Thomas.  Speaker  of 
the  Commons,  197-198;  char- 
acter and  work  of,  201-202; 
Lord  Chancellor,  204,  206;  re- 
signs, 208;  arrest  and  execu- 
tion of,  209-210;  as  a  writer, 
228 

Morea,  the,  Ibrahim  Pasha  in, 
629 

Morkere,  Earl,  39-40 

Morley,  Mrs.,  see  Anne,  Queen  of 
England 

Mornington,  Lord,  see  Wellesley, 
Richard,  Marquis  of  Wellesley 

Morley-Minto  Reforms,  902 

Morocco,  806-808,  820-821 

Morris,  William,  743 

Morse,  Samuel,  740 

Morte  d' Arthur,  Malory's,  192 

Mortimer,     Edmund,     Earl     of 

30 


March,  heir  presumptive  of 
Richard  II,  159  note,  162,  165 

Mortimer,  Roger,  123,  125 

Mortmain,  Statute  of,  119 

"Morton's  Fork,"  185 

Moscow,  607 

Mummings,  148,  280 

Municipal  corporations,  attacks 
on,  by  Charles  II,  and  James 

II.  383,  393 ;  forfeited  charters 
restored,  396 

Municipal  Reform  Act,  the,  659 
Munitions,     production     of,     in 

World  War,  833-834,  839-840, 

867  note,  869-872  and  notes; 

War  Act,  871,  876 
Municipal  Reform  Act,  the,  659 
Minister,  the  Bishop  of,  367-368 
Murray,  Lord  George,  485-487 ; 

General,  898 

Music,  420-421,  565,  744 
Mutiny  Act,  the,  424,  573 
"My  son's  Ministry,"  570 
Mysore,  597 

N 

"Nabobs"  in  Parliament,  649 
Namur,  431,  610-611,  836-837 
Nana  Sahib,  787,  789-790 
Nankin,  treaty  of,  674 
Nantes,  the  Edict  of,  262;    re- 
voked, 388 
Napier,  John,  416 
Napoleon,  see  Bonaparte 
Napoleon,  Louis,  later  Napoleon 

III,  Palmerston  approves  the 
coup  d'etat  of   1851  of,  681; 
ambition  of,  a  cause  of  Crimean 
War,    682,    683;     anxiety   of, 
to    end    Crimean    War,    686; 
Orsini's  attempt  to  assassinate, 
687-688;    Orsini's  plot  stimu- 
lates to  intervention  in  Italy, 
688-689;    unfriendly  attitude 
of,    to    United    States   during 
Civil  War,  692;    attitude  arid 
policy  of,  in  Schleswig-Holstein 
question,  694;    in  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War,  709 

Naseby,  battle  of,  335 

Nash,  Richard  (Beau  Nash),  412 

Nash,  Thomas,  279-280 

Natal,  772,  777-779  and  note 

Nation,  the  Irish,  677 

National  Debt,  beginning  of  the, 
436;  at  end  of  Napoleonic 
wars,  616;  at  end  of  the  World 
War,  832  note,  875;  see  South 
Sea  Company 

National  Guilds,  877 

National  Land  League,  the  Irish, 
713 

National  Registration  Bill,  869 

National  Society,  the,  706 

National  Volunteers,  886 


Nationalist  party,  split  in  the 
ranks  of,  719;  reunion  of,  721 ; 
combination  with  Liberals, 
749;  the  agreement  with, 
in  1910,  755-756;  collapse  of, 
882;  during  the  World  War, 
882  ff. ;  see  Home  Rule,  Parnell, 
Redmond,  and  Sinn  Fein 

Nationalization  of  industry,  877- 
879,  882 

Nations,  see  League  of 

Navarino,  629 

Navigation  Acts,  beginning  of, 
140,  190,  191 ;  Elizabethan, 
273-274;  of  1660,  362,  363; 
their  effect  on  trade,  402; 
scope  of,  and  effect  of,  on  the 
Ame.-ican  Revolution,  513-514, 
516-517;  repeal  of,  621; 
suspension  of,  677 

Navy,  beginning  of  English, 
139-140;  under  Henry  VII 
and  Henry  VIII,  226;  under 
Elizabeth,  257-261;  under 
the  Commonwealth,  347;  un- 
der Charles  II,  367 ;  in  Dutch 
wars,  347-348,  367-368,  375; 
in  Seven  Years'  War,  495-502 ; 
in  American  Revolution,  534- 
536,  538;  in  the  Napoleonic 
wars,  587-588,  590-592,  597- 
599,  601,  603;  in  the  War  of 
1812,608-610;  under  Victoria, 
741  note;  in  the  World  War, 
835,  839,  854-863 

Near  East,  see  Austria,  Balkans, 
Bulgaria,  Germany,  Great  Brit- 
ain, Greece,  Russia,  Serbia, 
Turkey 

Neerwinden,  battle  of,  432 

Nelson,  Admiral,  590-591,  597, 
599,  6or 

Neolithic  man,  in  Britain,  9 

Netherlands,  commercial  treaty 
with  (the  Great  Intercourse), 
191 ;  revolt  of,  against  Philip 

II,  250-251,  253-254;    Eliza- 
beth's intervention  in  the,  257; 
French    aggressions    in,    583- 
585;     the   kingdom    of,    630; 
see  also  Flanders,   Burgundy, 
Dutch   War  of   Spanish   Suc- 
cessions, Louis  XIV,  William 

III,  Holland,    Belgium,    and 
Batavian  Republic 

Neutral  goods  in   "Declaration 

of  Paris,"  681 
Neutrals,  regulations  regarding, 

under      Continental     system, 

602-603;    in  the  World  War, 

833,  839,  855,  859-861 
Neuve  Chapelle,  843,  844 
Neville  (neVil),  Richard,  Earl  of 

Warwick,  the  kingmaker,  173- 

177 
Newberrie,  John,  272 


930 


INDEX 


New    Brunswick,    Province    of, 

765 
Newbury,   first   battle   of,   332; 

second  battle  of,  334 
Newcastle,  Dukes  of,  see  Pelham- 

Holles  and  Clinton 
Newcastle,  the  Earl  of,  330-331 
Newfoundland,    273,    766    note, 
fisheries  of,  458,  509,  541,  767 
New  Learning,  the,  199-202 
Newman,  John  Henry,  728-729, 

732 

"New  Model"  army,  the,  334- 
335;    breach  with  Parliament, 
336-337 ;  conflicts  with  Parlia- 
ment, and  rise  of  democratic 
opinion  in,  338-34it  356-357 ; 
disbanded,  362 
New  Netherland,  366-368 
New  Orleans,  battle  of,  609 
Newsletters,  412  and  note 
New  South  Wales,  769-770 
Newspapers,    412,    437-438,    see 

Press 
New  Testament,  201,  216;    see 

Bible 

Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  416,  434 
Newton  Butler,  battle  of,  427 
New  York,  375,  532,  856,  891 
New  Zealand,  771-772,  893-894 
Ney,  Marshal,  611 
Nicholas  I,  Tsar  of  Russia,  683, 

686 

Nicoll,  Colonel  Richard,  366 
Niger  Company,  774 
Nightingale,  Florence,  685 
Nile,  battle  of  the,  597 
Nineteen  Propositions,  the,  326 
Nixon,  General  Sir  John,  898 
Nobility,  weakness  of,  under  the 
Tudors,  183;    condition  of,  in 
the    fifteenth    century,     189; 
in    the    seventeenth    century, 
406 

Nominalists,  the,  106-107 
Nominated  Parliament,  the,  349 
Nomination  boroughs,  648 
Nonconformists,  their  rise,  255; 
effect  of  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
upon,  364-365;  in  the  Revo- 
lution of  1688,  424;  decline  of, 
in    eighteenth    century,    556; 
see   Dissenters   and  Education 
Bills 

Non-intercourse  Act,  the  Ameri- 
can, 608 
Non-residence  of  clergymen,  287, 

660,  728 
Non-resistance,       Tory,      High 

Church  theory  of,  382,  398 
Nootka  Sound,  583  note 
Nore,  mutiny  at,  591 
Norfolk,  Dukes  of,  see  Howard 

and  Mowbray 

Norman  barons,  risings  of,  56, 
57,62 


Norman  Conquest,  results  of,  57 

Normandy,  Duchy  of,  30,  38,  69, 
90 

North,  Lord,  enters  the  Grafton 
Ministry,  523 ;  becomes  Prune 
Minister,  525;  efforts  at  con- 
ciliation with  American  Colo- 
nies, 529,  533;  resignation  of, 
537;  Irish  reforms  of,  538; 
unites  with  Fox  to  attack 
Shelburne,  570;  Regulating 
Act  of,  571 

North,  Thomas,  278 

North  America,  voyage  of  Cabots 
to,  191;  the  English  Colonies 
in,  see  Colonies;  struggle  of 
the  French  and  English  in, 
493-494 

North   Britain   Review,   No.   45, 

Northcliffe,  Lord,  867 

Northern  earls,  rising  of  the,  248 

Northern  Rising,  the,  see  Pil- 
grimage of  Grace 

North  Island,  771 

Northmen,  30;  first  invasion  of 
England  and  Ireland,  ib.; 
their  kingdoms  and  the  West 
Saxon  reconquest,  33-36;  sec- 
ond coming  of,  36—37 ;  estab- 
lish a  dynasty  under  Cnut,  37 

Northumberland,  Duke  of,  see 
Dudley,  John 

Northumbrians,  21,  23-25,  27 

Norton,  Thomas,  281 

Nottingham,  Earl  of,  see  Howard, 
Charles 

Nova  Scotia,  458  and  note 

Novel,  the,  rise  of,  561-563; 
development  of,  in  the  late 
eighteenth  and  early  nine- 
teenth centuries,  639;  in  the 
Victorian  period,  734-737 

Noy,  William,  suggests  ship 
money  to  Charles  I,  312 

Nun  of  Kent,  the,  209 

Nymwegen,  the  peace  of,  377 


Gates,  Titus,  337-339,  382  note, 
386 

Oath  helpers,  44-45;  see  Com- 
purgators 

Oaths,  see  Supremacy  and  Alle- 
giance 

O'Brien,  William  Smith,  678 

Observants,  the  friars,  209 

Occasional  Conformity  Act,  457; 
repealed,  468 

O'Connell,  Daniel,  champions 
cause  of  Catholics,  623-624, 
626;  secures  franchise  reform 
in  Ireland,  650;  attitude  of, 
toward  English  remedial  legis- 
lation for  Ireland,  656;  names 


"Chartist"     agitation,     667; 
death  of,  677 
O'Connor,      Feargus,      Chartist 

leader,  678 

O'Donnell,  Frank  Hugh,  718 
Offa,  King  of  Mercia,  27,  50 
Oglethorpe,  James,  566 
Old  Age  Pensions  Act,  747 
Oldcastle,  Sir  John,  164  note 
Old  Sarum,  borough  of,  648 
"Oliver  the  Spy,"  617 
Oliver  Twist,  666 
Omdurman,  784  • 
Ontario,  Province  of,  765 
Opium  traffic,  measures  for  the 

suppression  of,  795  note 
Opium  War,  the,  673-674 
Orange,  see  William 
Orange  Free  State,  772,  777-779 
Orange  River  Colony,  772,  779 
Ordeals,  45,  55,  78     . 
"Orders  in   Council,"  the,  603, 

608,  609 
Ordinances,   the,   of   1311,   121- 

122;    royal,  267 
Oregon  boundary  question,  the, 

674-67S 
Orford,    Earl    of,    see    Walpole, 

Robert  and  Horace 
Orleans,  siege  of,  168-169 
Ormonde,   Duke  of,  see  Butler, 

James 
Ormonde,  Marquis  of,  see  Butler, 

James 

Orsini,  conspirator,  -687,  688 
Osborne,  Sir  Thomas,  successively 
Earl  of  Danby,  Marquis  of 
Carmarthen,  and  Duke  of 
Leeds,  becomes  Lord  Treas- 
urer, 375 ;  his  use  of  bribery, 
376;  his  religious  policy,  ib. ; 
fall  of,  380-381 ;  his  dismissal, 

544 

Osborne  Judgment,  the,  749 
O'Shea,  Captain,  719 
Ostend,  838,  862-863 
Oswald,  Northumbrian  King,  25 
Oswy,  Northumbrian  King,  25 
Ottoman  Empire,  see  Turkey 
Oudenarde,  battle  of,  454 
Oudh,  571-572  and   notes,  579, 

786-788 

"Outdoor  Relief,"  657 
Outram    (oot'ram),    Sir    James, 

790 

Owen,  Robert,  666-667,  748-749 
Oxford,  Provisions  of,  101 ;  head- 
quarters of  Charles  I,  328,  330, 
335;    the  last  Parliament  of 
Charles  II  at,  382 
Oxford,  Earl  of,  see  Vere,  Aubrey 

de,  and  Harley,  Robert 
Oxford  Gazette,  the,  438  note 
Oxford  Movement,  the,  729-731 
"  Oxford  Reformers,"  the,  aoo- 
202 


INDEX 


931 


Oxford,  University  of,  not 
founded  by  Alfred  the  Great, 
32 :  origin  of,  84 ;  friars  at,  105 ; 
colleges  at,  106;  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  147;  in 
the  time  of  Henry  VIII,  227 ; 
James  II's  attack  on,  393 


Pageants,  148  and  note 

Paine,  Thomas,  531,  581-582 

Painter,  William,  278 

Painting,  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  420;  in  the  eigh- 
teenth and  early  nineteenth 
centuries,  565-566,  640-641 ; 
in  the  Victorian  Age,  743-744 

Palatinate,  of  the  Rhine,  see 
Frederick  V 

Palatinates,  54 

Pale,  the  Irish,  157  and  note,  186 

Paleolithic  men,  8,  9 

Palestine,  see  Holy  Place;  cam- 
paign in,  897-898 

Palladio,  420 

Palmers,  145 

Palmerston,  Lord,  foreign  policy 
of,  673-674,  680-682,  684; 
first  Ministry  of,  685 ;  fall  of, 
687-688;  beginning  of  second 
Ministry  of,  689-690;  in  sym- 
pathy with  South  in  Ameri- 
can Civil  War,  690;  in  Trent 
affair,  691;  attitude  of,  in 
question  of  Schleswig-Holstein, 
693-694;  characterization  and 
death  of,  694-695 ;  opposes  the 
Suez  Canal  project,  781 

Panama  Canal  and  tolls,  768 ;  see 
also  Darien 

Pandulph,  papal  legate,  92 

Pan-German  movement,  817,  821 

"Papal  Aggression,"  the,  678- 
6?9 

Paper  Duty  Repeal  Bill,  the, 
689-690 

Papineau,  Louis  Joseph,  764 

Paradise  Lost  and  Paradise  Re- 
gained, see  Milton 

Pardoners,  145 

Paris,  siege  of,  709 

Paris,  treaties  of  (1763),  509- 
510;  (1783),  541;  (1814),  610; 
(1815),  612;  (1856),  686-687 

Paris,  University  of,  84 

Paris,  see  Matthew 

Parish,  the,  269 

Parish  priest,  the,  105-106 

Parish  registers,  214 

Parker,  Sir  Hyde,  599 

Parker,  Matthew,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  246,  256 

Parliament,  origin  of,  114; 
Simon  de  Montfort's,  102, 114- 
115;  the  Model,  115;  separa- 


tion into  two  Houses,  '  ib. ; 
declaration  of  1322,1  122; 
deposes  Edward  II,  123;  the 
Good,  134-135;  beginning  of 
impeachments  in,  ib. ;  gains 
in  the  fourteenth  century,  137- 
138;  the  Merciless,  156;  de- 
poses Richard  II,  159;  gains 
of,  under  Henry  IV,  163; 
causes  of  weakness  under  the 
later  Lancastrians,  the  York- 
ists, and  the  Tudors,  181-184; 
resists  Subsidy  of  1523,  197- 
198;  the  Reformation,  207- 
212;  see  also  Monasteries; 
Henry's  management  of,  222- 
223;  religious  test  excluding 
from,  247;  control  of,  by 
Elizabeth,  266-268;  conflicts 
of,  with  James  I,  285,  289-291, 
292;  the  "Addled,"  295- 
300;  early  conflicts  of,  with 
Charles  I,  303-304,  306-308; 
the  Short,  316;  the  Long, 
early  work  of,  319-326; 
struggle  with  Charles  I  for  con- 
trol of  the  kingdom,  326;  its 
organization  during  the  Civil 
War,  327-329;  conflicts  with 
the  Army,  336-340;  Pride's 
Purge  of,  341 ;  see  the  Rump; 
see  also  the  Nominated; 
quarrels  of  Cromwell  with, 
348-350,  353-354;  final  dis- 
solution of  the  Long,  356;  the 
Convention,  356,  357,  359- 
362;  see  the  Cavalier;  gains 
of,  under  Charles  II,  369-370; 
origin  of  corruption  in,  376; 
new  tests  excluding  Roman 
Catholics  from  (1678),  379- 
380;  breach  of  James  II  with, 
388,  389;  the  Convention,  of 
William,  398-399 ;  Scotch 
members  admitted  to,  453; 
corruption  in,  in  the  time  of 
Walpole,  472;  question  of  its 
supremacy  over  the  Colonies, 
512-513,  515-516;  struggle 
over  reporting  of  debates  in, 
525-526;  Pitt's  attempts  at 
reform  of,  577  and  note;  Irish 
admitted  to,  596;  Roman 
Catholics  admitted  to,  625- 
626;  causes  of  reform  of,  in 
nineteenth  century,  631,  645; 
Bentham's  influence  upon 
reform  of,  645-646;  abuses 
in,  647-651;  question  of 
privileges  of  members  of,  in 
Stockdale  vs.  Hansard,  665 ; 
property  qualification  for  elec- 
tion to,  abolished,  688 ;  aboli- 
tion of  disabilities  of  Jews  to 
sit  in,  ib.;  open  to  atheists, 
712;  powers  of  the  Lords  re- 


duced in,  755-756;  term  of, 
shortened  to  five  years  and 
payment  of  members  restored, 
755-756;  in  the  World  War, 
865-882,  passim;  women  ad- 
mitted to,  880-881;  see  Re- 
form Bills  of  1832,  1867,  1884, 
1885  and  1918;  see  also  House 
of  Commons  and  House  of 
Lords 

Parnell,  Charles  Stewart,  712- 
714,  7I7-7I9 

Parsons,  Robert,  25 

Parties,  political,  rivalry  of, 
checks  political  evils  in  eigh- 
teenth century,  651;  see 
Cavalier,  Roundhead,  Court, 
Country,  Tory,  Whig,  Con- 
servative, Liberal,  Radical, 
Young  Ireland,  Nationalist, 
Labor 

Partition  Treaties,  the,  442 

Party  system,  the,  beginning  of, 
3?6,  543-545 

Pasha,  Ibrahim,  629 

Paterson,  William,  436,  452 

Patriarcha,  the,  see  Filmer 

"Patriots,"  the,  476 

Patronage,  see  Lay  Patronage 

Paul's  Walk,  276,  411 

Pauncefote  (pounce 'foot),  Sir  Jul- 
ian, 768 

Pauperism,  657 

Payment  of  members,  749,  756 

Peace,  see  Justices 

Peace  Drive,  in  1916,  847 

Peace  Preservation  Acts,  see  Ire- 
land 

Peacham's  case,  293 

Pearse,  Padraic,  887 

Peasant  Revolt,  the,  149,  153- 
iSS 

Pecquigny,  treaty  of,  177 

Peel,  Sir  Robert,  made  Home 
Secretary,  620;  reforms  crimi- 
nal code,  643;  first  Ministry 
of,  658-659;  precipitates  Bed- 
chamber crisis,  663-664 ; 
second  Ministry  of,  begins, 
668 ;  the  Bank  Charter  Act  of, 
669;  furthers  development  of 
free  trade,  669-670;  views 
of,  on  Ashley's  labor  legis- 
lation of  1843-1844,  670-671; 
secures  Com  Law  repeal,  671- 
673;  death,  and  estimate  of 
work  of,  673 

Peele,  George,  281 

"Peelites,"  the,  673,  682,  701 

Peers,  judgment  by,  95-96;  Tu- 
dor creations,  266  and  note; 
creations  of ,  in  1712,458;  Pitt 
and  creation  of,  575;  see 
Lords,  House  of,  Nobles  and 
Parliament 

Pelham,  Henry,  483,  49* 


932 


INDEX 


Pelham-Holles,  Thomas,  Duke 
of  Newcastle,  character  of, 
476;  makes  his  brother  Prime 
Minister,  483 ;  becomes  Prime 
Minister,  492;  his  quandary, 
494-495;  makes  Byng  a 
scapegoat,  495;  resigns,  496; 
forms  his  second  Ministry  with 
Pitt  in  control  of  foreign 
affairs,  498,  500;  end  of  his 
Ministry,  509 

Penal  laws,  under  Elizabeth,  245, 
255 ;  under  James  I,  288-289, 
295,  297;  under  Charles  I, 
302,  305;  operation  of,  sus- 
pended for  Protestant  Dis- 
senters, 425 ;  done  away  with, 
534,  623 ;  see  Declaration  of 
Indulgence,  682 

Penal  servitude,  682 

Penda,  King  of  Mercia,  24,  25 

Peninsular  War,  the,  605-606 

Penn,  William,  392  note 

Pennine  Mountains,  the  im- 
portance of,  2 

Penny  postage,  412,  665-666,  796 

Penry,  John,  257 

Pensions,  663  note;  see  Old  Age 
Pensions 

Pensionary  Parliament,  the,  see 
Cavalier  Parliament 

Pepys  (peeps),  Samuel,  365,  367 

Perceval,  Spencer,  605 

Percival,  Dr.,  656 

Rercy,  Henry,  Earl  of  Northum- 
berland, 162,  163 

Perty,  Sir  Henry  (Hotspur),  162 

Percy,  Thomas,  Bishop  of  Dro- 
more,  564 

Periodical  literature,  640 

Ferrers,  Alice,  134-136 

Perry,  Commodore,  609 

Persia,  786-787,  792-793,  808, 
890  note,  899,  900  and  note 

Peter  of  Amiens,  63 

Peter  of  Wakefield,  91-92 

Peterborough,  Earl  of,  see  Mor- 
daunt,  Charles 

Peter's  Pence,  27,  208 

Petition  of  Right,  the,  306 

Petitioners,  the,  381 

Petitions  and  the  origin  of  legis- 
lation, 137,  138 

Petrarch,  149 

Petre  (pe'ter),  Father,  389 

Petty,  Sir  William,  415 

Petty,  William,  Earl  of  Shel- 
bburne  and  Marquis  of  Lans- 
downe,  537,  539-54°,  57<> 

Pevensey,  40 

Philip  II,  King  of  Spain,  237- 
240,  245,  250-251;  Catholic 
leader,  257-259;  recalls  Alva, 
245;  plans  expedition  against 
England,  259;  claim  to  the 
English  throne,  259  and  note; 


sends  the  Armada  against 
England,  259-261 ;  final  strug- 
gle with  Elizabeth  and  death, 
261-262 

Phillip,  Captain,  769 

Philosophy,  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  414-415;  in  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  557;  in  the 
late  eighteenth  and  early  nine- 
teenth centuries,  636;  in  the 
Victorian  Age,  737 

Phoenix  Clubs,  702 

Phoenix  Park  murders,  the,  713- 
7U 

Photography,  739 

Picts,  the,  ii  and  note 

Piers  the  Plowman,  149-150 

Pigott  forgeries,  the,  718 

Pilgrimage  of  Grace,  213-214 

Pilgrims  and  pilgrimages,  145,213 

Pilgrim's  Progress,  see  Bunyan 

Pillory,  the,  567,  643 

Pinkie,  battle  of,  233 

Piracy,  in  eighteenth  century, 
553 

Pitt,  Fort  (Pittsburgh),  499 

Pitt,  William  (later  Earl  of 
Chatham),  the  beginning  of 
the  political  career  of,  490; 
opposition  of,  to  Newcastle, 
495 ;  made  Secretary  of  State, 
496;  estimate  of,  496-497; 
his  "system,"  497-498;  his 
dismissal  and  recall  as  Secre- 
tary in  the  second  Newcastle 
Ministry,  498;  his  conduct  of 
the  campaigns  of  1757-1760, 
498-504;  anti-party  attitude 
of,  and  effect  of  victories,  506 ; 
his  resignation,  508;  distinc- 
tion of,  between  taxation  and 
regulation  of  trade,  515;  his 
opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act, 
519-520;  forms  the  Graf  ton- 
Pitt  Ministry,  520;  becomes 
Earl  of  Chatham,  ib. ;  his 
illness  and  retirement,  521; 
attacks  the  Grafton  Ministry, 
523;  opposes  British  Colonial 
policy  and  proposes  concilia- 
tion, 529;  views  of,  regarding 
American  Colonies  in  1778, 
533 »  death  of,  534 ;  advocates 
parliamentary  reform,  646 

Pitt,  William,  the  Younger,  strug- 
gle of,  with  the  Coalition, 
573~574>  sketch  of  career  of, 
574-575;  India  Bill  of,  575; 
his  financial  reforms,  576-577; 
his  political  strength  and 
achievements,  577-578;  atti- 
tude of,  in  Hastings's  impeach- 
ment, 578-579;  thwarts  Fox 
on  Regency  question,  579- 
580;  attitude  towards  French 
Revolution,  581 ;  foreign  pol- 


icy of.  582-583;  in  the  wai 
with  France,  during  the  First 
Coalition,  583,  585,  588-590; 
his  Irish  policy,  593,  595, 
596,  resignation  of,  596-597; 
organizes  Second  Coalition 
against  France,  597;  second 
Ministry  and  death,  601 ; 
advocates  parliamentary  re- 
form, 646;  Quebec  Govern- 
ment Bill  of,  763 

Place  Bills,  441  and  note,  650, 
866  note 

Plague,  the,  146,  225,  568;  see 
also  Black  Death 

Plantagenet  (plantaj'enet)  dy- 
nasty, the,  beginning  of,  71  and 
note;  end  of,  159-160 

Plassey,  the  battle  of,  503 

Platonists,  the  Cambridge,  413- 
414 

Plautius,  Aulus,  12 

Plautus,  281 

Plunkett,  Sir  Horace,  721,  888 

Plural  voting,  699  and  note,  757, 
881 

Pluralities,  287,  660,  728 

Pocket  boroughs,  648 

Poet  laureate,  732 

Poetry,  Anglo-Saxon,  48;  Anglo- 
Norman,  60-6 1 ;  in  the  Mid- 
dle Ages,  107,  149-150,  192, 
Henrician,  228;  Elizabethan, 
278-280;  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  417-419;  in  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  563-564;  Ro- 
mantic, Victorian,  636-638 

Poison  gas,  see  Gas 

Poitiers,  132 

Poitou,  90,  92,  93 

Pole,  Reginald,  later  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  212,  238-240 

Pole,  Michael  de  la,  created  Earl 
of  Suffolk,  156 

Pope,  William  de  la,  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  170-171 

Political  Register,  Cobbett's,  618 
and  note 

Poll  taxes,  153 

Polo,  Marco,  768 

Pondicherry,  493,  503 

Pontiac,  the  conspiracy  of,  515 

Poonah,  the  Peshwa  of,  581,  787 

Poor  Laws,  the,  of  Henry  VIII, 
225-226;  of  Elizabeth,  275; 
the  New  (1834),  657-658, 
666,  741 

Poor  preachers,  Wiclif's,  151 

Pope,  Alexander,  563-564,  636 

Popish  Plot,  the,  368-369,  377- 
380 

Population,  of  England,  in  the 
Anglo-Norman  period,  60;  in 
the  fifteenth  century,  189;  in- 
crease of,  under  Henry  VII 
and  Henry  VIII,  224  and  note; 


INDEX 


933 


in  the  Restoration  period,  407 ; 
growth  of,  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  566;  decrease  of, 
in  Ireland,  721;  increase  of, 
in  the  United  Kingdom  and 
in  England  and  Wales  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  i,  744; 
of  the  British  Empire,  i,  761 

Port  Jackson,  769 

Porte,  the  Sublime,  see  Turkey 

Portland,  Earl  of,  see  Bentinck, 
William 

Portland,  Duke  of,  see  Bentinck, 
William  Henry 

Porto  Bello,  480 

Portugal,  marriage  alliance  of 
Charles  II  with,  366;  as  a 
maritime  power,  493,  547;  in 
the  Peninsular  War,  603-606; 
loses  Brazil,  627-628 

Portuguese  West  Africa,  774,  805 

Positivism,  737  and  note 

Potato  famine,  the,  671,  676, 
721 

Pottery  manufacture,  750-751 

Poundage,  see  Tonnage 

Poyningj^  Law,  185^186 

Pnemuriire  (pre'mu  nlrc),  Stat- 
ute of,  13 1  and  note;  employed 
against  Wolsey,  204;  invoked 
by  Henry  VIII  against  the 
clergy,  208 

Pragmatic  Sanction,  480  and  note, 
483,  484,  489 

Prague,  peace  of,  700 

Praise  of  Folly,  see  Erasmus 

Prayer  Book,  see  Common  Prayer 

Preferential  trade,  753,  809 

Preraphaelites,  the,  733  note,  743, 
744 

Prerogative,  the  royal,  magnified 
by  the  High  Church  party, 
302 

Presbyterians,  organization  of, 
241-242;  aims  of,  under 
Elizabeth,  256;  religious  and 
political  theories  of,  287-288; 
relations  of,  with  James  I,  291 ; 
effort  of,  to  capture  the  Estab- 
lished Church  of  England,  323 ; 
see  Solemn  League  and  Cove- 
nant, and  Westminster  As- 
sembly; breach  of,  with  the 
Independents,  333-334;  lose 
ground  in  England,  365 ;  estab- 
lishment of,  guaranteed  in 
the  union,  453;  Irish,  Glad- 
stone's treatment  of,  in  1869, 
see  United  and  Free  Church 

Presentment  jury,  77,  78 

Press,  the  censorship  of  the,  310- 
311;  end  of  the  censorship  of, 
437-438;  in  struggle  over 
reporting  debates,  525-526; 
progress  of,  as  a  political 
factor,  under  George  III,  526; 


influence  of,  in  Crimean  War, 
685 ;  in  the  World  War,  867 

Pressburg,  peace,  of,  601 

Pressing  to  death,  567 

Preston,  battle  of,  341 ;  Jacobite 
surrender  at,  466 

Prestonpans,  the  battle  of,  485 

Pretenders,  see  James  Francis 
Edward,  Charles  Edward, 
Simnel,  and  Warbeck 

Pretoria,  778-779 

Price,  Dr.  Richard,  577 

Pride's  Purge,  341 

Priest,  see  Parish 

Priestley,  Joseph,  555 

Prime  Minister,  first  use  of  the 
name,  476,  481 ;  rise  of,  543- 
545;  in  World  War,  867-868 

Primer,  the  King's,  331 

Primogeniture,  85 

Prince  Edward  Island,  766  note; 
see  also  Louisburg  I 

Printing,  introduction  into  Eng- 
land, 192 

Prisons,  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
142-143;  efforts  of  Ogle- 
thorpe  and  Howard  to  re- 
form, 566-567;  improvement 
of,  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
745-746 

Privateering,  abolition  of,  in 
"Declaration  of  Paris,"  687 

Privateers,  American,  during 
Revolution,  534;  British,  in 
American  Civil  War,  691-692 

Privilege,  see  Parliament 

Privy  Council,  the,  under  the 
Tudors,  266-268;  in  relation 
to  Colonial  affairs,  516  note; 
Cabinet  evolved  from,  544; 
Judicial  Committee  of  the, 
265  and  note 

Probate,  Court  of,  708 

Proclamations,  royal,  293 

Profiteering  during  the  World 
War,  870  and  note,  874,  875, 
876 

Progresses,  royal,  275 

Prohibitions,  293 

Prose  writers,  see  Literature 

Protection,  669-670,  671-673, 
682;  see  Chamberlain,  Joseph; 
Corn  Laws,  Gladstone,  Huskis- 
son,  Mercantilism,  Peel,  and 
Adam  Smith 

Protectorate,  the,  553-557 

Protectorates,  British,  776,  774, 
897 

Protestant  extremists,  under  Ed- 
ward VI,  230-235;  under 
Elizabeth,  255-257 ;  see  Bap- 
tists, Brownists,  Congrega- 
tionalists,  Dissenters,  Fifth 
Monarchy  Men,  Independ- 
ents, Presbyterians,  Puritans, 
Quakers,  Nonconformists 


Protestant  Association,  535 

Protestant  flail,  the,  379 

Protestant  Union,  the,  295 

Protestation,  the,  of  the  Com- 
mons, 298 

Provisions  of  Oxford,  the,  101- 
103 

Provisions  of  Westminster,  the, 
102-103 

Provisors,  Statute  of,  131  and 
note 

Prussia,  becomes  a  power  of 
the  first  rank,  489;  joins 
Triple  Alliance  of  1781,  583; 
joins  armed  neutrality  of 
1800,  598;  signs  Holy  and 
Quadruple  Alliances,  612- 
613;  signs  treaty  of  Paris 
after  Crimean  War,  686-687; 
see  Frederick  II  (the  Great), 
King  of ;  see  Wars  of  Austrian 
Succession,  Seven  Years'  War, 
French  and  Napoleonic  wars, 
Schleswig-Holstein,  Austro- 
Prussian  and  Franco-Prussian 
Wars,  Germany 

Prynne,  William,  311-321 

Public  debt,  the,  in  Pitt's  Min- 
istry, 576-577;  see  National 
debt  and  Sinking  Fund 

Public  works  for  Ireland,  676 

Punishments,  142-143,  567,  643 

Punjab,  the  annexation  of,  786 

Purcell,  Henry,  421 

Puritans,  the  origin  of,  255;  de- 
mands of,  at  the  accession  of 
James  I,  287 ;  their  views  and 
aims  in  the  time  of  Charles  I, 
301-302;  their  moral  and 
religious  .discontent,  293,  309- 
311;  morattrifluence  of,  355; 
hostility  of,  to  the  stage,  419 

Puritan  revolution,  the,  151; 
causes  of,  285 ;  results  of,  342, 
357 

Purveyance,  290 

Pym,  John,  316,  319-320,  322- 
323 ;  attempted  arrest  of,  323 ; 
arranges  the  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant,  332;  his  death, 
ib. 

Pyramids,  battle  of  the,  397 

"Pyrenees,  There  are  no  more," 
442  and  note 

Pytheas  of  Marseilles,  10  note 


'Q  "  boats,  862 
Quadrimum,  85 
Quadruple  Alliance,  613 
Quakers,  the,  365,  386  and  note, 

425,  492 

Quarter  Sessions,  268 
Quartering  Acts,  515,  528 
Quarterly  Review,  the,  640 


934 


INDEX 


Quatre  Bras,  battle  of,  6n 
Quebec,  the  siege  and  capture  of, 
500-501 ;   the  Province  of,  765 
Quebec  Act,  the,  528,  763 
Quebec    Government    Bill,    the, 

7^3 
Quebec    Ordinances,    the,    764- 

765 

•Queen's  Bench,  Court  of,  708 
Queensland,  770 
tyua  Emptores,  120-121 
Quiberon  Bay,  battle  at,  733 
Quinquennial  Bill  of,  1911,  866 

note 

Quiros,  De,  768 
Quo  Warranto,  writs  of,  383 


Rack-renting,  Irish,  624 
Radicals,  the,  in  the  Whig  party, 
616-618;  agitate  for  parlia- 
mentary reform,  646;  oppose 
New  Poor  Law  of  1834,  658; 
claims  of,  under  Melbourne's 
second  Ministry,  660,  663; 
Chartism  embodies  aims  of, 
667 ;  oppose  Civil  Lists  of 
Victoria  and  Edward  VII,  662, 
753 

Raglan,  Lord,  685 
Railroads,  development  of,  634- 
635;     in    the    Victorian    Age, 
740-741;    government  owner- 
ship of,  in  Australia,  770;    in 
New   Zealand,   771;     Govern- 
ment control  of,  in  World  War, 
869-870;      Labor     party    de- 
mands nationalization  of,  878, 
882 ;   see  Steam  engine 
Railway  strike,  the,  757 
Rainsborough,  Colonel,  339 
Raleigh,    Sir   Walter,    244,    261, 

273.  294  note,  416 
Ralph  Roister  Bolster,  281 
Ramillies,  the  battle  of,  451 
Ranulf  Flambard,  62,  64 
Rates,  compulsory  Church,  aboli- 
tion of,  660  note 
Rates,  the  poor,  burden  of,  657, 

741 

Rating  franchise,  659,  699 
Rationing,  see  Food  control 
Rawlinson,  General,  853 
Raymond,  George,  272 
Reade,  Charles,  736 
Real  Presence,  the,  see  Transub- 

stantiation 
Realists,  the,  106 
Recognition  juries,  78 
Reconstruction,  868.  878-879 
Recruiting   in    the   World   War, 

869,  883,  884 

Recusants,  measures  against, 
255;  under  James  I,  289,  299; 
see  Penal  Laws 


Redan,  the,  686 

Redmond,  John,  succeeds  to 
Parnell's  leadership,  719;  be- 
comes leader  of  the  reunited 
Nationalists,  721;  and  the 
Home  Rule  Bill  of  1914,  760, 
882-883,  888;  activity  in  re- 
cruiting, 883,  885;  denounces 
Rebellion,  888 

Reeve,  the  Anglo-Saxon,  63,  65 

Reflections  on  the  French  Revo- 
lution, Burke's,  581 

Reform  Bill,  of  1832,  651-654; 
its  effect  on  the  Church,  728; 
of  1867,  697-700;  of  1884- 
1885,  714-715;  of  1918,  880- 
881 

Reform  of  the  Calendar,  see  Cal- 
endar 

Reformation,  the,  in  England, 
causes  for,  198-199,  202; 
some  results  of,  207 ;  effect  of, 
on  poor  relief,  225;  principles 
of,  in  England,  Germany,  and 
Scotland  contrasted,  241:*-* 

Reformation  Parliament,  the, 
207-212 

Regency  Bill,  the,  579-580 

Regicides,  the,  361 

Regium  Donum,  704 

"Reign  of  Terror,"  the,  588-589 

Relief,  feudal  incident  of,  58 

Religion,  of  the  Celts,  10-11;  in 
thirteenth  century,  106;  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  556- 
558;  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, 727-730 

Renascence,  the,  149,  199—200; 
in  England,  200-202;  in- 
fluence of,  on  English  litera- 
ture, 277 

Representation,  inequalities  in, 
in  House  of  Commons,  647- 
648;  after  Reform  Bill  of 
1832,  696;  see  American  Revo- 
lution and  virtual  representa- 
tion 

Responsibility  of  Ministers,  543- 
545 

Restoration,  causes  and  nature 
of,  357 

Restoration  of  the  coinage,  see 
Coinage,  46-47 

Revenues,  Anglo-Saxon,  46-47 ; 
Anglo-Norman,  59;  under 
Henry  II,  78-79 ;  under  Henry 
VIII,  223-224;  under  the 
Tudors,  267-268;  of  the 
royalist  and  parliamentary 
parties  in  the  Civil  War,  528- 
529;  settlement  of,  at  the 
Restoration,  382;  the,  of 
James  II,  386;  settlement  of, 
under  William  III,  425-426; 
during  the  World  War,  875; 
see  Civil  List 


Revenue  officers  deprived  of 
right  to  vote,  537 

Revolution  of  1688,  the  nature 
and  results  of,  399 ;  see  Ameri- 
can Revolution 

Revolution,  Belgian,  of  1830, 
630-631 

Revolution,  the  French,  effect 
of  Hobbes  on,  415;  effect  of 
Deists  on,  556;  outbreak  of, 
reception  of,  in  England, 
580-582 ;  governments  of,  581 
and  note;  English  societies  to 
spread  doctrines  of,  583; 
aggressions  of  leaders  of.  584- 
585 ;  Reign  of  Terror  of,  588- 
589;  effect  in  Ireland  of,  593; 
attitude  of  English  poets  to- 
ward, 637;  social  effects  of, 
641;  Bentham's  fear  of,  645; 
decline  of  fear  of,  ib. ;  of  ijhQ^ 
630;  spread  of  movement  of 
1830,  630-631;  stimulates  re- 
form in  England,  63*1 

Revolution,  Greek,  628-630; 
Spanish,  of  1820,  627-628 

Revolution,  European,  of  1848, 
677 

Revolution  Society,  the  English, 
581-583 

Reynolds,  Sir  Joshua,  565 

Rhe,  the  expedition  to,  304-305 

Rhodes,  Cecil,  774-776 

Rhodesia,  774  and  note 

Rhondda,  Lord,  874 

Rhuddlan,  Statute  of,  112 

Richard  I  (Cceur  de  Lion),  King 
of  England,  revolt  against 
Henry  II,  75;  accession  and 
character,  80;  participation  in 
the  Third  Crusade,  80-8 1; 
return  and  imprisonment  in 
the  German  Empire,  81;  his 
ransom  and  visit  to  England, 
ib.;  departure  for  France  and 
death,  81-82;  growth  of 
boroughs  under,  85 

Richard  II,  King  of  England, 
navigation  laws  under,  140; 
accession,  153;  attitude  to- 
ward the  Peasant  Revolt, 
154-155;  the  reign  of,  155- 
159;  visits  Ireland,  157,  158; 
deposition  of,  159;  death  and 
final  estimate  of,  159-160 

Richard,  Duke  of  Gloucester, 
makes  himself  Protector,  179; 
character  and  policy,  ib. ;  pro- 
claimed King,  ib. ;  see  Richard 
III 

Richard  III,  King  of  England, 
crimes  and  vain  efforts  to 
secure  popularity,  179-180; 
defeat  and  death  at  Bosworth, 
180-181 

Richard,  Duke  of  York,  170-173 


INDEX 


935 


Richard,  son  of  Edward  IV,  178- 

180,  185 
Richard  de  Clare  ("  Strongbow") 

Earl  of  Pembroke,  74-75 
Richard  Fitzneal,  83 
Richardson,  Samuel,  562 
Richelieu,  Cardinal,  299 
Ridley,  Nicholas,  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don, 239 
Ridolfi  plot,  the,  25 1 

Rights,  Bill  of,  see  Bill 

Right,  the  Declaration  of,  398; 
see  Bill  of  Rights 

Rights  of  Man,  Paine's  pamphlet, 
581-582 

Riot  Act,  the,  464-465 

Ripon,  negotiations  with  the 
Scots  at,  317 

Rising  of  1715,  the,  465-466; 
of  1745,  484-487 

Ritualism,  729-730 

River  systems,  3,  4 

Rizzio,  David,  247 

Roads,  Roman,  15;  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  144;  in  th 
fifteenth  century,  188;  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  404;  in 
the  early  nineteenth  century, 
634;  in  Scotland,  48 

Robert  (Curthose),  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy, 57,  62-64  and  note 

Robert,  Earl  of  Gloucester,  67-69 

Robert  of  Jumieges,  38,  39 

Robert  Grosseteste,  Bishop  of 
Lincoln,  99 

Roberts,  General  (Marshal,  Earl 
Roberts),  opposes  Home  Rule 
Bill,  759;  in  the  Boer  War, 
777-778;  in  the  Afghan  War, 
792 ;  advocates  compulsory 
.training,  813,  815,  865 

Robespierre,  589 

Robin  Hood,  149 

Rochambeau,  Count,  536 

Rochdale,  748 

Rochester,  Earls  of,  see  Wilmot, 
John 

Rochester,  Viscount,  see  Carr, 
Robert 

"Rocket,"  the,  Stephenson's 
locomotive,  894 

Rockingham,  the  Marquis  of, 
519-520,  537, 539-54° 

Rodney,  Admiral,  501,  536,  538 

Roger  of  Salisbury,  65,  68 

Roi  Pacijicateur,  Le,  808 

Rollo,  38 

Roman  Catholicism,  contrasted 
with  Calvinism,  241;  Puritan 
fears  of,  311;  see  Charles  II 
and.  James  II 

Roman  Catholics,  excluded  from 
the  House  of  Commons,  249; 
Elizabeth's  further  measures 
against,  255;  treatment  of, 
by  James  I,  289 ;  the  party  of, 


fostered  by  Henrietta  Maria 
311;  mostly  on  the  side  ol 
Charles  I,  328;  Charles  I's 
intrigues  with,  in  Ireland,  328 
335-336;  the  condition  of, 
under  Cromwell,  350;  Charles 
IPs  attempts  to  reintroduce, 
362,  372-374;  the  Test  Act 
against,  374;  see  the  Popish 
Plot;  excluded  from  Parlia- 
ment (1678),  379-380;  ad- 
mitted to  office  by  James  II 
389-390;  progress  of,  in  Scot- 
land, 391 ;  indulgence  granted 
to,  392-394;  fanaticism 
against,  hi  England,  in  1780, 
S34-535;  disabilities  of,  be- 
fore the  Relief  Acts,  623; 
emancipation  of,  623-626 ; 
status  of,  at  Victoria's  acces- 
sion, 661 ;  Russell's  legislation 
against,  679 ;  see  Ecclesiastical 
Titles  Bill  and  Accession 
Declaration  Act 

Roman  Catholics,  Irish,  penal 
laws  against  the,  428;  condi- 
tion of,  1782,  537-538;  con- 
cessions to,  538,  592-594; 
failure  of,  to  secure  conces- 
sions after  the  Union,  595-597 ; 
proportion  of,  in  Ulster,  758 
note 

Roman  fortifications  in  Britain, 
13  note 

Roman  Law,  76 

Roman  roads,  15 

Romans,  their  occupation  of 
Britain,  12-16 

Romantic  movement,  the,  in 
literature,  564,  636-637 

Romilly,  Sir  Samuel,  643 

Romney,  George,  565,  566 

Rood  of  Boxley,  see  Boxley 

Rooke,  Sir  George,  450 

Root  and  Branch  party,  the, 
323 

Roses,  see  Wr.r  of  the 

Rossbach,  the  battle  of,  499 

Rossetti,  Dante  Gabriel,  734 
note,  743-744 

Rothschild,  Baron,  975 

Rotten  boroughs,  648,  653 

Roundheads,  the,  325,  544 

Rouse's  Point,  675 

Royal  African  Company,  the,  402 

Royal  Marriage  Act,  526 

Royal  Society,  the,  416 

Royal  title,  the,  changes  in,  453, 
596,  753  and  note,  792 

Jubens,  611 

Rumania,  822,  847,  850 

Rump  Parliament,  the,  341; 
abolishes  the  kingship  and 
the  House  of  Lords,  345;  re- 
fuses to  dissolve,  ib.;  dis- 
solved by  Cromwell,  348,  349; 


recalled  and  finally  dissolved, 
356 

Runnymede,  94 

Rupert,  Prince,  329,  and  note, 
333,  347,  367,  375 

Ruskin,  John,  732,  743 

Russell,  Edward  (later  Earl  of 
Orford),  431 

Russell,  John,  Lord,  carries 
repeal  of  Test  and  Corpora- 
tion Acts,  624;  identifies  par- 
liamentary reform  with  Whigs, 
646;  introduces  Reform  Bill, 
651 ;  becomes  an  advocate  of 
free  trade,  671-672;  first 
Ministry  of,  676;  religious 
problems  of  first  Ministry  of, 
678-679 ;  criticizes  Palmer- 
ston's  independent  tendencies, 
681 ;  dismisses  Palmerston,  ib. ; 
fall  of  first  Ministry  of,  ib. ;  in 
Coalition  Ministry,  682;  re- 
tires, 685 ;  in  sympathy  with 
South  in  American  Civil  War, 
690;  hasty  policy  of,  in  Trent 
affair,  691 ;  favors  inter- 
vention in  behalf  of  Danes, 
694 ;  second  Ministry  of,  697 ; 
Reform  Bills  of,  697-698 ;  fall 
of  second  Ministry,  and  death 
of,  698  and  note ;  see  Alabama 
Claims 

Russell,  Sir  William  Howard, 
correspondent  of  Times  during 
Crimean  War,  685 

Russia,  opening  up  of,  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  271;  see 
Wars  of  Austrian  Succession 
and  Seven  Years'  War;  joins 
the  armed  neutrality  of  1778, 
535 »  Pitt's  failure  to  check 
the  expansion  of,  583 ;  in 
war  of  First  Coalition,  588; 
in  Second  Coalition  against 
France,  597 ;  armed  neutrality 
of  1800  organized  by  Tsar  of, 
597-598;  Alexander  I  be- 
comes Tsar  .of,  599;  joins 
Third  Coalition  against 
France,  601 ;  alliance  with 
Napoleon,  602;  Napoleon's 
campaign  in,  606-607;  com- 
bines against  Napoleon,  607- 
608;  in  Holy  and  Quadruple 
Alliances,  612-613;  favors  in- 
tervention,'626-627;  attitude 
of,  toward  Greek  struggle  for 
independence,  629-630;  con- 
cession of,  on  American  bound- 
ary, 675 ;  in  the  Crimean  War, 
682-687;  Napoleon  III  pro- 
poses mediation  in  American 
Cival  War  by  England,  France, 
and,  692;  England  isolated  by 
Palmerston  from,  691;  brings 
her  ships  again  into  the  Black 


936 


INDEX 


Sea,  710;  advances  of,  in 
Afghanistan,  786,792;  Anglo- 
Japanese  treaties  against,  792 
note;  British  agreement  with, 
793,  808;  distrusts  British 
democracy,  800;  in  League 
of  Three  Emperors,  800-801 ; 
in  Russio-Turkish  War,  801- 
804;  Kaiser  draws  away 
from,  805;  in  Russo-Japanese 
War,  807;  changed  British 
attitude  toward,  818-819,  820 
note;  and  the  Balkan  problem, 
820-823;  in  the  negotiations 
preceding  the  World  War, 
824-827;  in  the  World  War, 
in  1914,  839;  in  1915,  840, 
845;  in  1916,  846-847;  the 
collapse  of,  848-849,  867 
Russia  Company,  the,  413 
Ruyter,  Admiral  de,  367-368 
Ryswick,  the  peace  of,  435 


Sabbath,  better  observance  of, 
641 

Sacheverell,  Dr.  Henry,  455-456 

Sackville,  Lord  George,  502 

Sackville,  Thomas,  Lord  Buck- 
hurst,  281 

Sacraments,  definition  of,  213 
note 

Sadowa,  battle  of,  see  Konig- 
gratz 

St.  Albans,  114;  battle  of,  172- 
173;  second  battle  of,  174 

St.  Albans,  Viscount,  see  Bacon, 
Sir  Francis 

St.  Bartholomew,  massacre  of, 
253 

St.  Benedict,  26 

St.  Brice's  Day,  massacre  of,  36 

St.  Dominic,  105 

St.  Francis,  see  Francis 

St.  Giles'  Cathedral,  the  riot  in, 
314 

St.  Helena,  Napoleon  at,  612 

St.  John  (sm  jln),  Henry,  later 
Viscount  Bolingbroke,  charac- 
ter of,  456 ;  his  peace  negotia- 
tions with  France,  457;  rivalry 
with  Oxford,  460-461;  failure 
of  his  succession  schemes,  461 ; 
enters  the  service  of  the  Pre- 
tender, 465;  aims  to  stop 
the  rising  of  1715,  ib.;  dis- 
missed by  the  Old  Pretender, 
466;  his  activity  in  opposition, 
476;  end  of  his  political  career, 
478 

St.  Paul,  15 

St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  276,  309, 
411;  see  Paul's  Walk 

St.  Peter,  15 

St.  Peter's  Fields,  618 


St.  Pierre,  Island  of,  541 

St.  Thomas,  see  Becket 

Saladin,  79 

Salian  Franks,  law  of,  126 

Salisbury,  Marquis  of,  see  Cecil 

Salisbury  oath,  the,  82 

Salonika,  Sot,  843 

Sancroft,  William,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  394-395 

San  Domingo,  revolt  in,  600 

Sanitation,  146,  225 

San  Jacinto,  the,  691 

San  Stefano,  the  treaty  of,  802 

Saratoga,  surrender  of  Burgoyne 
at,  532 

Sarum,  see  Old  Sarum 

Saskatchewan,  Province  of,  766 
note 

Sati,  see  Suttee 

Saunders  (san'ders),  Admiral,  500 

Savery,  Thomas,  552 

Savile  (sav'il),  George,  Marquis 
of  Halifax,  382 

Saxons,  invasions  of  Britain  by, 
13-14,  20-21 

Scapa  Flow,  855,  857,  863 

Scheldt,  French  open,  to  naviga- 
tion, 584 

Schism  Act,  460;    repealed,  468 

Schleswig-Holstein,  692-694,  700, 
808  note 

Scholasticism,  106,  227 

Scholemaster,  The,  227 

Schomberg,  Count,  427 

Schools,  147,  226,  235,  705-707; 
see  Chantry  and  Grammar 

Schulenburg,  Countess  von,  463 

Science,  in  the  twelfth  century, 
83;  in  the  Elizabethan  Age, 
277;  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, 416-417;  in  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  555-556;  in 
the  early  nineteenth  century, 
635-636;  in  the  Victorian 
Age,  737-74° 

Scone  (scoon),  coronation  stone 
of,  113 

Scotch-Irish  Church,  the,  15,  25 
Scotland,  physical  features,  5,  6; 
see  Scots;  wars  with  Edward  I, 
112-114;  alliance  with  France, 
ib, ;  rising  of  Wallace,  116- 
117;  rising  of  Bruce  and  last 
campaign  of  Edward  I  against, 
117-118;  repulse  of  Edward 
II  at  Bannockburn  by,  122; 
disputed  succession  in,  126; 
expedition  against,  by  Edward 
III,  ib. ;  in  time  of  Henry  IV, 
161-163;  supports  Warbeck, 
185 ;  James  IV,  King  of,  mar- 
ries Margaret  of  England, 
186;  invasion  from,  repulsed 
at  Flodden,  195;  designs  of 
Henry  VIII  on,  217-218; 
impolicy  of  Seymour  toward, 


232-233;  the  Reformation  in, 
241-242,  246;  conflicts  be- 
tween Mary  and  the  Protestant 
lords,  246-248 ;  attempted 
Catholic  revival  in,  254; 
condition  of,  at  the  accession 
of  the  Stuarts,  285-286;  rela- 
tions with,  under  James  I, 
291;  the  first  Bishops'  War, 
314-315;  the  second  Bishops' 
War,  317;  Montrose  in,  328, 
335;  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant  arranged  with,  332; 
troops  from,  surrender  the 
King,  336,  337;  "Engagers 
from,"  invade  England,  340, 
341;  conquest  of,  by  Crom- 
well, 346,  347;  defeat  of  in- 
vaders from,  at  Worcester, 
347;  the  Restoration  in,  356, 
363;  landing  of  Argyle  in,  386; 
the  situation  in,  under  Charles 
II  and  James  II,  390-391 ;  the 
Revolution  in,  429;  the  mas- 
sacre of  Glencoe  in,  429-430; 
union  of,  with  England,  451- 
453;  rising  of  1715  in,  465- 
466;  the  rising  of  '45  in,  484- 
487;  the  transformation  of, 
in  the  eighteenth  century,  487- 
489;  parliamentary  franchise 
in,  before  first  Reform  Bill, 
650;  under  bill  of  1832,  653; 
representation  of,  under  Act 
of  1867,  699;  visits  of  Victoria 
to,  724;  secessions  from  the 
Church  of,  730 

Scots,  homages,  33,  113;  in- 
vasion of  Britain,  14;  union 
of,  and  Picts,  33  note;  early 
invasions  of  England,  53,  68 

Scott,  James,  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth,  382,  386-387 

Scott,  Sir  Percy,  865 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  485  note, 
637-639,  728,  730,  732;  his 
literary  work,  897,  859 

Scrope,  Richard,  Archbishop  of 
York,  163 

Scutage,  79 

Scutari,  hospitals  at,  685 

Seamen,  Elizabethan,  their 
achievements,  257-259,  271- 
273 

Sea  power,  rise  of  the  Eliz- 
abethan, 271-273;  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  538-539, 
546-547;  in  War  of  1812,  609, 
German  rivalry  in,  809-815 

Search,  the  right  of,  as  a  cause 
of  the  War  of  Jenkins'  Ear, 
478-479;  of  the  War  of  1812, 
608-609;  given  up,  by  Great 
Britain,  610;  see  also,  859-860 

Sebastopol,  siege  of,  684-686 

Secretary  of  State,  the,  267 


INDEX 


937 


Secretary  of  State  for  India,  the 
institution  of,  791 

Secretary  for  War,  686,  754 

Sedan,  the  battle  of,  709 

Sedgemoor,  battle  of,  387 

Seditious  writings,  royal  proc- 
lamation against,  583 

Seditious  Meetings  Bill,  the,  589 ; 
passage  of  a  new,  617 

Seely,  Colonel,  759-760 

Self-denying  ordinance,  the,  334- 
335 

Selling,  William,  200 

Seminary  priests,  254  note 

Seneca,  281 

Senlac,  battle  of,  40-41 

Sennussi,  897 

Separatists,  255 

Sepoys,  789 

Septennial  Act,  the,  466-467, 
660 

Serajevo,  823 

Serbia,  in  Russo-Turkish  War, 
801-802;  in  Balkan  War, 
821-822;  events  in,  leading 
to  World  War,  823-827;  in 
the  War,  843,  853 

Serf,  the  Anglo-Saxon,  43 

Serfdom,  155 

Settlement,  the  Act  of,  440-441 ; 
the  law  of,  657-658 

Seven  Bishops,  the  Case  of  the, 
394-395 

Seven  Years'  War,  the,  issues  in, 
493;  chief  events  in,  492-504, 
508-510;  effect  of,  in  pre- 
cipitating the  American  Rev- 
olution, 514-515 

Severus,  Septimius,  Roman  Em- 
peror, 13  note 

Seymour,  Edward,  Earl  of  Hert- 
ford, becomes  Protector  and 
Duke  of  Somerset,  230;  his 
rule,  230-233;  his  fall,  233; 
execution  of,  234 

Seymour,  Jane,  Queen  of  Henry 
VIII,  212,  217 

Seymour,  Thomas,  Lord  High 
Admiral,  233 

Shaf tesbury,  Earls  of,  see  Cooper 

Shakespeare,  William,  94  note, 
184  note,  279-280;  his  writ- 
ings, 282 

Shanghai,  opened  to  British 
trade,  674 

Sharp,  James,  Archbishop  oi 
St.  Andrew's,  391 

Sheep  raising,  155,  187,  270- 
271;  in  Australia,  769 

Shelley,  Percy  Bysshe,  638 

Shells,  see  Munitions 

Sheppard,  Jack,  567 

Sheridan,  Richard  Brinsley,  565 
599 

Sheriff,  the,  or  shire-reeve 
Anglo-Saxon,  46:  at  the 


Exchequer,  66 ;  decline  of, 
under  the  Tudors,  269 

Sheriff  Muir,  the  battle  of,  466 

Sheriff's  "aid,"  the,  72 

'Shining  armor,"  809,  820,  826 

Ship  money,  312-314;  declared 
illegal,  323 

Shipping  laws,  relating  to,  139- 
140;  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
190-191 ;  increase  of,  under 
Huskisson's  reforms,  622; 
status  in  1830,  633-634;  de- 
velopment of,  in  Victorian 
period,  740-741;  in  compari- 
son with  German,  809-812; 
control  of,  during  World  War, 
869,  872-873 

Shires,  31,  32,  45,  46;  see 
County 

Shirley,  Sir  Thomas,  case  of,  289 

Shop  stewards,  877 

Shorthouse,  Joseph  Henry,  737 
note 

Short  Parliament,  the,  316 

Shovel,  Sir  Cloudesley,  450 

Shrewsbury,  Earl  of,  see  Talbot, 
Charles 

Shrines,  145;  destruction  of,  215 

Siddons,  Mrs.,  565 

Sidmouth,  Lord,  see  Addington 

Sidney,  Sir  Philip,  278-279 

Sikh  Wars,  the,  786 

Silesian  Wars,  the  first  and  sec- 
ond, 481,  483-484;  the  third, 
495-496,  499-502,  503-504, 
509-510 

Silk  manufacture,  the,  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  401 

Simnel,  Lambert,  184-185 

Simon  de  Montfort,  100-103; 
Parliament  of,  102,  114-115 

Simpson,  Sir  James,  discoverer  of 
chloroform,  739 

Sind,  annexation  of,  786 

"Singeing  the  King  of  Spain's 
beard,"  259 

Sinking  Fund,  the  beginning 
of  the,  468-469;  Pitt's,  577 

Sinn  Fein  (shin  fane),  882-890, 
passim;  meaning  of  name,  883; 
in  Australia,  894 

Sinope,  Russians  attack  Turkish 
fleet  at,  684 

Six  Articles,  the,  216-217;  re- 
pealed, 231 

Skager  Rak.  see  Jutland 

Skeffington.  Francis  Sheehy.  887 
note 

Slave  trade,  Anglo-Saxon  51; 
abolition  of  African.  578 

Slavery,  59  note;  abolition  of, 
in  the  British  colonies,  656, 
772;  see  American  Civil  War 

Slidell,  Confederate  commis- 
sioner, 691 

Small  Holdings  Acts.  743 


Smith,  Adam,  416,  558-559,  636, 

737 

Smith,  Sidney,  640 
Smollett,  Tobias,  562-563 
Smuts,   General,  in   the  World 

War,  868,  894-896,  907 
Smuggling,     477-479,     514-51?, 

567,    576;     in    postal  service, 

English  traders  promote,  with 

China,  674 

Soap  Company,  the,  309 
Social    classes,    in    the    seven- 
teenth  century,   405-406;    in 

the  Victorian  period,  745 
Social   Compact,   the,   414   and 

note 
Social    Democratic    party,    the, 

7497750 
Socialism,  617,  666-667,  749-750; 

see  Labor  party 

Society,   see     Revolutionary   so- 
ciety 
Society,  the  British  and  Foreign 

School,  706 

Society,  the  National,  706 
Society,   Royal,   for  Prevention 

of  Cruelty  to  Animals,  642 
Society  for  the  Improvement  of 

Prison  Discipline,  the,  745 
Society,  London  Correspondence, 

583 
Society  of  Friends  of  the  People, 

the,  583 

Society  of  Jesus,  see  Jesuits 
Solebay,     see     Lowestoft      and 

Southwold  Bay 
Solemn   League   and   Covenant, 

see  Covenant 

Solway  Moss,  battle  of,  218 
Somers,  John  (later  Lord),  434, 

439-440 

Somerset,  Dukes  of,  see  Seymour 
Somerset,    Earl    of,    see    Carr, 

Robert 
Somme,  first,  second,  and  third 

battles  of  the,  845-846,  847- 

848,  852 
Sophia,    Electress   of    Hanover, 

440,  463 
South    Africa,    the    British    in, 

772-780;    the  union   of,   778- 

779;  military  system  of,  891; 

in  the  World  War.  894-896 
South  African  Republic,  see  the 

Transvaal 
South  American  Republics,  the, 

Canning  and  tne  recognition 

of,  027-628 
South  Australia.  "5^ 
South  Island.  771 
South  Saxons,  the,  invasion  of 

Britain,  20,  21 
South  Sea  Bubble,  tne.  see  South 

Sea  Company 
South  Sea  Company,  the,  468- 

471 


938 


INDEX 


Southwold  Bay,  the  battle  of, 
375 

Soviets,  849,  876,  877  . 

Spain,  war  of  England  with,  133 ; 
matrimonial  alliance  with 
•Henry  VII,  186 ;  see  Philip  II, 
aggressions  of  Elizabethan  sea- 
men against,  257-262;  see 
Armada ;  marriage  negotia- 
tions with,  under  James  I, 
294-295,  298-299 ;  Crom- 
well's war  with,  351-352;  in 
the  war  of  the  Spanish  Suc- 
cession, 441-443,  447,  450, 
454-455;  see  Utrecht,  peace 
of ;  helps  to  defeat  the  Darien 
project,  452;  see  Jenkins' 
Ear,  the  War  of,  see  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  the  peace  of  (1748); 
joins  France  in  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  508-509;  see 
Paris,  the  peace  of;  joins 
France  against  England,  534; 
joins  the  armed  neutrality  of, 
1780,  535!  concludes  peace 
with  England,  541 ;  antago- 
nism between  England  and,  in 
1789-1790,  583  note;  joins 
First  Coalition  against  France, 
1793>  588;  cedes  Louisiana  to 
France,  599;  signs  peace  of 
Amiens,  ib.;  Peninsular  War 
in,  603-606 ;  Spanish- Amer- 
ican colonies  of,  declare  in- 
dependence, 622;  revolutions, 
626-628;  sends  expedition  to 
Mexico  in  1860,  692;  see 
Morocco 

Spanish  Succession,  War  of  the, 
441-443,  446-452,  453-459 

Speakers  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons to  decide  on  Money 
Bills,  756 

Spec,  Admiral  von,  856 

Speech,  freedom  of,  398 

Spencer,  Herbert,  737,  738  note 

Spencer,  Robert,  Earl  of  Sunder- 
land,  389,  396,  note,  438 

Spenser,  Edmund,  280 

Spinning  jenny,  550;    mule,  ib. 

Spithead,  mutiny  at,  591 

Sports,  the  Declaration  of,  310 

Spurs,  battle  of  the,  195 

Stafford,  Lord  William,  380 

Stage  coaches,  404,  634 

Stair,  Earl  of,  see  Dalrymple, 
John 

Stair,  the  Master  of,  see  Dal- 
rymple 

Stamford  Bridge,  battle  of,  40 

Stamp  Act,  the,  517-518 

Standing  army,  nucleus  of  the, 
562;  increased  by  James  II, 
388;  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Work*  War,  835;  see  Mutiny 
Bill 


Stanhope,  James,  first  Earl 
Stanhope,  468,  470 

Stanhope,  Philip  Dormer,  Earl 
of  Chesterfield,  Letters  to  His 
Son,  563 

Stanley,  Edward  George,  Lord 
Stanley  and  fourteenth  Earl 
of  Derby,  Irish  Secretary, 
655;  Colonial  Secretary,  656; 
first  Ministry  of,  682;  second 
Ministry  of,  688 ;  third  Minis- 
try of,  698-700;  resignation 
and  death  of,  700 

Staple  towns,  139 

Star  Chamber,  Court  of,  185, 
267-268,  323 

Steamboats,  634,  740-741 

Steam  engine,  the,  551-552 

Steam  railways,  634,  740-741 

Steele,  Sir  Richard,  559-560 

Steelyard,  the,  87  note 

Steenkirke,  battle  of,  431 

Stephen,  King  of  England,  char- 
acter and  problems,  67-68; 
attack  on  the  Salisburys,  68; 
involved  in  Civil  War,  68-69; 
results  of  his  rule,  69-70; 
extension  of  Church  courts 
under,  72 

Stephenson,  George,  develops 
steam  transportation,  634-635 

Sterne,  Laurence,  563 

Steuben,  Baron,  532 

Stevenson,  Robert  Louis,  736- 
737 

Stewart,  Esme',  254 

Stewart,  Henry,  Lord  Darnley, 
247 

Stewart,  Lord  James,  later  Earl 
of  Moray,  247  and  note,  251 

Stigand,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 39 

Stirling  Bridge,  battle  of,  116 

"  Stockdale  and  Darlington," 
see  Steam  railways 

Stockdale  vs.  Hansard,  665 

Stonehenge,  n 

Stourbridge  Fair,  108 

Stow,  John,  280 

Strafford,  Earl  of,  see  Wentworth, 
Sir  Thomas 

Stratford  de  Redcliffe,  Lord,  683 

Strikes,  549;  use  of,  by  British 
trades  unions,  667;  in  1911- 
1912.  757;  during  the  World 
War,  871-872,  876-879 

''  Strongbow,"  see  Richard  de 
Clare 

Stuart,  John,  Earl  of  Bute,  507- 
509  passim 

Sturdee,  Admiral,  856 

Submarines,  834,  857-862,  865 

Submission  of  the  clergy,  208 

Subsidies,  132,  198,  267-268 

Succession,  acts  of,  providing  for 
the  heirs  of  Henry  VIII  and 


Anne,  209;  relating  to  heirs 
of  Henry  VIII  and  Jane 
Seymour,  212;  see  Northum- 
berland's plot;  plan  for 
regulating,  in  1689,  398;  see 
Act  of  Settlement 

Sudan,  the,  780,  782-784 

Suez  Canal,  the,  780-781,  815, 
897 

"  Suffolk  Resolves,"  the,  528  and 
note 

Suffrage,  manhood,  667,  880- 
881 

Suffrage,  women's,  in  Australia, 
770;  in  New  Zealand,  771;  in 
the  United  Kingdom,  746,  881 

Suffragists,  the  militant,  see 
Suffrage,  women's 

Sumptuary  laws,  132,  140 

Sunday  Schools,  558 

Sunderland,  Earl  of,  see  Spencer, 
Robert  and  Charles 

Superstition,  160,  277,  407-408 

Supremacy,  Act  of,  245,  265-266 

Supremacy,  oaths  of,  245,  249, 
379,  425,  624-625 

Supreme  Court  of  Judication  Act, 
the,  708 

Supreme  Head  of  the  Church  of 
England,  209-210,  245 

Surgery,  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, 146,  739;  in  the  nine- 
teenth century,  739 

Surrey,  Earls  of,  see  Howard, 
Henry  and  Thomas 

Suspending,  royal  prerogative  of, 
398 

Sussex,  860 

Suttee,  785 

Swansea,  5 

Swein,  Danish  invader,  35,  36 

Swift,  Jonathan,  457,  472,  560 

Swinburne,  Algernon  Charles, 
733 

Sydney,  769 ;  Australian  cruiser, 
856 

Syndicalism,  750,  757,  876 

Synods,  241 


Tacitus,  18 

Taff  Vale  case,  the,  748 

Tag,  Der,  815,  858;   see  also  836 

Talbot,  Charles,  Earl,  and,  later, 

Duke  of  Shrewsbury,  461,  463 
Talbot,  Richard,  Earl  of  Tyrcon- 

nel,  389,  392 
Talbot,  William,  739 
Tallard,  Marshal,  749 
Tangier,  366  and  note,  807 
Tanks  in  the  World  War,  834, 

849  and  note 
Tariff,  Huskisson's  reform  of  the, 

621-622;   reductions  of,  under 

Peel,     668-673 ;      Gladstone's 


INDEX 


939 


reductions  of,  689-690;  Cham- 
berlain advocat?s  reform  of, 
753!  preferential,  753,  811 
note;  in  the  Dominions,  762, 
767,  796;  German,  fear  of 
foreign,  809;  German,  810 

Tasman,  Abel,  769 

Tasmania,  770 

Taxation,  see  Revenue  and  Poll 
Taxes ;  under  the  Tudors,  267— 
268;  the  arbitrary,  of  James 
I,  292;  of  Charles  I,  305-307, 
309,  312-314;  curtailed,  322- 
323;  of  the  American  Colonies, 
515-520,  521 ;  Huskisson's  re- 
form of,  621-622 

Taylor,  Jeremy,  413 

Tea,  the  tax  on,  521,  527 

Telegraph,  the,  740 

Tel-el-Kebir,  battle  of,  782 

Telephone,  the,  740  note 

Telford,  Thomas,  634 

Temperance  revival,  the,  745 

Temple,  Richard,  Lord  Temple, 
496  note 

Temple,  Lord,  his  son,  573 

Tenant  farmers,  406,  555 

Tennyson,  Alfred,  732-733 

Tenths  and  fifteenths,  267 

Tenures,  see  Military 

Test  Act,  the,  374,  388,  624 

Testament,  see  New  Testament 

Test  and  Corporation  Acts,  468, 
624,  728 

Teutonic,  see  Germanic 

Tewkesbury,  battle  of,  177 

Thackeray,  William  Makepeace, 
735 

Thagi,  or  thugs,  suppression  of 
the,  785 

Thanet,  18,  23 

Theaters,  282-283  >  see  Drama 

Thegns,  47 

Theobald,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 108,  116,  126 

Theology,  106-107,  151,  413, 
556-558 

Thirty-nine  Articles,  the,  249, 
729 

Thirty  Years'  War,  the,  294-295, 
297-209,  351 

Thomas  of  Woodstock,  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  156,  158 

Thomson,  James,  564 

Thomson,  William,  Lord  Kelvin, 
740 

' '  Thorough , ' '  Wen  tworth  and 
Laud's  policy  of,  316  and  note 

Thrale,  Mrs.,  568 

Three-field  system,  42 

Thugs,  see  Thagi 

Ticonderoga,  500 

Tilak,  Mr.,  902 

Tilbury,  260 

Tilsit,  treaty  of,  602 

Times,  the  London,  founded,  640 


note;  Russell  special  corre- 
spondent of,  during  Crimean 
War,  685;  suit  of  Parnell 
against,  718;  demands 
better  machine  for  running  the 
War,"  867 

Tin  in  Britain,  10,  n 

Tinchebrai,  battle  of,  64 

Tipii,  Ruler  of  Mysore,  597 

Tirpitz,  Admiral,  812 

Tithe,  Saladin,  79 

Tithes,  English,  658-660;  Irish, 
538,  624,  654-656 

Toleration,  religious,  in  Utopia, 
201-202;  absence  of,  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  238;  or  in 
the  seventeenth,  302;  failure 
of  Charles  II  to  secure,  362-363, 
374;  and  of  James  II,  392,  394 

Toleration  Act,  the,  424-425 

Tone,  Wolfe,  593,  595 

Tonnage  and  poundage,  137,  267, 
307,  322 

Torbay,  William's  landing  at, 
396 

Torgau,  the  battle  of,  504 

Tories,  the  High  Church,  ap- 
proach the  Dissenters,  392; 
changed  attitude  of,  toward 
lawfulness  of  resistance,  395 ; 
see  High  Church 

"Torrens  Systerr  "  of  land  regis- 
tration, 770  and  note 

Tory  party,  the,  origin  of,  381 
and  note,  543-545;  reaction 
of,  against  William  III,  424; 
its  relations  to  William  III, 
439;  make-up  and  aims  of, 
446;  the  eclipse  of,  under  the 
first  two  Georges,  471,  473; 
return  of,  to  power  under 
George  III,  506;  French 
Revolution  and  the,  580;  re- 
formsof  the  Liberal,  62off.;  see 
Bolingbroke,  Pitt  the  younger 
Peel,  Disraeli,  Conservatives 
and  Liberal  Unionists 

Tostig,  Earl  of  Northumbria, 
39-40 

Towns,  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, 409;  see  Borough 

Townshend,  Charles,  Viscount, 
463,  467-468,  470,  471  note, 
476,  555 

Townshend,  General,  898,  899 

Townshend  Acts,  the,  521 

Townships,  Anglo-Saxon,  42,  43 

Towton,  battle  of  175 

Tractarian  movement,  see  Ox- 
ford movement 

Tracts  for  the  Times,  the,  729 

Trade,  Anglo-Saxon,  50,  51; 
Anglo-Norman,  60;  in  the 
twelfth  century,  86,  87 ;  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  107- 
109;  under  Edward  I,  II,  III, 


138-141;  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, 189-191;  under  the 
Tudors,  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, 224,  264,  269-275;  under 
James  I  and  Charles  I,  401- 
402;  during  the  Restoration, 
402;  rivalry  with  Germany, 
809-812;  control  of,  during 
World  War,  869-873 
Trade  Unionism,  667  and  note, 
748-749;  during  the  World 
War,  87T,  876-877 
Trading  companies,  under  Eliza- 
beth, 273-274;  justification 
for,  296,  401 
Trades  Disputes  Act,  the,  748- 

749 

Trafalgar,  battle  of,  601 
Transportation,       see       Canals, 
Steamboats,  arid   Steam   rail- 
ways 
Transportation  of  criminals,  see 

Australia. 

Transubstantiation,  227,  331; 
the  declaration  against,  621 , 
880;  see  also  Real  Presence 

Transvaal,  the,  see  Boer  War 

Travel,  in  Anglo-Saxon  times, 
50;  in  fourteenth  century,  145 ; 
in  seventeenth  century,  404; 
see  Stage  Coaches  and  Steam 
railways 

Treasons,  Statute  of,  131-132; 
punishment  for,  143 ;  Acts  of, 
of  Henry  VIII,  209;  Acts  of, 
under  Edward  VI,  231,  233; 
under  Elizabeth.  255;  new 
theories  0^321-322,  342;  see 
Casement 

Treason,  Act  regulating  trials  for, 
437 

Treasonable  Practices  Bill,  the, 
589 

Treasurer,  65 

Treasury  Agreement,  871,  876, 
877 

Treitschke,  Heinrich  von,  816 

Trent,  the  Council  of,  250 

Trent  affair,  the,  691 

Trial  by  battle,  55,  78 

Trial  by  jury,  77-78 

Tribe,  the,  n,  19,  32 

Triennial  Acts,  322,  437 

Trinoda  necessitas,  46 

Triple  Alliance,  (1716),  467; 
(1788),  583;  of  Germany, 
Austria,  and  Italy,  804,  822 

Trivium,  85 

Trollope,  Anthony,  736 

Trotsky,  849,  900  note 

Tudor,  Henry,  Duke  of  Rich- 
mond, see  Henry 

Tudor,  House  of,  basis  of  the  new 
absolutism  of,  183-184 

Tudor  monarchy,  strength  and 
weakness  of,  264-265 


940 


INDEX 


Tull,  Jethro,  554 

Tun-moot,  43 

Tunscipe,  see  township 

Turco-Italian  War,  the,  821 

Turkey,  Russia  at  war  with,  583 ; 
in  the  French  War,  598-599; 
Greece  revolts  from,  628-630; 
see  Crimean  War;  relations 
with  Great  Britain  in  the  last 
years  of  Victoria,  818-820; 
see  also  Russo-Turkish  War; 
Young  Turkish  Revolution  in, 
820;  in  Balkan  Wars,  821- 
822;  in  the  World  War,  839; 
in  Gallipoli,  839-842;  sur- 
renders, 853 ;  in  Egypt  and 
Palestine,  897-898;  in  Meso- 
potamia, 899-900 

Turner,  Joseph  Mallard,  640,  732 

Turnips,  the  cultivation  of,  403 
and  note,  554 

Turpin,  Dick,  567 

Tweed  River,  3 

Two-bottle  orthodox,  the,  728- 
729 

"Two-penny  Trash,"  see  Cob- 
bett 

Two  Power  standard,  the,  812, 
815 

Tyler,  Wat,  154-155 

Tyndale,  William,  216 

Tyne  River,  3 

Tyrconnel  (tercfln'nel),  the  Earl 
of,  see  Talbot,  Richard 

U 

Udall,  Nicholas,  281 

Uganda,  774 

Uitlanders,  the,  774,  776 

Ulster,  the  plantation  of,  291- 
292;  the  rebellion  in,  of  1641, 
324;  rebellion  of  1798  in,  sup- 
pressed, 592-595 ;  Tenant 
Right,  705;  beginning  of  op- 
position to  Home  Rule  in, 
716  and  note,  722;  growth  of 
the  opposition,  757-760;  coali- 
tion attitude  to,  881 ;  attitude 
of,  during  the  World  War, 
882-883,  885;  toward  the  Con- 
vention, 888-889;  as  a  factor 
in  the  problems,  889-890 

Ulster  Volunteers,  758,  885 

Undertakers,  292  and  note 

Unemployment,  insurance 

against,  747-74* 

Uniformity,  first  Act  of,  231-232 ; 
second  Act  of,  234;  the  Act 
of  Elizabeth,  245;  the  Act  of 
1662,  364-365 

Union,  the,  of  England  and  Ire- 
land, 595-S96 

Union  of  England  and  Scotland, 
project  for,  291;  brought 
about  in  1707,  451-453 


Union  of  South  Africa,  778-780 
Unitarians,  425  note 
United  Irishmen,  593-594 
United    Kingdom,    see   England 

and  Great  Britain 
United  Presbyterians,  730 
United  States,  the,  independence 
of,  acknowledged  by  England, 
540-541 ;  war  of  Great  Britain 
with,  608-610;  commercial 
relations  of,  with  Great  Britain 
improve  after  war  of  1812, 622; 
thwarts  European  intervention 
in  South  American  Republics, 
627,  628  and  note;  boundary 
disputes  adjusted  with,  674- 
675;  refuses  to  agree  to  "  Dec- 
laration of  Paris,"  687  note; 
British  relations  with,  during 
the  Civil  War,  690-692;  Eng- 
land estranged  by  Palmerston 
from,  700;  Fenian  movement 
in,  702-703 ;  Venezuela  dispute 
with,  723,  724;  British  im- 
migration to,  763;  attempted 
reciprocity  of,  with  Canada, 
767;  relations  with,  under 
Edward  VII  and  George  V,  767- 
768;  hi  the  World  War,  833, 
847,  849,  850-853,  850-861, 
874;  Irish  party  in,  884,  886 
Universities,  the,  rise  of,  84-85; 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  106- 
107;  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
147-148 ;  in  the  time  of  Henry 
VIII,  207-208,  227;  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  393,  405- 
406,  413-414,  416 
"University  Group,"  the,  of 
Elizabethan  dramatists,  281- 
282 

Uses,  Statutes  of,  214  note 
Usury,  legislation  against,  141- 
142,  187  and  note;  see  also  270 
Utilitarians,  the,  414,  646 
Utopia,  More's 

Utrecht,  the  Peace  of,  458-460 
Utrecht,  the  Union  of,  253-254 


Vacarius,  84  note 

Valentine,  Benjamin,  307-308 

Valera,  Eamon  De,  890 

Valhalla,  19 

Valley  Forge,  532 

Vancouver,  583   note,   675,    766 

note 

Van  Dieman's  Land,  769 
Vandyke,  420 

Vane,  Sir  Harry,  320,  361  note 
Vauban,  430 
Vauxhall,  412 
Vendome,  the  Duke  of,  451,  453, 

454 
Venezuela  boundary,  723-724 


Venizelos,  847 

Verdun,  845 

Vere,  Robert  de,  Earl  of  Oxford, 
156 

Vernon,  Admiral,  480-481 

Verona,  European  congress  at, 
627 

Versailles,  treaty  of,  541 

Verulam,  Baron,  see  Bacon,  Sir 
Francis 

Verulamium,  destruction  of,  13 

Veto  Act,  the,  730 

Veto,  the  royal,  223,  266,  516, 
761  and  note 

Vicegerent,  the,  see  Cromwell, 
Thomas 

Viceroy  of  India,  791 

Victoria,  Australia,  770 

Victoria,  Queen  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  and  Empress  of 
India,  early  life  and  accession 
of,  662;  Civil  List  of,  662- 
663  and  note ;  in  Bedchamber 
crisis,  663-664;  marriage  of, 
664-665;  opposed  to  national 
liberal  movement  in  Europe, 
680 ;  memorandum  to  Palmer- 
ston from,  681 ;  tries  to  inter- 
vene on  Austria's  behalf  in 
war  of  Italian  Unification,  689; 
in  Trent  affair,  691 ;  in  Schles- 
wig-Holstein  question,  694 ; 
Bismarck  repulses  mediation 
offer  of,  700,  709;  Disraeli's 
policy  toward,  701 ;  attitude 
toward  Gladstone  of,  ib. ;  aids 
passage  of  Gladstone's  dis- 
establishment bill,  704;  abol- 
ishes purchase  of  army  com- 
missions, 708;  her  mediation 
in  the  extension  of  the  fran- 
chise, 714;  her  Jubilee  of  1887, 
7*9,  763.  796;  death  and  esti- 
mate of,  724-725;  problems 
of  her  reign,  725;  excludes 
Prince  Albert  from  political 
activities,  752;  made  Empress 
of  India,  792 

Victoria,  Empress  of  Germany, 
694,  808  note 

Victorian  age,  661-662 ;  see  also 
art,  historians,  literature,  phi- 
losophers, poets,  prose,  and 
science 

Vienna,  Congress  of,  610, 612-613 

Villars,  Marshal,  454 

Villeins,  see  Serfs  and  Villenage 

Villenage,  59  and  note,  87,  94, 
109,  131,  142,  153,  155 

Villeneuve,  Admiral,  Nelson  de- 
feats, off  Trafalgar,  850  and 
note 

Villeroy,  Marshal,  449,  451 

Villiers,  George  (later  Duke 
of  Buckingham),  294;  journey 
to  Spain,  298;  adopts  aj  anti- 


INDEX 


941 


Spanish  policy,  298-299 ;  char- 
acter of,  303;  impeachment 
cf ,  304 ;  his  expedition  to  Rhe, 
304-305 ;  his  murder,  306-307 

Villiers,  George,  second  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  372-374 

Villiers,  George,  Earl  of  Claren- 
don, 682  note,  686 

Vimy  Ridge,  848 

Vindictive,  the,  862,  863 

Virgate,  43 

Virginia,  273 

Visitations,  see  Metropolitical 
and  Sheriffs 

Vittoria,  battle  of,  606 

Volta,  Alessandro,  739 

Volunteers,  the  Irish,  538  and 
note ;  the  Ulster,  758 

Vorbeck,  see  Lettow-Vorbeck 

Votes  for  women,  746,  880-881 
note 

Vulgate,  the,  216 

W 

Wade,  General  George,  486,  488 
Wagram,  battle  of,  605 
Wakefield,  battle  of,  173 
Wakefield,  Edward  Gibbon,  763, 

769,  771 

Wakes,  the  Somerset,  310 
Walcheren,  battle  of,  605 
Wales,    physical     features     and 
resources,  5;    conquest  of,  by 
Edward  1, 111-112;  Statuteof, 
or  Rhuddlan,  112;    revolt  of, 
against  Henry  IV,  162 ;   repre- 
sentation granted  to,  223  note; 
disestablishment  of  Church  in , 
7S7 
Wales,  Prince  of,  origin  of  title, 

112 
Wales  and  the  Marches,  Council 

of,  268-269,  323 

Wallace,  Alfred  Russel,  738  note 
Wallace,  Sir  William,  116,  117 
Wallingford,  treaty  of,  69 
Walpole,  Horace,  later  Earl  of 

Orford,  563 

Walpole  (wol'pole),  Sir  Robert, 
later  Earl  of  Oxford,  his  scheme 
for  reducing  the  debt,  469; 
settles  the  affairs  of  the  South 
Sea  Company,  471;  begin- 
ning of  his  ascendancy,  ib. ; 
his  character  and  policy, 
471-472;  becomes  Prime  and 
sole  Minister,  476;  his  excise, 
476-478;  his  pacific  policy, 
478-479;  his  attitude  toward 
the  War  of  Jenkins'  Ear,  479- 
481 ;  forced  out  of  office,  481 ; 
influence  of,  on  Cabinet,  545 ; 
created  Earl  of  Orford,  ib. 
Walsingham  (wfll'singham),  Sir 
Francis,  Secretary  of  State,  244 


Walter,  John,  640  note 

Walter  Map,  83-84 

Walton,  Izaak,  417 

War  of  the  Roses,  the,  opening 
of,  171-172;  the  course  of, 
172-177 ;  effect  on  the  nobility 
of,  183  and  note 

Warbeck,  Perkin,  184-185 

Wards  and  Liveries,  Court  of,  269 

Wardship,  feudal  incident  of,  58 

Warfare,  art  of,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  144;  innovations  in, 
in  World  War,  833-834 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  see  Neville, 
Dudley 

Washington,  destruction  of,  by 
British  troops,  609 

Washington,  George,  in  the 
Seven  Years'  War,  494;  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  Conti- 
nental Army,  530;  in  cam- 
paign of  1776,  531-532;  at 
Valley  Forge,  532;  hardships 
of  army  of,  536;  receives  sur- 
render of  Cornwallis,  ib. 

Washington,  the   treaty  of,  719 

Water  frame,  the,  see  Arkwright 

Waterloo,  campaign  of,  611-612 

Watling  Street,  31 

Watt,  James,  development  of 
steam  engine,  551-552 

Watts,  George  Frederick,  744 

Waverley  Novels,  see  Scott,  Sir 
Walter 

Wavre,  611-612 

Wealth,  increase  of,  in  the  nine- 
teenth century,  744 

Wealth  of  Nations,  see  Smith, 
Adam 

Wedderburn,  Alexander,  later 
Lord  Loughborough,  527 

Wedgwood,  Josiah,  551 

Wedmore,  peace  of,  31 

Weekly  Political  Register,  see 
Cobbett 

Wei-hai-Wei,  807 

Wellesley  (we'ls'ley),  Sir  Arthur, 
Duke  of  Wellington,  in  the 
Peninsular  Campaign,  603- 
606 ;  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 
610  and  note;  in  Waterloo 
Campaign,  610-612;  becomes 
Prime  Minister,  623 ;  Catholic 
Emancipation  passed  under 
Ministry  of,  624-625 ;  doom 
of  Ministry  of,  626;  at  Con- 
gress of  Verona,  627;  atti- 
tude and  policy  of,  in  Greek 
revolt,  629;  recognizes  Louis 
Philippe,  630;  resignation  of 
Ministry  of,  647 ;  attempts  to 
form  Ministry  during  Reform 
Bill  agitation,  652;  furthers 
Corn  Law  repeal,  672;  meas- 
ures of,  against  Chartist  agi- 
tation, 678 


Wellesley,  Richard,  successively 
Lord  Mornington,  Marquis 
Wellesley,  597,  785 

Welsh  Church,  disestablishment 
of,  757  note 

Wentworth,  Sir  Thomas  (later 
Earl  of  Strafford),  character  of, 
303 ;  his  "apostasy,"  306-307 ; 
his  rule  in  Ireland,  315-316; 
advises  Charles  to  summon 
an  English  Parliament,  316; 
created  Earl  of  Strafford,  ib. ; 
advises  arbitrary  methods, 
316-317;  impeachment  and 
execution  of,  321-322 

Wergeld,  44 

Wesley,  Charles,  557 

Wesley,  John,  557-558 

Wesleyan  revival,  557,  558,  727 

West  Australia,  769-700  and  note 

West  Florida,  541 

West  Indies,  509,  514,  534,  536, 
see  Slavery  and  Jamaica 

Westminster,  Provisions  of,  102, 
103;  Statutes  of,  119,  120- 
121 ;  peace  of,  375  note;  see 
London,  treaty  of 

Westminster  Abbey,  103,  107, 
"3 

Westminster  Assembly,  the,  332- 
333 

"Westminster  Scrutiny,"  the, 
574 

Westphalia,  the  peace  of,  351 

West  Saxons,  the,  21,  29-30 

Wexford,  rebellion  in,  594-595 

Wheeler,  General,  789 

Whig  party,  the,  origin  and  rise 
of,  3/6, 3j*;  and  note,  382,343, 
3445  reverse  of  the,  at  the 
close  of  the  exclusion  struggle, 
382-383 ;  relations  of,  to 


by  Anne,  45*5-46  7;  advan- 
tages  of,  in  the  struggle  over 
the  Hanoverian  succession, 
460;  factions  of  ,  under  George 
II  and  George  III,  *6 
North  breaks  power  of, 
Pitt  routs,  5*3-5/4, 
French  Revolution  and  the, 
586;  split  in  the,  1791, 


6*3-6*7:  rally  to  cause  of 
Queen  Caroline,  619;  identi- 
fied with  movement  for  parlia- 


(.40-047; 


^w«fttaty_-f^e«n, 
carry  Reform  £U1  of 
653  i  iu-faot  niotmeA- 


;  change  of  name, 
ib.;  .advocates  iaissrs-faire  in 
industry,  656;  attitude  of, 
toward  Victoria  upon  her 
accession,  662;  advocate  free 


942 


INDEX 


in  Coalition  Minis- 
try, 682;  Disraeli  opposed  to 
commercial  aristocracy  of,  700; 
see  also  Liberal  party 
Whip  with  six  strings,  the,  216- 
217,  219,  231;  see  also  Articles 
of  Faith 

Whistler,  James  McNeill,  744 
Whitby,  Synod  of,  triumph,  25 
White,  General  Sir  George,  77 
White  Book,  German,  825 
Whiteboys,  the,  538 
Whitefield,  George,  557-538 
Whitefriars,  411 
Whitehall,  342,  411 
Whiteley  Report,  878-879 
Whitgift,    John,    Archbishop    of 

Canterbury,  256 

Wiclif,  John,  career  and  activities 

of,  135-136;    development  of 

views,  and  influence  of,  150- 

152;    attitude  toward  Peasant 

Revolt,  154;   Bible  of,  164— 216 

Wigs,  discarded  in  England,  641  j 

Wilfrid,  leader  of  Roman  party 

at  Whitby,  25 
Wilkes,  Captain,  in  Trent  affair, 

691 

Wilkes,  John,  510-512,  522 
William,  Fort,  see  Calcutta 
William  I  (the  Conqueror),  Duke 
of  the  Normans,  visits  Eng- 
land, 38;  declared  heir  of 
Edward  the  Confessor,  39; 
claims  the  Crown,  39-40; 
victory  at  Hastings,  40-41 ; 
captures  London  and  crowned 
King,  53 ;  disposal  of  lands  of 
conquered,  puts  down  risings 
and  wastes  vale  of  York,  53-54 ; 
quells  a  rising  of  the  Earls,  54; 
method  of  keeping  down  dif- 
ferent classes  of  his  subjects, 
ib. ;  relations  with  the  Church. 
54-55,  72;  his  laws,  55-56; 
orders  Domesday  Survey,  56; 
last  years  and  death,  56-57; 
introduces  feudal  tenures  into 
England,  57-58;  brings  jury 
system  to  England,  77; 
charter  to  London,  85 
William  II  (Rufus),  character  and 
policy,  61-62;  his  rule,  62-63 
William  of  Orange,  Stadholder 
of  the  Dutch,  later  William  III 
of  England,  marries  Mary,  376 ; 
the  English  begin  to  look  to, 
388;  sends  Dykevelt  to  Eng- 
land, 392-393;  invited  to 
England,  395 ;  issues  a  Decla- 
ration and  sails  for  England, 
395-396;  lands  at  Torbay, 
396;  arrives  in  London,  397; 
calls  a  convention  which 
chooses  him  and  Mary  as  joint 
sovereigns,  398-399;  signifi- 
cance of  his  reign,  423;  re- 


action against,  423-424;  works 
for  toleration,  424-425 ;  dissat- 
isfied with  the  revenue  settle- 
ment, 425-426;  victor  at  the 
Boyne,  427-428;  opposition  of 
the  Scots  to,  429;  sanctions 
the  massacre  of  Glencoe,  430; 
forms  an  alliance  against 
France,  430;  his  succession 
of  defeats,  431-432;  plot  to 
assassinate,  434;  arranges  the 
peace  of  Ryswick,  435;  forms 
a  Whig  Cabinet,  438-439,  544- 
545 ;  quarrels  with  Parliament, 
439-440;  arrangjs  the  Parti- 
tion Treaties,  442;  forms  the 
Grand  Alliance,  443 ;  death 
and  character  of,  443-444 
William  IV,  King  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  personal 
traits  of,  645 ;  attitude  toward 
parliamentary  reform,  647- 
652;  accepts  resignation  of 
Melbourne,  658 ;  death  of,  660 
William  I,  German  Emperor,  709 
William  II,  German  Emperor, 
his  accession  and  early  policies, 
804-805;  asserts  himself  in 
Morocco,  807-808,  820-821; 
attitude  of,  to  England,  808; 
attitude  of,  to  Hague  Con- 
ference, 813;  toward  naval 
program,  812,  814,  815;  his 
utterances,  813,  816,  817; 
Eastern  policy  of,  818-819; 
"in  shining  armor,"  820,  826; 
in  the  negotiations  leading  to 
the  World  War,  824;  his 
abdication,  852;  to  be  called 
to  account,  881 

William  (the  Silent),  of  Orange, 
250-251,  254-255  and  note,  257 
William  Augustus,  Duke  of  Cum- 
berland, 486-487,  499 
William  FitzOsbert  (Longbeard), 

82 

William,  Lord  Latimer,  134-135 
William  Longchamp,  80-81 
William  Marshall,  Earl  of  Pem- 
broke, Regent  of  England,  98 
William  of  Malmesbury,  61 
William  of  Newburgh,  83 
Willoughby,  Sir  Hugh,  271 
Wills,  see  Probate 
Wilmot,  John,  Earl  of  Rochester, 

360 

Wilson,  President,  768,  860 
Winchester,  court  school  at,  32 
Winchester,  Statute  of,  119-120 
Winchester  Fair,  108 
Wireless  telegraphy,  740  note 
Wishart  (wish'art),  George,  242 
Witchcraft,  106,  277,  407-408 
Wite,  44 

Witenagemot,  46 
Woden,  19 
Wolfe,  General  James,  499-501 


Wolseley,  Marshal  Garnet,  Lord 
Wolseley,  77  note,  783  ' 

Wolsey,  Thomas,  Cardinal, 
and  Archbishop  of  York,  rise 
of,  195-196;  concludes  the 
Treaty  of  Universal  Peace, 
196;  vain  attempts  to  secure 
the  Papacy,  197-198;  his 
policy  of  alliance  with  the 
Emperor,  197 ;  unpopularity 
of  his  subsidy  and  of  his 
amicable  loan,  197-198;  atti- 
tude toward  the  New  Learning, 
202 ;  his  share  in  the  divorce  of 
Henry  VIII  and  Catharine, 
203-204;  fall  and  death  of, 
204-205 ;  dissolves  some 
smaller  monasteries,  211 

Women,  legislation  regulating  of 
employment  of,  670;  condi- 
tion of,  in  the  nineteenth 
century,  746,  see  Votes  for 

Wool,  act  for  burying  in,  401  ; 
trade,  138-140,  191,  27^  273 

Woolsack,  the,  273  note 

Worcester  (woos'ter),  battle  os. 
347 

Wordsworth,  William,  636-637, 
73° 

Workingman's  Association,  the, 
667 

Workmen's  Compensation  Acts, 
747 

Wren,  Christopher,  420-421 

Writs,  legal,  78 

Wyatt,  Sir  Thomas,  the  poet,  228 

Wyatt's  Rebellion,  237 


Yeomen,  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
188;  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, 406;  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  555 

York,  vale  of,  wasted  by  William 

I,  S3,  54 
York,    Dukes    of,    see    Edward, 

Frederick     Augustus,    George 

James,  Richard 
York,  House  of,  causes  of  triumph 

of,  175;    causes  of  fall  of,  181 
Yorktown,    surrender    of    Lord 

Cornwallis  at,  536 
Young,  Arthur,  554,  635 
Young,  Edward,  564 
Young  England  Party,  the,  669, 

700 

Young  Ireland  Party,  the,  677 
Young  Turks,  820 
Yprcs,  838,  844 


Zamindars,  787 
Zanzibar,  774 
Zeebrugge,  838,  862-863 
Zukunft,  see  Harden 
Zulu  War,  the,  773 
Zwingli,  Ulrich,  202,  231 


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